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![[OPINION] Onakoya: Playing Chess from The Slum to World Record - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/012a3ae7e13e8efa6de76ae5b6eaa58a_L.jpg?t=20240423_070132)
Tunde Onakoya, the 29-year-old Nigerian Chess Master who has just broken the World Record for the longest chess marathon is most appropriately an embodiment of the Nigerian can-do spirit, the capacity of the average Nigerian to snatch victory from the depths of despair, indeed just when you think it is over, the Nigerian is so resilient, he keeps foraging for faith. Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has praised Onakoya’s audacity. He has been hailed as a worthy ambassador, in whom the spirit of excellence flowers by Vice President Kashim Shettima, former Vice President Professor Yemi Osinbajo, and Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwoolu. He has done well. He is doing well. Nigerians have every reason to be proud of him. He has demonstrated that the true Nigerians are not those who bemoan their fate and resort to the antics of the lower depths, but those who turn even the smallest of opportunities that come their way into an avenue for glorious achievement with determination and hardwork.
And so it is with Tunde Onakoya, who played chess from Wed, April 17, 2024 till Saturday, April 21 (2. 40 a.m.), to beat the world record of 56 hours, 9 minutes and 37 seconds set in 2018 by two Norwegians – Hallvard Flatebo and Sjur Ferkingstad. Tunde Onakoya teamed up with the American Chess Master, Shawn Martinez, to play chess for 60 hours non-stop. He was unbeaten in more than 170 games. The World Guinness Book of Records organization requires for its purpose two players, playing against each other and others, with short breaks of five minutes for every hour or a longer 30-minute break every six hours. The new record is yet to be officially announced, this may take a few weeks, but Onakoya’s feat was not hidden- it was in the open, at the Times Square in New York, with spectators watching every move on the board of play. History has been made and it has come from the most unlikely place for Nigeria – chess, in a country that often fails to pay attention to other sports. Onakoya himself alluded to this when he said that “it is possible to do great things from a small place.”
Indeed, it is possible for small things and small places to result in significant human experience of great proportions as we have seen in that novel titled “The God of Small Things” (1997) by Indian writer, Arundhati Roy, and the 2008 British movie, “Slumdog Millionaire” set in Mumbai. The idea of the slum as place and metaphor is a strong referent in Nigerian popular imagination more so the fact that great things do happen in small places. It is not the smallness of things that matter but the greatness, the humanity that is embedded in the most unthinkable places. Ajegunle, for example, is a slum neighbourhood in the city of Lagos: it is probably the most popular location for most of the creative outputs in the country, the source of the music of contemporary artistic talents such as Daddy Fresh, Daddy Showkey, Baba Fryo, Oritsefemi, Nico Gravity, Father U-Turn, Don Jazzy, Basket Mouth, KC Presh and the artistry of some of Nigeria’s well-known footballers – Peter Rufai, Taribo West, Samson Siasia, Victor Agali, Emmanuel Amunike, Odion Ighalo. The slum as an incubation hub for talent and innovation is a fascinating subject for further inquiry into the interconnectedness of space, spirit and effort.
Tunde Onakoya, the chess-master, it must be noted, learnt to play chess in a slum in Ikorodu, Lagos State, precisely at a barber’s shop. Now something about the barber’s shop is that it is a very traditional meeting point in communities in parts of Nigeria, very much like the newspaper stands of old which produced “Free Newspaper Readers Associations” across the country. The barber’s shop was an ecosystem for games. While you waited to have your hair cut, or you just happen to show up as a spectator, you were bound to see people playing draught, chess, ludo, card, snake and ladder, or the more local, ayo game. Somewhere in a corner would be a board displaying all the possible hair styles: “Girls Follow Me”; “Rico Bay”, “Gorimapa”, but over the years, the haircut styles became trendier: “Line Up”, “Waves”, “Twisted Curls”, “Afro”. The barber has always been a wise man: he attracts customers and company with games and music. I know one person who shall remain nameless, a veteran of the barber’s shop ayo games of old, who went on to become a Governor and an elder statesman. The same ecosystem has now produced a World Champion in Chess.
