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[OPINION] Obi’s New Year message and ‘Obidients’ threat - Jide Oluwajuyitan
Peter Obi in his New Year message reminded Nigerians of the obvious: the worsening political, economic and security situation of our country. Food insecurity that has become our new national norm; our nation and its fortunes are in clear reverse, while Nigeria remains one of the poverty capitals of the world, with over 100 million people living in extreme poverty and more than 150 million in multidimensional poverty.
To change the narrative, Obi wants President Tinubu to cut down what he considers as his “wasteful foreign trips; travel around Nigeria by road to observe the condition of most of our collapsed highways; visit our national hospital, make both impromptu and planned visits to our tertiary institutions, visit various IDP camps and assure these Nigerians that they will soon return to their communities.
Finally, he wants the president to ensure “future elections are credible and truly reflect the will of the people”.
The president has already acknowledged some of these problems and the harsh effect of his economic policies. What he said was that to avoid mortgaging the future of our children the way PDP did by selling or sharing properties kept in their care for our children, we needed to make some sacrifices today.
In fact, the expectation of most Nigerians was that the president’s first act in office was going to be resettlement of those driven from their land to IDP camps back to their land. That is distributive justice.
Nigerians did not only expect the president to visit the hospitals, they had expected him to sponsor a bill stopping all political appointees and lawmakers from embarking on medical tourism. This is the only way to equip our teaching hospitals.
Obi is also allowed to make few exaggerations including his claim that Tinubu’s less than two years administration should be held responsible for the current figure of 100,000 Nigerians living in extreme poverty despite ARISE Television’s admission during the interview that the figure as at the time Buhari took over power 10 years ago (2015) stood at 70%. After all, government is a continuum.
Obi who claimed victory despite coming a distant third in the 2023 election and who is yet to congratulate the winner of the contest despite INEC’s verdict and the Supreme Court’s celebrated judgment also has the right to call on the president to guarantee the sanctity of the 2027 contest.
I think what Felix Morka decries is Obi “crossing the line of truth and peddling false narratives, arrogant unwillingness to acknowledge obvious markers of progress, mobilizing outrage and stoking tension against the government’ which he thinks are not exactly the most admirable hallmarks of leadership.”
He also frowns at the fact that Obi led a restless band of online mobs, who continue to attack, intimidate, bully and issue death threats to other citizens who dare disagree or criticize Obi or his opinions or position on any subject or matter of national conversation.
Even here Obi has not crossed any red line. The beauty of democracy is that no one has the last say especially in a world where the media is a captive of the dominant ruling class and where no newspaper or news platform can be said to be truly free. We have seen selective coverage of Israel’s war on Gaza by CNN and presentation of alternative reality by the Fox News which aided Trump’s triumph in his re-election bid despite his election denials and sponsoring of an insurrection against his own government.
This is why I also think ARISE television cannot be accused of crossing any red line for its decision to play the devil’s advocate following attempt by APC and its spokesman, to discredit Obi and his message. It was obvious whose battle was being waged when Felix Morka, the National Publicity Secretary of the All Progressives Congress (APC), was confronted during an interview on its THIS WEEK program on Saturday, January 4, with a question such as – “You have actually hit back with a volley of attacks, calling Peter Obi a prophet of doom. Some of you have said he is always embarking on voodoo economics that are not in line with current realities. Don’t you think that is a slingshot that has gone beyond normal politicking?
Morka’s: “No, he is the one throwing darts. Mr. Obi is shooting from the hip… Obi has crossed the line so many times. And, I think that, at this point, he has coming to him whatever he gets. He should manage it” would have been sufficient answer for those not engaged in politics of mischief and subterfuge. But for ARISE reporters “it is a threat to free speech”; for Obi it is an indication of impending crackdown by an intolerant federal government while for former VP Atiku Abubakar, “an alarming disdain for democratic principles.”
I sympathize with Morka who, as a result of “Peter Obi’s allegations has received about 400 documented threats, about 200 of which are explicit death threats messages, individuals have detailed how they plan to harm me—threatening to shoot me, behead me, and carry out other gruesome acts”. But even in spite of the above, I still don’t think anyone has crossed the red line. Free speech is another name for democracy.
The beauty of democracy is that it is not without its democratic ethos which for instance celebrates character. In this regard, the messenger is often the message. Probing the character of purveyors of messages is as important as free speech.
Unfortunately, the common denominator between Peter Obi and Atiku Abubakar is opportunism. Atiku Abubakar has moved from PDP, through ACN to PDP, back to APC from where he went back to PDP where he first served as vice president in 1999. Upon his return, he waged war against those who kept the party together while he was shopping for presidential tickets from other parties. And tragically his breach of PDP’s constitution was to put the party in disarray in the run up to the 2023 election.
Peter Obi is tarred with the same brush. He first rode on the back of Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu’s APGA party to power. After publicly declaring he would never abandon APGA, he jumped boat after his second term to join PDP. He rose rapidly and became Atiku’s running mate in the 2015 but following Atiku Abubakar’s breach of PDP constitution which would have allowed Obi to emerge as PDP candidate in the 2023 election, Obi decided to pull down the edifice on the heads of everyone.
Obi decided to play identity and religion politics by exploiting the sentiments of his Igbo people that had since 1999 supported PDP to victory. Close to 70% of his six million votes in the 2023 election came from Southeast and South-south populated by his Igbo brethren,
For Atiku and Obi’s infidelity and opportunism, Tinubu’s eight million votes would have been no match for PDP and Labour’s close to 14m votes. Their loss was Tinubu’s gain. Sadly despite being deficit in character, both men still pretend to be part of solution to Nigerian crisis of nation building.
Peter Obi, the Obidients’ best candidate to govern Nigeria, displayed no special skill as governor of Anambra, a state he left as a jungle. As a business man once described as ‘a container economist’ by President Tinubu, all he has told us publicly is that he was a wine importer. And for Atiku Abubakar, Obasanjo’s testimonial on him was damning.
I think we must start to interrogate how we got to this sorry path while remembering with nostalgia, the role of Nigerian youths in the evolution of the Nigerian state. While the nation is today being haunted by a mob ready to fight and kill for a man who believes in nothing, we easily recollect how it was that 20 Nigerian law students who in 1920 first proposed the idea of a Nigerian federation patterned after Switzerland to the colonial masters.
While we today have in Lagos some youths who do not behave much differently from the Almajiris of the north, visiting violence and destruction on government and private properties, what we had in the forties in Lagos were youths who organized debates and strategized on how to get rid of the colonial masters.
