Natasha Akpoti was just a woman like Benazir Bhutto. Benazir, was a passionate, brilliant woman who loved her country, her people, her family and friends. She was the daughter of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistani Prime Minister who was execution by the state of Pakistan. It’s difficult to describe Benazir Bhutto in words. She was a woman of so many faces; she was so many things to so many different people.

Sometimes, I still look back and find myself humbled by the thought that I had created a ‘look’ for such an empowering woman, a great amazon and iconic global figure. As time progressed, Benazir became more than just a politician – she was an inspiration to many of us who desire a decent society and detest violence. Sadly, the assassination of Benazir Bhutto which took place on 27 December 2007 in Rawalpindi, Pakistan. It was a tragic end of the great Amazon.

Benazir Bhutto profoundly posited: “You can imprison a man, but not an idea. You can exile a man, but not an idea.” “Ultimately, leadership is about the strength of one’s convictions, the ability to endure the punches, and the energy to promote an idea.” These are some of her profound statements (quotes).

Eight years after fleeing into exile, Benazir Bhutto returned to Pakistan in October 2007 to contest elections in which she had a strong chance of becoming prime minister again. Both her supporters and her family’s old enemies were prepared. There comes the first female prime minister of Pakistan, a rival of General Pervez Musharraf, and an important role model for Malala. Benazir Bhutto is a talented and charismatic politician who uses her influence to fight for women’s rights, and claims that she will fight the forces of religious extremism in her country.

In her own world, Natasha Hadiza Akpoti, a Nigerian politician and lawyer who serves as a member of the 10th Nigeria National Assembly representing Kogi Central Senatorial District since 2023. She is the first elected female senator in Kogi State. Ironically, events in the past few weeks characterized by nostalgia evoke the sad memories of the dark era of which the global world rise to condemned.

Natasha on Tuesday alleged that Senate President Godswill Akpabio contracted the former governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, to commence her recall and assassination. Speaking during her homecoming rally on Tuesday, April 1, Akpoti-Uduaghan told her supporters that although the alleged plot was not publicly revealed, she had officially reported the matter to the Inspector General of Police.

Detailing the events, she alleged that Akpabio had initially contacted Kogi Governor Usman Ododo, urging him to begin her recall process. When Ododo reportedly declined, citing her strong grassroots support, Akpabio allegedly reached out to Bello, promising to fund the recall effort. Against all odds, she stormed her constituency in a chopper, defying warnings by the police, state governor, and a curfew declared in her local government to stop her from coming home.

Historically significant, it has been established that, we have a proactive governments and security forces when it comes to moving against opposition elements and innocent citizens who are demanding for their fundamental rights and responsive leadership, but a sleeping one when its banditry, insurgency, criminal herdsmen killings and other criminal issues.

In conclusion, the world is tired of the dark era of politically motivated assassinations. Aside from the fact that this is an extremely stupid thing to do. Nevertheless, the memories of the past ugly examples are there to put us in check. Apart from the example of Benazir Bhutto, the sad memories of many others including that of Chief James Ajibola Ige (Bola Ige) who was shot to death right in his home at Bodija in Ibadan at 8:30pm evening of Sunday 23, December 2001 are clear examples of politically motivated assassinations.

Finally, it seems that, there are far too many leaders who are useless for peace and in creating a world working together and cooperating for the good of everyone, rather than deliberately creating tension and threats of aggression and war; invariably for self aggrandizement while exacerbating the self-centred, corruptive attitude of the few power drunk elements which signposts political intolerance and abuse of power.

Bukayo Saka made a sensational return for Arsenal on Tuesday, scoring in a 2-1 win over Fulham after a three-month spell on the sidelines.

Saka, 23, hadn’t featured for Arsenal since injuring his hamstring at Crystal Palace just before Christmas, with the England star forced into surgery and a rehabilitation programme.

But he came off the bench in the 66th minute to a raucous ovation from the Emirates crowd and then netted Arsenal’s second goal of the night with a cushioned header at the back post after a neat flick on from Gabriel Martinelli.