The good news about Tunde Onakoya is his kindness and the fact that he never forgot his humble beginnings. He kept playing chess, and ended up as the Number 13 Chess player in Nigeria. As a student at the Yaba College of Technology, he won prizes playing chess. He is also a board member of The Gift of Chess, a non-profit in New York, United States. In 2018, he established a volunteer non-profit group known as Chess in Slums Africa under the auspices of which he trained young persons, mostly from the slums like Makoko in Lagos, and through partnerships, the group promoted chess as an educational tool. By 2021, Chess in Africa Slums had trained over 1,000 children, and organized chess competitions that even produced a 10-year-old-boy with cerebral palsy as a chess champion. One of his students once defeated the acting Canadian High Commissioner to Nigeria, Kevin Tokar in a chess exhibition game. He plans to train over one million children within the next five years. Onakoya has pursued his passion further by seeking to break the extant Guinness World Record for the longest chess marathon, not for personal glory, but to raise US One million dollars for the education of children in Africa, and to build a free chess academy and a STEM innovation lab in Lagos. He may not have immediately achieved the $1million mark, but he has given more popularity to chess, and provided an opportunity for the appreciation of the Nigerian spirit. While the marathon happened, many Nigerians trooped to New York Times Square to cheer him on. The cheer leaders included music stars, Davido and Adekunle Gold, drummers, and Nigerians in Diaspora in general who counted the hours and were inspired by the enthusiasm of being Nigerian, witnessing the possibility of another Nigerian making history. The weather was wintry cold, but it did not matter. During the intervals, the Nigerians played music and danced. It was no longer just chess, but culture, nationalism, art and diasporic fraternity all rolled into one capsule, to create memories and history.
This trope, for me, was strongly captured in Tunde Onakoya’s post-victory statement on his X handle (@Tunde_OD) when he wrote as follows: “Catching up on social media now and I’ve constantly fought back tears. Love you guys very much. I’ll do a proper post when I find the right words to express all of the emotions I feel right now. Let me delve into this Jollof rice for now. It’s my first meal in almost four days. I had some food poisoning during the marathon so I couldn’t eat anything at all. Just water.” Such endurance. Such patriotism. Onakoya was advised to discontinue the marathon when he developed stomach problems, but he insisted he would see the mission to the end, and he did. He didn’t eat for four days. “Just water.” He refused to quit on the kids. This is the stuff of endurance and determination. And when the goal had been reached and victory secured, his first meal was Jollof Rice. Those who know would proclaim the symbolism of the choice of jollof rice. It is a subtle way of flying the Nigerian flag. Jollof rice is a special delicacy for Nigerians and the argument has not yet been resolved about which country cooks the best jollof rice in West Africa, between Nigeria, Ghana, and Senegal. Onakoya has projected Nigerian Jollof Rice, as the choice brand by announcing it as his first meal after his victory at a Marathon. May the God of Nigerian Jollof Rice continue to bless him!
But I suppose the more important thing about the euphoria would be the lessons that we can learn from his example. He is a young man of 29, who has never seen what a silver spoon looks like, but with the talent that God has given him, he has tried to help encourage and assist street children and the underprivileged to give them hope. Many Nigerian leaders who have been wielding stolen silver spoons have no vision of doing anything for anybody. It is always about their self-interest, and not public interest and it is the reason there is so much angst and despair in the land, and so much lack of trust between Nigerian leaders and the people. We need leaders, including those who are products of privilege to learn to commit to the common good, not their own ego and insecurities. It is encouraging that Nigerian leaders including the President are full of praise for Tunde Onakoya. It is people like him that should be on the next National Honours List of Nigeria, not the money-miss-road, chieftaincy title crowd. Every year, we miss out most people who are true ambassadors for our nation and give big honours to the most undeserving. President Tinubu must reverse that ugly trend.