It is on record that Chief Anthony Enahoro who went on to become one of the best parliamentarians Nigeria has ever produced was an editor of a national newspaper at 22, and that Bode Thomas, the deputy chairman of Action Group who died at 33, was the author of ‘regionalism’ despite his principals’ preference for federalism. Even military boys who did not have advantage of education but joined the military to be able to climb the social lather ended up ruling our country in their twenties and thirties.
UAE President to visit Nigeria as bilateral ties strengthen
In a move to strengthen bilateral relations and economic cooperation, United Arab Emirates (UAE) President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan has accepted an invitation from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to visit Nigeria later this year.
According to a statement on Thursday by Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, the invitation was extended during bilateral talks on Wednesday night at the Emirates Palace Mandarin Oriental, on the sidelines of the Abu Dhabi Sustainability Week 2025.
Tinubu, who arrived in Abu Dhabi on Sunday as a guest of the UAE President, actively participated in the forum, which focuses on global sustainable development and climate action.
On Wednesday, he delivered Nigeria’s position on key issues, including climate change, water security, and energy transition, while commending the UAE for hosting a successful event.
During their discussions, Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan expressed gratitude for President Tinubu’s visit and reaffirmed the UAE’s commitment to enhancing economic ties with Nigeria.
Both leaders explored avenues for increased investment in Nigeria, with the Nigerian leader highlighting the progress of his administration’s economic reforms.
“Our economic reforms are stabilizing and growing the economy. We have seen renewed confidence from foreign investors and international oil companies, who are announcing billion-dollar investments. Nigeria is open and ready for more partnerships with the UAE”, President Tinubu stated.
Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan echoed this sentiment, emphasizing the UAE’s determination to strengthen cooperation across various sectors.
Accompanying President Tinubu were key Nigerian officials, including Minister of Foreign Affairs Yusuf Tuggar; Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun; and National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu.
The UAE delegation included Sheikh Abdullah bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs; Sheikh Hamdan bin Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, Deputy Chairman of the Presidential Court for Special Affairs; and H.H. Sheikh Zayed bin Hamdan bin Zayed Al Nahyan.
Other UAE officials at the meeting were: Reem bint Ebrahim Al Hashimy, Minister of State for International Cooperation; Dr Sultan bin Ahmed Al Jaber, Minister of Industry and Advanced Technology and Salem Saeed Al Shamsi, UAE Ambassador to Nigeria.
President Tinubu also took the opportunity to thank the UAE leader for the warm hospitality extended to him and his delegation during their stay.
[TheNation]
[OPINION] How do you ‘cyberbully’ someone who can hire the police? - Abimbola Adelakun
Underlying the definitions of bullying in dictionaries is power imbalance. To bully someone is to direct aggressive behaviour at them, to intimidate or threaten them, to act cruelly towards someone, or to coerce them. For one to do these, there must be a power dynamic that makes the person at the receiving end vulnerable. Such a tilt of strength can either be embodied by an individual with a disproportionate physical or social power or a group of individuals converging on a weaker party to diminish them. Since the word “cyber-” got appended to bullying in Nigeria, it has acquired a new meaning that has virtually subverted the logic of power that underlies it.
Now, and no thanks to the police’s tendency to meddle in every matter in which a “big man” cries about being inconvenienced with public embarrassment activated by a previously unknown entity, a supposed victim of bullying these days is frequently someone who can commandeer the resources of the state. If you have enough clout to send the police on your errands, can you really claim to be a victim of cyberbullying?
Let us begin with the now infamous case of the singer Burna Boy (Damini Ogulu) at whose behest a singer cum comedian Darlington Okoye (Speed Darlington) has been reportedly incarcerated for months. As the story is told—and which Burna Boy has not denied—Speed Darlington is in jail because he taunted Burna Boy about his association with disgraced artiste Sean Combs (aka P Diddy). In December, the court ruled that his arrest and detention constituted “a gross violation” of his constitutional rights to dignity, liberty, expression, and movement. Despite a direct court order, the police have refused to release him. That makes you wonder, is Burna Boy really a “victim” if the police can sacrifice institutional integrity for his sake?
Meanwhile, the same insinuation Speed Darlington made about Burna Boy has been hurled at several US celebrities who as much as took a photograph with P Diddy. None has asked a man to be incarcerated indefinitely because they got butthurt. Please note that these are people whose reputation far outpaces that of an arriviste like Burna Boy. Yet, they will not take that track because they are self-assured enough to understand the price of celebrity. Unlike the quintessential African “big man”, they are also sensible enough to realise that power should have a more productive function than to abuse others cheaply.
Then, there is the case of Olamide Thomas, who was arrested and incarcerated for cursing the President’s son, Seyi Tinubu. This was another case of the police torturing logic just to satisfy a big man with small feelings. They claimed the curse “placed Seyi in fear of death, violence or bodily harm”. That would be hilarious if were not tragic. How does the law assess the effectiveness of a curse? If curses worked the way people who watch too many Nollywood films think they do, something should have happened to Seyi long ago, given that people have been cursing his father (and their family) since 1999! I am genuinely curious as to why Seyi would be so unsettled by curses that it would compel the police (and the court) to overreact to superstition.
Add to that the ongoing case of bloggers, Precious Eze, Olawale Olurotimi, Rowland Olonishuwa and Seun Odunlami, hauled before the Federal High Court in Lagos for “acts of cyberbullying” (some reports describe the allegation as “cyberstalking”) against the CEO of Guaranty Trust Holdings, Segun Agbaje, when they published uncomplimentary remarks about him. I am by no means defending those bloggers (who have long pulled down the publications anyway), but accusations of nepotism, power play, and self-enrichment are so commonplace in Nigeria that accusing a CEO will not elicit as much as a gasp. They certainly do not warrant holding people in custody for upward of three months. The police cannot fight cyberbullying with judicial bullying, sorry.
Even more laughable is the amended charge against them that states their alleged offence can potentially cause “a breakdown of law and order in the Nigerian banking system”? How can anyone cause a breakdown in law and order within the banking system when that sphere is not an extricable part of regular life? The officers who came up with that idea will surely have a profitable gig doing comedies in their police uniform. If they must know, the operational deficiencies and the decline of the high standards for which GTB used to be known (and renowned) will result in “a breakdown of law and order in the Nigerian banking system” faster than the opinion of a blogger no one would have otherwise read.