“The reception speaks for itself,” Saka’s teammate Declan Rice said after the game. “That’s why he’s one of the best wingers in the world, because he attacks the box and sniffs the goal. You take them, he’s in the right position at the right time and topped off a great night for him and for us.

“He gives us an outlet. All of our front players are so different and rotate so well. With Bukayo back it’s a real boost.”

The second-place Gunners were all over Fulham in the opening half and finally took the lead in the 37th minute with a strike from Mikel Merino.

[Leadership]

•Apex bank insists it is at 3-year high

Nigeria’s net foreign exchange reserves (NFER) was $23.11 billion at the end of last year, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has said. The value is $15.6 billion short of the current gross reserves, which are currently at $38.7 billion, a slight slip from the $40.2 billion it closed last year.

There may be a material difference between the real-term value and what it was three months ago. Yet, the peg has laid to rest the speculation that Nigeria might have carried on with negative NFER in the face of the protracted FX crisis. Still, the CBN said the net value is at its highest in over three years.

The apex bank, yesterday, said the feat achieved as of the end of 2024 reflects a substantial improvement in the country’s external liquidity, reduced short-term obligations and renewed investor confidence.

According to the CBN, the figure was a remarkable increase from $3.99 billion at 2023 ending, $8.19 billion in 2022 and $14.59 billion in 2021. NFER adjusts gross reserves to account for near-term liabilities such as FX swaps and forward contracts.

It is widely regarded as a more accurate indicator of the foreign exchange buffers available to meet immediate external obligations. A few years ago, there was apprehension that Nigeria’s net FX reserve would have slipped into negative territory. The CBN, then, kept mute over the actual figure.

Last year at the World Bank/International Monetary Fund (IMF) general meeting in Washington DC, the apex bank’s boss, Yemi Cardoso, promised that his team would, beginning from last quarter, start disclosing the NFER as part of its commitment to full disclosure and transparency.

Gross external reserves also increased to $40.19 billion, compared to $33.22 billion at the close of 2023, the bank argued. The bank noted that the increase in reserves reflects a combination of its strategic measures, including a deliberate and substantial reduction in short-term foreign exchange liabilities – notably swaps and forward obligations.

It added that the strengthening was also spurred by policy actions to rebuild confidence in the FX market and increase reserve buffers, along with recently improved foreign exchange inflows – particularly from non-oil sources.

It further disclosed that the result is a stronger and more transparent reserves position that better equips Nigeria to withstand external shocks. The expansion occurred even as the CBN continued to reduce short-term liabilities, thereby improving the overall quality of the reserve position.

In his comment on the achievement, the governor of the CBN, Yemi Cardoso, said: “This improvement in our net reserves is not accidental; it is the outcome of deliberate policy choices aimed at rebuilding confidence, reducing vulnerabilities and laying the foundation for long-term stability. We remain focused on sustaining this progress through transparency, discipline, and market-driven reforms.”

The CBN hinted that reserves would continue to strengthen in 2025.

While the first quarter figures reflected some seasonal and transitional adjustments, including significant interest payments on foreign-denominated debt, underlying fundamentals remain intact, and reserves are expected to continue improving over the second quarter of this year.

Going forward, the CBN said it anticipates a steady uptick in reserves, underpinned by improved oil production levels, and a more supporting export growth environment expected to boost non-oil FX earnings and diversify external inflows.

“The CBN remains committed to prudent reserve management, transparent reporting and macroeconomic policies that support a stable exchange rate, attract investment and build long-term resilience,” it stated

[Guardian]

A reporter and author, Jonathan Allen on Tuesday alleged that former United States, US, President, Barack Obama secretly worked against former Vice President Kamala Harris.

Allen, a senior reporter with NBC News, alleged that Obama worked against Harris after former President Joe Biden dropped out.

In an interview with MSNBC, Allen claimed that Obama advocated for an open primary because he didn’t think Harris could win.

“President Obama absolutely did not think that Joe Biden should continue, according to our sources close to President Obama.

“And he also didn’t want Kamala Harris to be the replacement for Biden. He didn’t think that she was the best choice for Democrats, and he worked really behind the scenes for a long time to try to have a mini-primary, or an open convention, or a mini-primary leading to an open convention, did not have faith in her ability to win the election.