Meanwhile, Tunde Onakoya is the latest Nigerian to seek and emerge, pending confirmation, as a Guinness Book World Record holder. The frenzy would seem to have hit the roof when Ms Hilda Effiong Bassey, Hilda Baci for short, won a marathon cooking record with 93 hours and 11 minutes in May 2023. Her record was surpassed later that same year by Irish chef Alan Fisher but her feat ignited a World Record fever in Nigeria, the imprint of which continues to endure. Nigerians love opportunities. When they identify one, or someone points them in a direction, they would rush as if they were competing for gold. Hilda Baci became an instant celebrity: receptions were organized for her by governments and companies, she got plots of land and many gifts, she became an actress, and with her beauty and culinary skills, she became the darling of suitors and men who ogled her pictures. The Madonna University graduate had done everyone so proud that many Nigerians actually wanted to cook too. Less than a month after her victory, one Chef Dammy of Oye-Ekiti, Ekiti State entered the kitchen in search of a Guinness World Record that would beat Baci’s record. In Ondo State, there was a Chef Deo who wanted to cook for 150 hours. In Oyo State, there was Chef Adebayo, a 140-hour aspirant. There have been other attempts as well. A computer Science lecturer, Joshua Hassan Bature of the Department of Computer Science, Federal University of Technology, Ado Ekiti reportedly announced a 150-hour teaching marathon.
There was also Alejo Pataki who announced a 200-hour singing marathon. In Ekiti State, one Sugartee proposed a kissing marathon – kiss-a-thon. He ended up not kissing anybody, but Sugartee generated some interest and even got invited to Government House! One Joyce Ijeoma embarked on a body massaging Marathon. She collapsed in the process. In more recent cases, there is Zahan Isaac Kuma (aka Mr. Reliable) who wants to do a marathon Ironing Festival in pursuit of a Guinness World Record (23 – 28 April, 2024) in Abuja at the Jabi Lake Mall, he says - “for the sake of that little child on the street.” When. Mr. Reliable appeared on The Morning Show of Arise News yesterday, I had asked him questions about electricity supply – availability and cost - considering the fact that the Jabi Lake Mall is a Band A location on the electricity spectrum. He sounded upbeat and confident. He said people should bring their clothes for ironing. I pray he does not burn anybody’s cloth, just in case he gets tired or there is a power surge -because that could add a new twist to the story.
What is noteworthy is that the attempts by Nigerians have inspired others across the border in Ghana and also in Cameroon, where one lady said she wanted a sex-a-thon – sex with strong men for 200 hours. Imagine!
Tunde Onakoya sets a different example and represents a far more ennobling engagement. The Nigerian government should through his Times Square outing see that chess has the potential of becoming an important sport in Nigeria and thereby make the necessary effort to promote it in the country. Onakoya was raised in a slum in Ikorodu, now he is in New York, jollofing! The first time he boarded a plane and travelled abroad was only about two years ago. Now his story is on every major news channel in the world, and the front pages of newspapers, all because he started playing chess in one small place on the map called Ikorodu, and turned it into a life-long passion. Truly, “it is possible to do great things from a small place” – an inspiration for every young person out there in search of meaning and purpose. Congratulations, Tunde Onakoya and to everyone who supported him along the way, well done.
![[OPINION] The Yoruba Nation “secessionists” of Ibadan - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/330ee5637b658725049b0d6863cacbeb_L.jpg?t=20240416_063405)
On Saturday, April 13, a group of 18 masked persons dressed in army camouflage, armed with rifles, charms and Oodua Nation flags attempted to take over the Oyo State House of Assembly and Government Secretariat to proclaim the emergence of a Yoruba Nation. They caused some commotion as they insisted on hoisting a flag, but the rag-tag team of insurrectionists were soon overpowered and arrested by officers of the Nigerian Police Command. Well, not quite. They resisted the police but when soldiers from the 2 Div. of the Nigerian Army arrived on the scene, the Oodua boys took to their heels. Cowards! They should have waited and argue with the soldiers over the integrity and sovereignty of Nigeria. But the twist in the tale turned out to be the appearance of a woman on several platforms - Modupe Onitiri Abiola, who endorsed the action of the Oodua 18 and proclaimed that a Democratic Republic of Yoruba had emerged with effect from April 13, 2024. The additional twist in the tale is that the woman introduced herself as a widow of Chief MKO Abiola, the undeclared winner of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election, pillar of sports in Africa, entrepreneur, philanthropist and a martyr of democracy.