Add to the growing list of police overreach the case of Abraham Daniel, a former minister at Dunamis International Gospel Centre, Abuja. He was recently summoned for questioning regarding an “investigation” into “cyberbullying”’ following his accusations against his former principal, Pastor Paul Enenche, for reneging their “gentleman’s agreement.” While the police summons appeared civil enough, it is still intimidating, especially given that the issue at stake is a matter of personal differences between two individuals who should resolve their matter privately. If one party can get the police to act on his behalf even in a petty issue, can he still be “cyberbullied”?
These cases are worrisome because they show a growing pattern of judicial abuse that began under the previous administration and is becoming gradually routinised. Do not forget that under alleged civilian President, Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd), the DSS arraigned a man for treason in the courts for, among other spurious offences, insulting the President. Buhari’s wife also had a young man stalked, arrested, detained, and later charged to court for basically calling her “fat”. What astounded me most was that the police spent six months tracking the guy before they apprehended him. If they demonstrate a similar diligence toward their responsibilities to Nigeria, the country will not be so insecure.
Look at all the spheres all the supposed victims of cyberbullying represent—popular culture, politics, industry, and religion—and understand why this pattern is worrisome. Figures representative of virtually every sphere of our socio-political life are one-trick ponies whose only recourse is to use their clout with the police to perpetrate abuse. That is not good for society by any measure. Even worse, at the rate the police are going with their trivialisation of the law by filing sensational charges over minor issues, they will turn every rabble-rouser into an anti-establishment hero. We should properly delineate what constitutes “cyberbullying” (or “cyberstalking”) so that it stops being exploited by anyone who has some money in their pocket and can purchase justice.
No matter what you think or how you feel about any of those people standing trial for cyberbullying, we should not be so numb that we fail to ask if the issue is about legal protections against malevolent speech or just an increasing pattern of intolerance for human rights. When people who have commensurate power say nasty things against each other on social media, the police never swoop in to “investigate”. Regardless of how vicious the exchange by the warring parties gets, the police never take sides to lament “injurious speech” that therefore warrants filing charges of cyberbullying, cyberstalking or even criminal defamation. It is when the matter becomes a case of the top dog vs an underdog that they become animated. Their conduct calls into question the whole idea of “bullying” as an act of aggression and intimidation. If bullying (cyber- or wherever else it takes place) is about a powerful person preying on a weaker party, what constitutes it when the supposed victim is the one who can afford to hire the police?
Nigerians deserve what they are going through – Apostle Suleman
The Senior Pastor of Omega Fire Ministries, Apostle Johnson Suleman, has attributed current economic hardship to poor decisions made during the 2023 elections.
Suleman made this assertion during Tuesday and Wednesday’s two-day “Recovery Conference 2025” in Bauchi State, the Daily Post reports Thursday.
Ahead of the event, he paid a courtesy visit to the Government House, where he met with Governor Bala Mohammed.
While commending Mohammed for his leadership and hospitality, Suleman described him as “a man of honour” and pledged his continued prayers for the state’s progress. Senior pastors, including Dr. Kingsley Aigbe, accompanied him.
However, speaking with journalists at the Government House, Suleman didn’t mince words about the nation’s state, blaming Nigerians for their electoral choices.
“What Nigerians are going through is partly what they deserve. Before the election, we cried out, we screamed, we yelled. The man (President Bola Tinubu) who came into leadership had no manifesto—just a sense of entitlement with his ‘it’s my turn’ mantra,” Suleman declared.
He criticised Tinubu’s administration for poor policy decisions and the mismanagement of the country’s oil sector.
“The oil sector has been plundered. In the next 10 to 15 years, I don’t think Nigerians will recover from the damage. Now, all we can do is pray,” he lamented.
Suleman urged Nigerians to reflect on their voting decisions ahead of the 2027 elections, cautioning, “If they’ve suffered enough by then, perhaps they’ll make better decisions.”
Echoing Suleman’s concerns, Mohammed, also took a swipe at Tinubu’s policies, warning of their potential to harm the nation irreparably.
“Tinubu’s policies don’t have a clear vision and are taking us to the road to perdition and destruction. That is why when I talk about tax reforms, it is not because I don’t want reform, but because I want reform that will have a national impact. I don’t have anything against the president but respect,” Mohammed said.
The governor vowed to continue criticising Federal Government policies as long as they “shortchange Nigerians.”
“Nigerians deserve better, and I will not shy away from pointing out these shortcomings,” the governor maintained.
[Punch]
[OPINION] 2025: Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Azuta-Mbata and Igbo renaissance - Ikechukwu Amaechi
In the three weeks before January 11, 2025 when I returned, I was away from Lagos back in Mbaise, my ancestral home, to bury my mother-in-law, Ezinne Eunice Egowure Okahia. During that period, a lot happened, the most consequential being the election of Senator John Azuta-Mbata as the President-General of the apex Igbo socio-cultural organization, Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, despite the vile machinations of some wet blankets. We will come back to that shortly.
Contrary to the fears of many that the Southeast would typify the Hobbesian state of nature where “man’s life was solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short,” Alaigbo was bubbly. Getting there was the problem. Those who chose to travel by air, paying exorbitant airfares that seemed to have been reservedly exclusively for Ndigbo, still endured flight delays and sometimes outright cancellations.
But it was even worse for those who travelled by road as I did. The journey on the approximately 543 km stretch from Lagos to Owerri was nightmarish, much of the highway, especially the Benin City Bypass in Edo State, having become a death trap. If nothing is done to rehabilitate the Bypass before the rains return, it will be impossible to drive on it. Am I optimistic that something will be done? Not at all as long as the Federal Government remains distracted with its ?15.6 trillion Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway.
Then the humiliation by policemen and soldiers. Most of the checkpoints on the roads are nothing other than extortion centres. The soldiers in particular act with impunity, whimsically blocking major roads and orchestrating needless traffic gridlock just for the fun. There is the particular case of the military checkpoint at Eziama-Obiato on the ever-busy Onitsha-Owerri Road where soldiers act with reckless abandon without regard for consequences. They block the road at night until about 6.30am. It does not matter to them that there could be emergencies. In the daytime, motorists are not allowed to drive past the barricade with passengers on board. They disembark and trek to meet the driver. It is all an attempt to humiliate the people. Definitely, there are more civilized ways of securing lives and properties.