“As it turned out, she didn’t win, but he was really working against her,” he claimed.

Harris, a Democrat had emerged as the party’s presidential candidate after Biden stepped down from running for a second term.

Despite Allen’s allegations, Obama had openly endorsed and campaigned for Harris to emerge as president ahead of Donald Trump.

[DailyPost]

Oil wells’ licensees that have failed to initiate drilling operations in the last 30 years risk losing such licenses.

They will as well lose ownership of the facilities under the “drill or drop” provisions of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) 2021.

The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Oil) Senator Heineken Lokpobiri, made this known while speaking at the Cross Industry Group (CIG) Meeting held in Florence, Italy, organised by international oil companies (IOCs) operating in Nigeria. He said any proactive government will revoke the licenses for undeveloped assets and reallocate them to those willing and ready to drill them.

He urged industry players to explore collaborative measures such as shared resources for contiguous assets, farm-outs, and the release of underutilised assets to operators ready to invest in production.

According to his spokesman Nneamaka Okafor, the minister added that the decision to enforce the “drill or drop” in the PIA 2021, is in line with the Federal Government’s drive to boost production.

 “We cannot continue to have assets sitting idle for 20 to 30 years without development. If you are not utilising an asset and it remains underdeveloped for decades, it neither adds value to your books nor to us as a country.

“We encourage industry players to explore collaborative measures such as shared resources for contiguous assets, farm-outs, and the release of underutilised assets to operators ready to invest in production. Otherwise, like any responsible government, we will take back these assets and allocate them to those willing to go to work,” Lokpobiri said.

The minister also urged operators to consider farm-out agreements where assets are close to existing infrastructure, rather than incurring high costs on new Floating Production Storage and Offloading (FPSO) units.

He urged IOCs operating in Nigeria to ramp up investments in the country’s oil and gas sector, emphasising that the administration of President Bola Tinubu had provided every necessary incentive to ensure seamless and profitable operations.

Lokpobiri noted that while IOCs have pointed to engineering, procurement and construction (EPC) contractors as a challenge, EPCs will only commit when they see strong investment decisions from industry players.

“The government has done its part by providing the requisite and investment-friendly fiscal policies, including the President’s Executive Order incentivising deepwater investments.  Now, the ball is in the court of the IOCs and other operators to make strategic investment decisions that will drive increased production and sustainability in the sector,” the Minister stated.

He further emphasised the need for IOCs to support local refining efforts, noting that more refineries are coming on stream and will require a steady supply of crude oil.

To make this easy and possible, he stressed that ramping up production will enable Nigeria to meet both local and international obligations.

The Chairman of the Oil Producers Trade Section (OPTS), Osagie Osunbor, commended the Minister for his direct engagement with industry players and for the Federal Government’s continued efforts in advancing the sector.

“We appreciate the government’s commitment to creating a conducive environment for investment. The Minister’s engagement has provided critical insights and has also challenged us as industry players to step up efforts to increase production,” Osunbor stated.

The Federal Government, he said, remains committed to ensuring a thriving oil and gas industry and expects operators to match its commitment by making tangible investment decisions that will drive growth, sustainability, and national energy security.

[TheNation]

The earliest form of governance system is the monarchy. Even the Holy Books confirm this. That is why in Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and many countries in the Middle East, they are still ruled by kings. England, Spain, and Morocco are still ruled by kings. In the traditional and pre-colonial Nigeria, all the communities, towns and villages were governed by traditional rulers-kings and queens. There was Queen Amina of Zauzau, King Jaja of Opobo, Oba of Benin, Alaafin of Oyo and Ooni of Ife, to mention but a few. These kings perform the executive, legislative and judicial functions with the support of their kingmakers and palace chiefs.

For instance, the Alaafin of Oyo heads the old Oyo Empire that covers most of South-West Nigeria down to Dahomey in the present Benin Republic.  The empire’s military is under the Aare-Ona-Kakanfo (Generalissimo), who is answerable to the Alaafin. The Oyomesi and Ogboni assisted the Alaafin in the performance of the legislative and judicial functions. The empire had prisons called Tubu where those convicted of crimes served their prison terms. There was also an effective tax system. Vassal communities pay Isakole to the Alaafin, and failure to pay may lead to war being declared on such communities. Any Alaafin who commits an abominable act could be asked by the Oyomesi to compulsorily commit suicide by opening a sacred calabash. This well-structured governance system was the reason the colonial masters decided to adopt indirect rule in Northern Nigeria and Yorubaland. It was only in the South-East, especially Igboland, that the colonialists decided to adopt direct rule.