But the Second Niger Bridge was a beauty to behold, a testament to the positive impact quality infrastructure could have on the lives and economy of a people. Much of the homeland was peaceful, a pleasant reminder of what was before the storm started. There was record homecoming particularly those living in the Diaspora and a palpable resurgence of the well-known Igbo values of hospitality, family, community, life, and respect for elders. The fabled Igbo communalism spirit (onye aghala nwanne ya) was in full display. The few that had shared with the many that didn’t have, no matter how little.
In all, except for the unfortunate and condemnable incidents of violence in Anambra and Imo, particularly the tragic killing of no fewer than 18 people in several communities in Orsu LGA, Imo State, on January 5; the murder of Father Tobias Okonkwo, a Catholic priest, at lhiala on December 26; abduction of Vincentia Maria Nwankwo and Grace Mariette Okoli, reverend sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, Mother of Christ, in Orumba North LGA, Anambra State, on January 7, there seemed to have been a consciousness among the people that the indiscriminate violence and sundry acts of criminality were counter-productive and inimical to the economy of the region.
It behoves the entire Igbo elite – political, economic and socio-cultural – not only to denounce these atrocious acts of violence but also ensure that going forward, the Southeast does not relapse to the Hobbesian state of nature. While there may be some forces from outside involved in these heinous crimes, the truth is that majority of the culprits are Igbo youths, a reality that calls for introspection.
And that takes me back to the historic election of Senator Azuta-Mbata, who represented Rivers East in the Senate between 1999 and 2007, a bonafide Igbo of Ikwerre extraction as the President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide on January 10. Ndigbo will continue confounding those who claim to know them and their disunity heterodoxy. Azuta-Mbata’s election, once again, punctures that hackneyed stereotyping of a people they deliberately chose to misrepresent because his election is a measure of the unity of purpose and clarity of vision of the Igbo elite.
When the plot of those who thought money could buy them the Ohanaeze presidency failed as it should, they resorted to puerile blackmail and name-calling, sponsoring protests on the harebrained ground that Ikwerres are not Igbo. But how can a man whose name is Chibuike, Nwaike, Uchendu, Chukwuemeka, etc. claim he is not Igbo? Going by the etymology meaning of language, which is the study of the origin of words, the Ikwerre dialect is even more relatable to what some people refer to as Central Igbo, also known as Standard Igbo or Izugbe, which is the most widely understood dialect of the Igbo language, than the Nsukka, Ohafia or Izza dialects, for instance.
In a video, one Eze Godspower Onuekwa, who claims to be the President-General of Ogbakor Ikwerre Cultural Organisation, threatened fire and brimstone. “It is now rumoured that Ohanaeze Ndigbo intends to make an Ikwerre man the President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo… Any person, no matter how highly placed, who may decide to accept this offer eventually becomes an enemy to the Ikwerre people,” he declared.
Who says? Onuekwa cannot claim to be a more accomplished Ikwerre than Azuta-Mbata. So, on what basis will he declare him or anyone else who proclaims his Igbo heritage a quisling and pronounce a fatwa? In any case, if Onuekwa and his co-travellers think it is their right to claim a phantom Bini Heritage, why deny others who think otherwise the same right? When that childish gambit failed, they came up with the claim that zoning the Ohanaeze presidency to Rivers State is a territorial expansionist ploy by Ndigbo.
How? Ohanaeze is an umbrella organisation of all Igbos worldwide. While it is true that majority of them live in the five Southeast states, a significant number also live in other states outside the Southeast. So, does an Igbo man from Rivers being in the leadership of Ohanaeze translate to “annexation” of the State by Southeast? Will Rivers become the sixth Southeast State?
If there is nothing wrong with a Yoruba from Kogi or Kwara identifying with Afenifere or his kith and kin in the Southwest, why will that of Ndigbo be different? Are there no Ijaw people that are bonafide residents of Lagos and Ondo? Does the fact of state of origin make them less Ijaw? Are Ijaws from Delta, Edo, Rivers not bonafide members of the Ijaw National Congress (INC)?
The irony is that all the losers who are making noise because they lost out were waiting in the wings to see if the Southeast Igbos would breach the Ohanaeze Constitution on rotational presidency by denying Rivers its turn to produce the President-General. They would have used it as one more evidence in their war of attrition against Ndigbo, their bête noire. They failed.
Now, the job of Senator Azuta-Mbata is clearly cut out. Article 2:3 of the Ohanaeze constitution, says the organization is to to serve as a focal point of reference, of direction and of collective leadership in matters affecting the interest, solidarity and general welfare of the Igbo; to promote, develop and advance Igbo language and culture, to promote honour, dignity and self-respect among Ndigbo and encourage their achievement orientation in various aspects of life, to assist and encourage the formation of Igbo self-help, mutual assistance and improvement organizations wherever Ndigbo may reside and to promote peaceful coexistence with other ethnic nationalities in Nigeria.
With what I witnessed in the Southeast during and the election of a bridge-builder as Ohanaeze president, 2025 may well be the beginning of Igbo renaissance after the years the locusts ate.
‘Sensational’ Arsenal back in title race – Arteta
Mikel Arteta warned Liverpool that “sensational” Arsenal are back in the Premier League title race after beating Tottenham 2-1 in the north London derby on Wednesday.
Desperately needing a win to close the gap on leaders Liverpool, Arteta’s side staged a stirring fightback after Son Heung-min’s early opener for Tottenham.
Dominic Solanke’s own goal hauled Arsenal level before Leandro Trossard’s strike put them ahead late in the first half at the raucous Emirates Stadium.
Second-placed Arsenal’s first win in four games in all competitions moved them within four points of Liverpool.
Although Arne Slot’s team have a game in hand and remain title favourites, Arteta is convinced Arsenal have what it takes to track down the Anfield club.
Asked if Arsenal are title contenders, Arteta said: “Yeah we are. There is so much to play for. We can see how difficult it is for every team.”
It was a cathartic victory for Arsenal, who had been knocked out of the FA Cup third round by 10-man Manchester United on penalties on Sunday, just days after losing 2-0 at home to Newcastle in the League Cup semi-final first leg.
A draw at Brighton in the league prior to those disappointments had left injury-hit Arsenal looking like outsiders in their hunt for a first title since 2004.
But Arteta, whose side face another test against Aston Villa on Saturday, was relieved to see his players show the hunger they will need to overhaul Liverpool in the second half of the season.
“We were sensational. It was a big test after two games and not getting rewarded,” he said.
“We were incredibly good in the last game against United and we ended up losing somehow.
“It’s how you respond to a situation. These boys want more, They want to be tested and questioned, then they want to go on the pitch. We have big examples of that today, playing 72 hours after 120 minutes on Sunday.
“To play the biggest game of the season for our people, it was a test of attitude, what we are made of, the courage we have. From minute one, we fully deserved to win the game.”
– ‘Unlucky we didn’t score 10’ –
Pressed on whether the north London derby success had restored confidence in Arteta and his team, the Spaniard added: “We can’t control that. We lost in the most incredible way against Manchester United.
“My confidence comes from seeing the players and how they perform every day. If my confidence comes and goes with each result then we should not be doing this.”
Showing the confidence that Arteta prizes so highly, Arsenal midfielder Declan Rice insisted they should have dispatched Tottenham by a far greater margin.
“You can tell that tonight meant more than anything. From the first minute, the first half was pure domination,” he said.
“We showed the intent, the pressure, the desire, you could tell it was a derby. I think we were probably unlucky that we didn’t score 10. That is the feeling.”
England midfielder Rice was in boisterous mood after playing through injury to anchor Arsenal’s midfield.
Hitting back at his critics, Rice said: “As I’ve got older I don’t get the recognition I deserve.
“I was bought for a big fee and I play for Arsenal. Not a lot of people like Arsenal. I keep my head down and I know my qualities.”
Like Arteta, the former West Ham star is confident Liverpool can be reeled in, as long as Arsenal take advantage of any further slips from their rivals.
“Every time Liverpool have drawn we have not capitalised on it and that’s been a kick in the teeth,” he said.
“To close the gap is important, a big night for us.”
[Vanguard]
Joint Statement: Tinubu Government Must Immediately End Harassment, Threat Against Amnesty International Nigeria, Other Cso's
We, the undersigned civil society organizations are seriously concerned about the ongoing intimidation, harassment and threat against Amnesty International in Nigeria by the Nigeria police force and call on the government of President Bola Tinubu to end the escalating crackdown on activists, human rights, journalists and other Nigerians simply for peacefully exercising their human rights.
We note that the Nigeria police force in a letter dated 6th January 2025 threatened Amnesty International with a purported legal action over the organization’s recent report titled: “Nigeria: Bloody August: Nigerian government’s violent crackdown on #EndBadGovernance protests.”
We also note that the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) reported that 27 protesters were killed by the police while about 800 people were arrested during the #EndBadGovernance protests across the country in August 2024. Several protesters were reportedly detained without charges or trial. Human rights lawyer Femi Falana, SAN also reported that some 22 protesters were killed while over 2,000 protesters were arrested during the protests in several states.
We are seriously concerned that rather than promptly, thoroughly, impartially, independently and effectively investigating these grave allegations of human rights violations and abuses, bringing suspected perpetrators to justice and ensuring effective remedies and adequate compensation for victims and their families, the police is deliberately intimidating, threatening and targeting Amnesty International.
The intimidation, harassment and threat against Amnesty International coming after the recent reports of intimidation and harassment of Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP), and in the context of the ongoing repression of civic space and attacks against activists, human rights defenders, and journalists demonstrates an alarming crackdown on civic space and human rights in Nigeria. We are concerned that the intimidation, harassment and threat against Amnesty International have seriously undermined the space for activists, human rights defenders, journalists and other Nigerians to carry out their legitimate human rights activities and work, and to freely associate and express themselves.
We are concerned that Nigerian authorities continue to disregard their obligations under the Nigerian Constitution 1999 [as amended] and the human rights treaties including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights to which the country is a state party.
We stand in solidarity with Amnesty International. The intimidation, harassment and threat against Amnesty International and escalating crackdown on the human rights movement in the country must end. We call on the government of President Bola Tinubu to direct the Nigeria police force to immediately end its ongoing intimidation, harassment and threat against Amnesty International and to allow the organization to freely carry out its human rights work in the country without any fear of reprisals.
We call on the Tinubu administration to thoroughly, impartially, independently and effectively investigate the grave allegations of human rights violations and abuses in the context of the #EndBadGovernance protests. The administration must ensure that those suspected to be responsible are brought to justice promptly and that victims and their families are provided with access to justice and effective remedies. We call on the Tinubu administration to immediately take measures to ensure a conducive environment where civil society organizations, activists, human rights defenders, journalists and other Nigerians will feel safe to carry out their work and exercise their rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and association.
We call on the Tinubu administration to immediately halt all acts of repression, judicial harassment and intimidation against activists, human rights defenders, journalists and civil society organisations. We call on the Tinubu administration to end its ongoing crackdown on human rights including the rights to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly and to respect the human rights of everyone and rule of law in Nigeria. Signatories
Signed:
- 21st Century Community Empowerment for Youth Initiative
- Accountability Lab, Nigeria
- Abuja School of Social and Political Thought
- Africa Network for Environment and Economic Justice (ANEEJ)
- African Centre for Leadership, Strategy & Development (Centre LSD)
- African Centre for Media & Information Literacy (AFRICMIL)
- Amnesty International Nigeria
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- BudgIT Foundation
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- Centre Democracy and Development (CDD)
- Centre for Community Empowerment in Conflict and Peacebuilding - Kaduna
- Centre for Democratic Research and Training (CRDDERT)
- Centre for Global Tolerance and Human Rights
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- Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID)
- Centre for Social Centre for Justice Reform
- Centre for Transparency Watch
- Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC)
- CLEEN Foundation
- Community Life Project (CLP)
- Conscience for Human Rights and Conflict Resolution (CHRCR)
- Connected Development (CODE)
- Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA)
- Elixir Trust Foundation
- Emma Ezeazu Centre for Good Governance and Accountability
- Environmental Rights Action
- Environmental Rights Action/Friends of the Earth, Nigeria (ERA)
- Falana and Falana’s Chambers
- Global Rights
- Good Governance Team
- Health of Mother Earth Foundation (HOMEF)
- Human and Environmental Development Agenda (HEDA Resource Centre)
- Human Rights Social Development and Environmental Foundation
- INVICTUS AFRICA
- Kebetkache Women Development & Resource Centre
- Lawyers Alert
- Media Initiative for Transparency in Extractive Industries (MITEI)
- Media Rights Agenda
- Mothers and Marginalized Advocacy Centre (MAMA Centre)
- Nigeria Network of NGOs
- Open Society on Justice Reform Project
- Order Paper
- Organization for Community Civic Engagement (OCCEN)
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- Procurement Observation and Advocacy Initiative
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- Say NO Campaign – Nigeria
- Say No Campaign
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- Social Action
[OPINION] Where Is Our Humanity? - Ifeanyichukwu Afuba
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[OPINION] January 15th 1966: A Morning Of Murder, Mayhem And Carnage - Femi Fani-Kayode
In the early hours of the morning of January 15th 1966, a coup d’etat took place in Nigeria which resulted in the murder of a number of leading political figures and senior army officers. This was the first coup in the history of our country and 98 per cent of the officers that planned and led it were from a particular ethnic nationality in the country.