One of the major side effects of the pre-colonial rulership system was the recurring inter-tribal and inter-ethnic wars as empires embarked on an expansionist agenda, wanting to conquer more territories to increase their economic prosperity. This act of aggression is often resisted, and rebellion became the order of the day within the empires, whether it was the Kanem-Borno or Oyo Empires. Slave raiding and trading were also a prominent feature of the pre-colonial traditional governance systems. But for the coming of the British colonialists, many towns and villages currently in existence would have been wiped out by bigger ones. It was the colonialists who brought all traditional governance systems under their control, which moderates the influence of big towns over the small ones. Where would Aawe, Fiditi, Iroko, Akinmorin and smaller towns around Oyo have been if not for the moderating influence of modern governance systems?

Recall that Ile-Ife attempted to subdue Modakeke for many years. Online sources said, “Historians have described the crisis between Ile-Ife and Modakeke as one of the oldest intra-ethnic conflicts in Nigeria. Seven major violent clashes have been recorded between them in 1835-1849, 1882-1909, 1946-1949, 1981, 1983, 1997-1998, and 2000.” Likewise, the Kiriji War, also known as the Ekiti-Parapo War, was a 16-year-long civil war (1877-1893) between Yoruba sub-ethnic kingdoms, primarily pitting Ibadan against the Ekiti-Parapo confederation. All these wars were fought on the orders of their respective traditional rulers. Before the declaration of any war, there is usually an aroko, which are totems sent by the oba of the town that wants to declare war on the oba of other towns to be attacked.

Interesting thing about kingship is that those who belong to royal families enjoy special privileges. They are referred to as having blue blood and are served by the people of the town. The king, his household and his clan live large at the expense of their respective communities. They do not have to work but are rather fed, served and honoured by their people. This is why ascension to the royal throne is often acrimonious, as princes from the royal families sometimes apply the Machiavellian principle of “end justifying the means” in the bid for the throne. Though in many communities Ifa oracle is consulted by the kingmakers in the selection of a new king in Yorubaland, despite that, as is recently with the case of the newly installed Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Abimbola Akeem Owoade, litigation, strife and spiritual attacks are still used as weapons by losers against the winner.

Quite unfortunately, the enthronement of royal fathers has been greatly politicised as divination has been waved aside. Even if the oracle chooses any king now, the governor of the state has the final say, as he is the one to give a certificate and royal staff of office before such a king can be coronated and recognised. Aside from politics, the financial inducement of the kingmakers is now frequently cited as the major influence in the choice of modern kings. The throne now goes to the highest bidder. Perhaps except Ibadan town, whose ascendancy to the throne is based on a long queue of aspirants from the ruling houses.

While it is true that subjugating kingship under state and local government control has diminished the esteem and influence of modern kings, I dare say it is highly desirable because if not so, inter-tribal conflict would not have ceased. Imagine that as recently as last month (March 2025), there was still a communal rift among Ilobu, Ifon and Erin Osun, where the Osun State governor had to impose a curfew and threatened to depose the monarchs of the towns if they failed to maintain peace.

Talking about dethronement, that is another weapon the political class has been using against any monarch who is perceived to be against their government. That is what is playing out in Kano currently between Emir Aminu Ado-Bayero and Sanusi Lamido Sanusi. Indeed, during the colonial rule, the British colonialists deposed Oba Ovonramwen Nogbaisi of the Benin Kingdom as well as King Jaja of Opobo. The Western Region government deposed the late Alaaafin of Oyo, Oba Raji Adeniran Adeyemi. He became Alaafin in 1945 and was deposed and exiled in 1954, 10 years later, for sympathising with the National Council of Nigerian Citizens. King Dosunmu of Lagos was also deposed and had to relocate to Epe before he later regained the throne. The Alake of Egbaland, Oba Ladapo Ademola, who ruled between 1920 and 1962, was exiled between 1948 and 1950, following the popular women’s uprising against taxation, led by Mrs Funmilayo Ransom-Kuti. However, Oba Ademola regained his throne.