According to Max Siollun, a notable and respected historian whose primary source of information was the formal police report compiled by the Police’s Special Branch Department immediately after the failure of the coup, during the course of the investigation and after the mutineers had been arrested and detained, names of the leaders of the mutiny were as follows: Major Emmanuel Arinze Ifeajuna, Major Chukwuemeka Kaduna Nzeogwu, Major Chris Anuforo, Major Tim Onwutuegwu, Major Chudi-Sokei, Major Adewale Ademoyega, Major Don Okafor, Major John Obieno, Captain Ben Gbulie, Captain Emmanuel Nwobosi, Captain Chukwuka and Lt. Oguchi.
It is important to point out that I saw the Special Branch report myself and I can confirm Siollun’s findings. These were indeed the names of ALL the leaders of the January 15th 1966 mutiny and all other lists are FAKE.
The names of those that they murdered in cold-blood or abducted were as follows. Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, the Prime Minister of Nigeria (murdered), Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto and the Premier of the Old Northern Region (murdered), Sir Kashim Ibrahim, the Shettima of Borno and the Governor of the Old Northern Region (abducted).
Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, the Aare Ana Kakanfo of Yorubaland and the Premier of the Old Western Region (murdered), Chief Remilekun Adetokunboh Fani-Kayode Q.C., the Balogun of Ife, the Deputy Premier of the Old Western Region and my beloved father (abducted), Chief Festus Samuel Okotie-Eboh, the Oguwa of the Itsekiris and the Minister of Finance of Nigeria (murdered), Brigadier Samuel Adesujo Ademulegun, Commander of the 1st Brigade, Nigerian Army (murdered), Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari, Commander of the 2nd Brigade, Nigerian Army (murdered). Colonel James Pam (murdered), Colonel Ralph Sodeinde (murdered), Colonel Arthur Unegbe (murdered), Colonel Kur Mohammed (murdered), Lt. Colonel Abogo Largema (murdered), Alhaja Hafsatu Bello, the wife of the Sardauna of Sokoto (murdered), Alhaji Zarumi, traditional bodyguard of the Sardauna of Sokoto (murdered), Mrs. Lateefat Ademulegun, the wife of Brigadier Ademulegun who was eight months pregnant at the time (murdered). Ahmed B. Musa (murdered), Ahmed Pategi (murdered), Sgt. Daramola Oyegoke (murdered0, Police Constable Yohana Garkawa (murdered), Police Constable Musa Nimzo (murdered), Police Constable Akpan Anduka (murdered), Police Constable Hagai Lai (murdered) and Police Constable Philip Lewande (murdered).
In order to reflect the callousness of the mutineers permit me to share under what circumstances some of their victims were murdered and abducted.
Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa was abducted from his home, beaten, mocked, tortured, forced to drink alcohol, humiliated and murdered after which his body was dumped in a bush along the Lagos-Abeokuta road.
Sir Ahmadu Bello was killed in the sanctity of his own home with his wife Hafsatu and his loyal security assistant Zurumi. Zurumi drew his sword to defend his principal whilst Hafsatu threw her body over her dear husband in an attempt to protect him from the bullets.
Chief S. L. Akintola was gunned down as he stepped out of his house in the presence of his family and Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh was beaten, brutalised, abducted from his home, maimed and murdered and his body was dumped in a bush.
Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari had held a cocktail party in his home the evening before which was attended by some of the young officers that went back to his house early the following morning and murdered him.
Brigadier Samuel Ademulegun was shot to death at home, in his bedroom and in his matrimonial bed along with his eight-month pregnant wife Lateefat.
Colonel Shodeinde was murdered in Ikoyi hotel whilst Col. Pam was abducted from his home and murdered in a bush.
Most of the individuals that were killed that morning were subjected to a degree of humiliation, shame and torture that was so horrendous that I am constrained to decline from sharing them in this contribution.
The mutineers came to our home as well which at that time was the official residence of the Deputy Premier of the Old Western Region and which remains there till today. After storming our house and almost killing my brother, sister and me, they beat, brutalised and abducted my father Chief Remi Fani-Kayode.
What I witnessed that morning was traumatic and devastating and, of course, what the entire nation witnessed was horrific. It was a morning of carnage, barbarity and terror.
Those events set in motion a cycle of carnage which changed our entire history and the consequences remain with us till this day. It was a sad and terrible morning and one of blood and slaughter. My recollection of the events in our home is as follows.
At around 2.00 a.m. my mother, Mrs. Adia Aduni Fani-Kayode, came into the bedroom which I shared with my older brother, Rotimi and my younger sister Toyin. I was six years old at the time.
The lights had been cut off by the mutineers so we were in complete darkness and all we could see and hear were the headlights from three or four large and heavy trucks with big loud engines.
The official residence of the Deputy Premier had a very long drive so it took the vehicles a while to reach us. We saw four sets of headlights and heard the engines of four lorries drive up the drive-way.
The occupants of the lorries, who were uniformed men who carried torches, positioned themselves and prepared to storm our home whilst calling my fathers name and ordering him to come out.
My father courageously went out to meet them after he had called us together, prayed for us and explained to us that since it was him they wanted he must go out there.
He explained that he would rather go out to meet them and, if necessary, meet his death than let them come into the house to shoot or harm us all. The minute he stepped out they brutalised him. I witnessed this. They beat him, tied him up and threw him into one of the lorries.
The first thing they said to him as he stepped out was “where are your thugs now Fani-Power”. My father’s response was typical of him, sharp and to the point. He said, “I don’t have thugs, only gentlemen.”
I think this annoyed them and made them brutalise him even more. They tied him up, threw him in the back of the lorry and then stormed the house.
When they got into the house they ransacked every nook and cranny, shooting into the ceiling and wardrobes. They were very brutal and frightful and we were terrified.
My mother was screaming and crying from the balcony because all she could do was focus on her husband who was in the back of the truck downstairs. There is little doubt that she loved him more than life itself.