The Zarki of Arigidi-Akoko, Oba Olanipekun, was a minister without portfolio under the Akintola government in the Western Region. The rift between the Action Group and the Nigerian National Democratic Party polarised his town. The monarch was alleged to have taken sides with a political tendency. His people revolted, and the king went into exile. But 25 years later, he returned to his throne. Similar to that was that of Olowo of Owo, Oba Olateru Olagbegi, who was dethroned by the Western Region government and came back to the throne 25 years later.

Is kingship still relevant in Nigeria? Yes. This is because they are the custodians of our culture and tradition. They are supposed to be the embodiment of societal mores and values. Though their function is largely ceremonial now, they are still needed as they play vital roles in settling family disputes, squabbles and maintenance of law and order at the grassroots. I sincerely believe that there should be a constitutional role for them with appropriate guidelines and a code of ethics. It is unfortunate that some traditional rulers are morally bankrupt and sometimes collude with criminal elements to terrorise their communities; nonetheless, with a proper code of conduct, such fifth columnists can be weeded out.

Those within Nigeria’s petroleum sector who are working in the interest of Western international monopoly capital to foil the naira-for-petroleum deal President Bola Tinubu offered domestic petroleum refiners should be fished out of the system really quickly.

And they are not all too difficult to identify.

Someone, whose name does not readily come to mind now, is quoted to have said that Nigeria’s political elite, equivalents of fifth columnists, are no more than custodians of Nigeria’s wealth on behalf of foreign interests.

No sooner had President Tinubu given the naira-for-petroleum directive to Nigeria National Petroleum Company Limited than some of those unpatriotic economic saboteurs quickly jumped out to remind Nigerians that petroleum is an “international citizen” that can only be traded in the US dollar.

They may need to be reminded that America had pledged to ensure that the House of Saud would forever rule Saudi Arabia if they could convince other members of the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries cartel to adopt the dollar-for-petroleum payment scheme for the international petroleum trade.

Indeed, there is nothing sacrosanct about the dollar-for-petroleum option. Any other currency is eligible for petroleum trading. The naira-for-petroleum option that President Tinubu introduced into Nigeria is equally viable. And it should significantly contribute to strengthening the naira if it is extended to foreign buyers of Nigeria’s high-grade Brent crude.

This is how it will work: To buy Nigeria’s crude or refined petroleum, buyers must first buy the naira (from the Central Bank of Nigeria) and use it to pay for commodities from NNPCL. That way, Nigeria will still have the dollars that can be used to pay for its imports.

Additionally, the increased demand should strengthen the naira. After all, the law of supply and demand, the foundation of Western economic theory, postulates that increased demand should increase the price of a commodity, all things being equal.

It is regrettable that members of the Technical Sub-Committee, whom the President charged with the administration of the deal, could not work out a long-term template within the initial six-month trial period that was given to them.

It is true that President Tinubu, who met the petrol pump price at N195 per litre, unnecessarily announced that “fuel subsidy is gone”, and thus raised the pump price to N557 the day after his inauguration. It went further up, to as much as N1,184 and beyond in the black market. And the cost of everything else rose to dizzying heights.

But when his directive that NNPCL should sell petroleum to local refineries in naira took off on October 1, 2024, Dangote Refinery, the major beneficiary of the naira-for-petroleum deal, was able to initiate a steady drop in the price of petrol just before Christmas in 2024.

Within three months, the price tumbled from N970 to N870, to N825, to N815, which is N70 lower than the landing cost of imported petrol, whose price increased by N88. This got the dander of the “secret agents” of international monopoly capital up, and they began to look for ways to surreptitiously end the deal.

They probably thought that if Dangote Refinery continued that trend, the price of petrol could further drop to N500, or even lower, in 2025. Dangote Refinery, which is neither Father Christmas nor the Red Cross, would not have been shaving the price of petrol if it were running at a loss.