“Don’t kill him, don’t kill him!!” she kept screaming at them. I can still visualise this and hear her voice pleading, screaming and crying. I didn’t know where my brother or sister were at this point because the house was in total chaos.
I was just six years old and I was standing there in the middle of the passage upstairs in the house by my parents bedroom, surrounded by uniformed men who were ransacking the whole place and terrorising my family.
Then out of the blue something extraordinary happened. All of a sudden one of the soldiers came up to me, put his hand on my head and said: “don’t worry, we won’t kill your father, stop crying.”
He said this to me three times. After he said it the third time I looked in his eyes and I stopped crying.
This was because he gave me hope and he spoke with kindness and compassion. At that point all the fear and trepidation left me.
With new-found confidence I went rushing to my mother who was still screaming on the balcony and told her to stop crying because the soldier had promised that they would not kill my father and that everything would be okay.
I held on to the words of that soldier and that morning, despite all that was going on around me, I never cried again.
Four years ago when he was still alive I made contact with and spoke to Captain Nwobosi, the mutineer who led the team to our house and that led the Ibadan operation that night about these events. He confirmed my recollection of what happened in our house saying that he remembered listening to my mother screaming and watching me cry.
He claimed that he was the officer that had comforted me and assured me that my father would not be killed. I have no way of confirming if it was really him but I have no reason to doubt his words
He later asked me to write the foreword of his book which sadly he never launched or released because he passed away a few months later.
The mutineers took my father away and as the lorry drove off my mother kept on wailing and crying and so was everyone else in the house except for me.
From there they went to the home of Chief S.L. Akintola a great statesman and nationalist and a very dear uncle of mine.
My mother had phoned Akintola to inform him of what had happened in our home. She was sceaming down the phone asking where her husband had been taken and by this time she was quite hysterical.
Chief Akintola tried to calm her down assuring her that all would be well. When they got to Akintola’s house he already knew that they were coming and he was prepared for them.
Instead of coming out to meet them, he had stationed some of his policemen inside the house and they started shooting. A gunbattle ensued and consequently the mutineers were delayed by at least one hour.
According to the Special Branch reports and the official statements of the mutineers that survived that night and that were involved in the operation their plan had been to pick up my father and Chief Akintola from their homes in Ibadan, take them to Lagos, gather them together with the other political leaders that had been abducted and then execute them all together.
The difficulty they had was that Akintola resisted them and he and his policemen ended up wounding two of the soldiers that came to his home
One of the soldiers, whose name was apparently James, had his fingers blown off and the other had his ear blown off. After some time Akintola’s ammunition ran out and the shooting stopped.
His policemen stood down and they surrendered. He came out waving a white handkerchief and the minute he stepped out they just slaughtered him.
My father witnessed Akintola’s cold-blooded murder in utter shock, disbelief and horror because he was tied up in the back of the lorry from where he could see everything that transpired.
The soldiers were apparently enraged by the fact that two of their men had been wounded and that Akintola resisted and delayed them.
After they killed him, they moved on to Lagos with my father. When they got there, they went to the Officer’s Mess at Dodan Barracks.
He was rescued, after a dramatic gun battle, by loyalist troops led by Captain Paul Tarfa (as he then was) and Capt. S.G. Tokida who were under the command of Lt. Col. Yakubu Jack Gowon.
At this point permit me to mention the fact that outside of my father, providence also smiled favourably upon and delivered Sir Kashim Ibrahim, the Shettima of Borno and the Governor of the Old Northern Region from death that morning. He was abducted from his home in Kaduna by the mutineers but was later rescued by loyalist troops.
When the mutineers took my father away everyone in our home thought he had been killed. The next morning a handful of policemen came and took us to the house of my mother’s first cousin, Justice Atanda Fatai Williams, who was a judge of the Western Region at the time. He later became the Chief Justice of Nigeria.
From there we were taken to the home of Justice Adenekan Ademola, another High Court judge at the time, who was a very close friend of my father and who later became a Judge of the Court of Appeal.
At this point the whole country had been thrown into confusion and no one knew what was going on. We heard lots of stories and did not know what to make of what anymore. There was chaos and confusion and the entire nation was gripped by fear.
Two days later my father finally called us on the telephone and he told us that he was okay. When we heard his voice, I kept telling my mother “I told you, I told you.”
Justice Ademola and his dear wife who was my mother’s best friend, a Ghanian lady by the name of Aunty Frances, were weeping with joy. My mother was also weeping as were my brother and sister and I just kept rejoicing because I knew that he would not be killed and I had told them all.
I believe that whoever that soldier was that promised me that my father would not be killed was used by God to convey a message to me that morning even in the midst of the mayhem and fear. I believe that God spoke through him that night. Whoever he was the man spoke with confidence and authority and this constrains me to believe that he was a commissioned officer or a man in authority.
These mutineers who carried out this mutiny and coup were not alone: they got some backing from elements in the political class who identified with them. Some have said that it was an Igbo coup whilst others have said that it was an UPGA (referring to the political alliance between the Action Group and the NCNC) coup but that is a story for another day.
Whatever anyone calls it or believes two things are clear: the consequences of the action that those young officers took that night were far-reaching and the way and manner in which they killed their victims was deplorable and barbaric.
Such savagery had never been witnessed in our shores. There has never been another night like that and the results of that night have been devastating and profound.
In my view not enough Nigerians appreciate this fact. Some in our country cannot forgive those who participated in the mutiny and though I do not share that sentiment or disposition this is understandable.
Others believe that those young men (they were all in their 20’s) did the right thing and claim that those killings were necessary and heroic. This is a sentiment which I not only despise but which I also find unacceptable and appalling.
There is nothing heroic about rebellion and the cold-blooded murder of innocent and defenceless men and women. The coup affected the country in an equally profound manner because the events of that night led to a counter-coup six months later. It was a devastating and disproportionate response.
Sadly after that came the horrendous pogroms and slaughter of the Igbo in the North which eventually led to the civil war in which millions of people died, including innocent children. This was also horrendous and deplorable.
Yet the bitter truth is that if the new Head of State, General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi who himself happened to be Igbo, had done the right thing and actually prosecuted the ringleaders of the coup namely Major Kaduna Nzeogwu, Major Anufuro, Major Ademoyega, Major Timothy Onwuatuegwu, Captain Emmanuel Nwobosi, Captain Okafor, Captain Ben Gbulie and all the other young officers that planned and executed the mutiny of January 15th 1966 after it was crushed, there would have been no northern revenge coup six months later.