This suggests that it has always been possible to produce and sell petrol at a price lower than what NNPCL has always offered. It is just that those who have been running NNPCL have either been incompetent or insensitive to the plight of the poor masses of Nigeria.

Those running NNPCL, which has been doing its business by generally spewing half-truths and illusions, lately hugging media attention to announce that they are finally running NNPCL’s Port Harcourt and Warri refineries, must be more adroit in meeting their obligations.

They did not need the Petroleum Products Retail Outlet Owners Association of Nigeria to announce that (one of) the Port Harcourt refineries, which had been idle for 20 years, has been steadily producing petroleum products in the past 180 days.

Despite the antiseptics of the propaganda sandpapering, the people at NNPCL still felt the heat and the shame of their loss of the market to Dangote Refineries, so much that they had to find a way to hamper the operations of a refinery in which they have as much as 7.2 per cent stake.

Industry watchers say that, from the inception of the deal, NNPCL had consistently failed to provide Dangote Refinery with 350,000 barrels of petroleum per day as the President had directed. At best, they only supplied 120,000 barrels per day. By February 2025, they had halted the supply completely.

Obviously, someone is running rings around the President, who is the Minister of Petroleum Resources. Somehow, those with the responsibility to run the project could not work with a template for the whole six months of the trial.

They probably endured President Tinubu’s naira-for-petroleum deal with the hope that they would gleefully report how it could not work and must end. In their usual lying manner, they have started to manufacture a device to invent the next spin.

The Nigeria Upstream Petroleum Regulatory Commission, which should have been supervising the scheme in the first place, is reported to be asking the Technical Sub-Committee, a special-purpose vehicle, to make suggestions on how to sustain the deal.

The depressing news is that the meeting between the Technical Sub-Committee on the naira-for-petroleum deal and Dangote Refinery was stalled because NUPRC (expectedly) failed to provide a way to perform an assignment that its “simulated” incompetence caused in the first place.

In the end, Dangote Refinery thought up a wise and diplomatic way to tell Nigerians that the deal of selling its petrol for naira is off because its deal to buy petroleum for naira from NNPCL is off. Nigeria’s economic saboteurs finally got around to botching the President’s idea of regularly providing petrol to Nigerians whilst also strengthening the naira.

Now, Nigerians can only expect to pay more for petrol. Indeed, almost immediately after Dangote Refinery announced that the prices of its products would rise because the naira-for-petroleum deal had collapsed, the pump price of petrol jumped to N930 in Lagos and N970 in parts of Northern Nigeria.

Understandably, PETROAN, which dreads the sale of petroleum products in dollars, has weighed in, calling on the government “to ensure that all transactions within the country are conducted in the local currency, the naira, to protect the economy and the welfare of Nigerians”.

The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission should begin to enforce Sections 20(1) and 20(5) of the CBN Act, which respectively provide that only currency issued by the CBN shall be legal tender in Nigeria and that no one can refuse to accept the naira for economic transactions in Nigeria.

Though other currencies shall be acceptable for bona fide tourists and for CBN’s foreign exchange trading and approved foreign exchange transactions, even as the Senate is said to be considering a bill to outlaw the use of foreign currency in Nigeria.

President Tinubu and NNPCL Chairman, Pius Akinyelure, should not rely on the petroleum sector bureaucrats but use their private sector experiences to return the naira-for-petroleum deal in the interest of Nigerians.

The Executive Secretary of the International Supreme Council for Peace Africa, Ambassador Simeon Uwah, has highlighted the remarkable sacrifice made by former President Goodluck Jonathan in conceding defeat during the 2015 general elections.

Uwah described Jonathan’s decision as one of the most defining moments of democratic maturity in Africa.

In the 2015 general elections, Jonathan made history by conceding defeat to former President Muhammadu Buhari in a fiercely contested race.

This unprecedented act stunned Nigerians and captured the attention of the world.

Speaking to journalists in Uyo on Monday, exactly 10 years after the event, Uwah emphasised that Jonathan’s decision to peacefully hand over power serves as a valuable lesson for African leaders who, in times of turmoil, choose to cling to power rather than prioritise peace.

“On March 31, 2015, exactly 10 years ago today, former Nigerian President Goodluck Jonathan made history by conceding defeat to Muhammadu Buhari after a fiercely contested presidential election,” Uwah said. “In an era where political leaders across Africa often resort to violence, electoral disputes, or unconstitutional maneuvers to hold onto power, Jonathan’s concession stands as one of the most defining moments of African democratic maturity. It was a turning point, and Nigeria’s democracy was draped in bright colors.”

Uwah further noted that Jonathan’s now-famous phone call to Buhari to offer congratulations was more than just a gracious acknowledgment of the election results.

It was a deliberate act of commitment to peace, democracy, and national stability.

“His phone call to Buhari was not merely a gesture of sportsmanship—it was a purposeful step towards ensuring peace. This single act helped avert post-election violence, saved countless lives, and strengthened Nigeria’s democratic standing on the global stage,” Uwah added.

He emphasised that Jonathan’s decision should serve as a model for Africa, particularly as the continent continues to face political crises.

“As Africa grapples with military coups, disputed elections, democratic backsliding, and the entrenchment of authoritarian regimes, Jonathan’s approach remains a crucial blueprint for democratic governance and reforms,” Uwah said. “With political instability on the rise across the continent—from Guinea to Sudan, Gabon to Burkina Faso—instituting patriotic and democratic leadership is not just optional, it is imperative. If this direction is not followed, Africa risks facing even greater challenges.”

Uwah also suggested that Jonathan’s peaceful concession should be taught as a case study in governance and leadership training for African leaders.

He called on the African Union  and the Economic Community of West African States to institutionalise peaceful handovers and leadership transitions as democratic standards to safeguard the continent’s democracy from collapse.

“Political transitions should be collaborative, not adversarial,” Uwah urged. “Future leaders must embrace bipartisanship and national reconciliation as core principles of governance.”

He concluded by recalling Jonathan’s words from that pivotal moment: “My ambition is not worth the blood of any Nigerian.”

Uwah called for African leaders to adopt this mindset—not just in rhetoric but in practice—moving forward.

[Punch]

Peter Obi, the 2023 Labour Party presidential candidate, has again criticised President Bola Tinubu’s administration, saying his government has not delivered on some of its promises to Nigerians.

After almost two years of Tinubu administration, Obi believes the President has not made any visible impact on Nigerians.

The ex-governor of Anambra State assessed the All Progressives Congress (APC) government in the evening of Tuesday, April 1, 2025, when he appeared on Arise Television’s Prime Time programme.

Obi said that if he were president, he would have ensured that Nigerians saw considerable change in critical sectors.

Highlighting some of the things he would have done differently, the LP chieftain said in two years, he would have tackled corruption and reduced the cost of governance in a manner that would be visible to Nigerians.

“The President that is there today how many years has he spent, two years and you could see where we are. That means you can change things in two years. If I was there in two years, you would have seen a considerable change in critical areas. I would have tackled corruption head on. I would have reduced cost of governance and you would see it, people would feel it,” he said.

Obi said his administration would have ensured that borrowed money was invested properly in healthcare, stressing that 70 percent of the sector is currently inoperative.

“Our primary healthcare today, 70 percent (of it) are not functional and we spent over N35 billion on conference centre, which conference? who is coming for the conference? You need to invest your money properly, You would have been seeing borrowed money invested in critical areas,” he submitted.

Citing Banglandesh as an example, the ex-governor said his administration would use Nigeria’s land size to turn it into a rice-producing country.

“In Bangladesh, a country with one 148,000 km² of land is producing about 60 million metric tons of rice and us, with over six times that size of land cannot do 10 percent of that,” Obi said.

Lastly, Obi agreed with President Tinubu’s devaluation of the naira; however, he faulted the manner in which the policy was implemented.

He said if he were the President, he would have floated the naira in an organised manner, adding that floating the currency is meant to support productivity.

He said, “There’s nothing wrong in devaluation, but I would have allowed the naira to float but I would have done it in an organised manner. There will be productivity. The idea of devaluing your currency, allowing it to float is that you have productivity so you can export, so people can come and buy.”

According to him, floating the naira without productivity is a double whammy.

Vanguard News