I have not added Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna (who was actually the leader of the coup) to the list because he could not have been locked up or prosecuted by General Aguiy-Ironsi simply because he ran away to Ghana immediately after the mutiny in Lagos failed and after he and his co-mutineers were routed by Lt. Col. Jack Yakubu Gowon and his gallant officers.
For some curious reason after the coup was successfully crushed, General Aguiyi-Ironsi just locked these young mutineers up and he refused to prosecute them. This bred suspicion from the ranks of the northern officers given the fact that Aguiyi-Ironsi himself was an Igbo.
The suspicion was that he had some level of sympathy for the mutineers and the fact that they did not kill him during the course of the mutiny only fuelled that suspicion. The northern officers also felt deeply aggrieved about the wholesale slaughter of their key political figures that night.
In my view that, together with Aguiyi-Ironsi’s insistence on promulgating the Unification Decree which abolished the federal system of government and sought to turn Nigeria into a unitary state, made the revenge coup of July 29th 1966 inevitable.
The revenge coup was planned and led by Major Murtala Ramat Muhammed (as he then was) and it was supported and executed by other young northern officers like Major T.Y. Danjuma (as he then was), Major Martins Adamu and many others.
This is the coup that was to put Lt. Col. Jack Gowon (as he then was) in power and when they struck it was a very bloody and brutal affair.
The response of the northern officers to the mutiny and terrible killings that took place on the night of January 15th 1966 and to General Aguiyi-Ironsi’s apparent procrastination and reluctance to ensure that justice was served to the mutineers was not only devastating but also frightful.
300 hundred army officers of Igbo extraction who were perceived to be sympathetic to the January 15th mutineers were killed that night including the Head of State General Aguiyi-Ironsi and the Military Governor of the old Western Region who was hosting him, the courageous Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi. This was very sad and unfortunate.
What happened on the night of January 15th 1966 was indefensible, unjustifiable, unacceptable, unnecessary, unprovoked and utterly and completely barbaric.
I beg to differ with those that believe that there was anything good about such a mutinous bloodbath and this is especially so given the fact that it was carried out by a small handful of ungrateful, cowardly and treacherous men. Blood calls for blood: when you shed blood, other people want to shed your own blood as well and sadly this is the way of the world.
The minute the shedding of blood in the quest of power becomes the norm we are all diminished and dehumanised: and this applies to both the perpetrators and the victims.
The January 15th coup set off a cycle of events which had cataclysmic consequences for our country and which we are still reeling from today.
I repeat with greater detail, this includedes the Northern ‘Revenge’ coup of July 29th 1966 in which 300 Igbo officers and an Igbo Head of State (Gen. Aguyi-Ironsi) were killed, the pogroms in the North in which over 30,000 Igbo civilians were killed and a civil war in which 3 million Igbos (including 1 million children) and hundreds of thousands of Nigerians were cut short.
What a tragedy. Coups may have happened in other countries in Africa but it did not mean that it had to happen here. In any case the amount of blood that was shed on the morning of January 15th 1966 and the number of innocent people that were killed was unacceptable.
It arrested our development as a people and our political evolution as a country. Had it not happened our history would have been very different. May we never see such a thing again.
Yet regardless of the pain of the past I believe that we should do all we can to put these matters behind us.
We must not allow ourselves to become prisoners of history. Rather than being propelled by pain and bitterness and becoming victims of history, we must learn from it, be guided by it and move on.
We must learn to forgive, even if we do not forget and, equally importantly, we must first establish the truth about those ugly events and understand what actually transpired.
What happened that night traumatised the nation. None of us has been the same since
I can identify with that because I was a part of it, I witnessed it and i was a victim of it.
Yet by God’s grace and divine providence my father’s life was spared: not because he was special but simply by the grace of God.
Every day I think about those that were killed that night and I remember their families.
We share a common bond and we are all partakers of an ugly and frightful history
I tell myself: “were it not for divine providence, my father would have also died and I would not have been what I am today, because he was the one who educated me and did everything for me.” If nothing else I know there was a purpose for that.
We must resolve among ourselves that never again will people be attacked in their homes, dragged out, abducted and shot like dogs in the middle of the night.
Never again will women, wives, children and the unborn be slaughtered in this way; Never again shall we witness such barbarity and wickedness in our quest for power; Never again must any Nigerian suffer such brutality and callousness.
May the souls of all those that were murdered on January 15th 1966 continue to rest in peace and may God make Nigeria great again.
•Fani-Kayode is a former Minister of Aviation
Uzodimma, Dabiri-Erewa, Diri affected as Wike revokes allocations of 568 landowners
Nyesom Wike, minister of the federal capital territory (FCT), has ordered the revocation of plots of land belonging to 568 individuals in the Maitama II area of Abuja.
Among those affected are state governors and chieftains of political parties.
In a notice of withdrawal issued by the Federal Capital Territory Administration (FCTA), the affected persons were said to have failed to pay their certificate of occupancy (C-of-O) bills following the expiration of the “grace period” given by the minister.
The FCTA said those who paid their C-of-O bills on or before January 15, 2025 are not affected by the notice.
“The Federal Capital Territory Administration, FCTA wishes to inform the allottee(s)/title holder(s) of plot(s) of land in Maitama II, Cadastral Zone A10, Abuja who have failed to make payment for their Certificate of Occupancy (C-of-O) bills after the expiration of grace period granted by the Honourable Minister, Federal Capital Territory that their Right of Occupancy to the land/property have been withdrawn, pursuant to the provisions of Section 28 of the Land Use Act of 1978 for contravention of the terms of grant which obligated the title/interest holders to settle all bills,” the notice reads.
“The general public is, however, invited to note that allottees/title holders who have completed their payments on or before 15/01/2025 are not affected by this publication.”
Some of the individuals affected are Hope Uzodimma, governor of Imo; Douye Diri, governor of Bayelsa; Opeyemi Bamidele, senate leader; Samuel Anyanwu, national secretary of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); Chimaroke Nnamani, former governor of Enugu; Abba Moro, senate minority leader; Abike Dabiri-Erewa, chairman of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM); and Oluwole Oke, lawmaker representing Obokon/Oriade federal constituency in the house of representatives.
On October 5, 2024, the FCTA published a list of 3,273 title holders who were yet to pay their C-of-O bills.
After the publication, 2,511 title holders paid their bills, while 762 defaulted.
In December 2024, Wike issued another two-week ultimatum to owners of the 762 plots of land in Maitama to pay for their C-of-O or risk final revocation.
[TheCable]