Nigerians are probably used to persons, groups – ethnic and socio-cultural - threatening to leave Nigeria and declare their own separate country, to as they argue correct the mistake of 1914, so-called, or to seek meaning in a new association. Afterall, in February 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro, an Ijaw ethnic minority rights activist, formed a group known as the Niger Delta Volunteer Force and declared the formation of a Niger Delta Republic. He and his group fought the Nigerian Forces for 12 days before they were overwhelmed, arrested, tried for treason and thrown into jail. This was the first major rebellion against the Nigerian state. The same year, following the Unitary Decree No 34 of the Aguiyi Ironsi military government, the people of Northern Nigeria were so dissatisfied with the turn of events in Nigeria, they openly talked about “Araba” – meaning “let us separate.” In January 1966, there had been a military coup which resulted in the death of Northern leaders and others, notably Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Northern Region Premier, Chief Ladoke Akintola, Premier of the Western Region, and Festus Okotie-Eboh, Minister of Finance.
The coup was led by Kaduna Nzeogwu, an Ibo man, and with that collapse of Nigeria’s First Republic, the new leader was also an Ibo man, General Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi, the first military Head of State of Nigeria. The North had wanted to separate but eventually there was a counter coup in July 1966, which ousted the Ironsi regime, which further widened the centrifugal ethnic fissures in Nigeria. In July 1967, the Ibos fought back. Led by Lt. Col. Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu, they declared the Republic of Biafra, meaning they were determined to secede from Nigeria. The war that ensued lasted three years – 6 July 1967 – 15 January 1970. That was 54 years ago, but there are signs that the civil war in Nigeria has not really ended. Nigeria took a turn for the worse. The rain began to beat us.
The separatist spirit would again show up on April 22, 1990 in the coup speech by Major Gideon Orkar whose plan, as announced, included the excision of five Northern states of Bauchi, Borno, Katsina, Kano and Sokoto from Nigeria. The Orkar group was convinced that the people from these five states were the problem with Nigeria and they should just get out and form their own country. Thus, Orkar and 41 of his colleagues wanted to seize government and re-draw the map of Nigeria. They were captured by government troops, charged for treason, convicted and executed by firing squad. However, the fact that treason attracts the punishment of death has not deterred those who think that Nigeria must be dismembered, or that the map must be re-drawn. The year 2012 witnessed the emergence of a separatist, nativist, Igbo nationalism, anti-Fulani, neo-Biafra group called the Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB) which aims to restore and actualize the dream of Biafra. IPOB is led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu who has been facing trial for treasonable felony since 2016. Before IPOB, there was also Radio Biafra established by Mazi Kanu in 2009, there was Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra led by Ralph Uwazurike (1999) and there was the Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM) led by Benjamin Igwe Onwuka (2012). There have also been talks about the possibility of an Arewa Reepublic.
A common thread in the foregoing is that every attempt at separation in Nigeria has been driven by frustration with the Nigerian arrangement, protests against bad governance, cries of marginalization or victimization, with ethnic identity and questions of federalism, religion and resource control thrown into the mix. For example, in 1993, following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election which denied MKO Abiola, a Yoruba man, victory, the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) was formed to defend Yoruba rights and to remind the Babangida military junta that Yoruba people would not be cheated. OPC was founded and led by Dr. Frederick Fasheun. It was also known as the Oodua Liberation Movement, or the Revolutionary Council of Nigeria. There would later be a more militant faction of the group, a breakaway faction, led by Gani Adams, who is now the Aaare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, that is the Yoruba Generalissimo, defender of the Yoruba realm. The OPC never really pushed the idea of leaving Nigeria: the group, Fasheun or Gani Adams faction has consistently focused on defending Yorubaland against any form of attack or aggression from other groups and to protect Yorubaland, covering both the South Western states and Itsekiriland in the Delta. The Itsekiri are cousins of the Yoruba. They share cultural, linguistic and political heritage
What we must note is that the Yoruba who had been maintaining a pacifist, federalist position in the matter soon began to talk about secession too, with the emergence under the Buhari administration (2015 – 2023) of the likes of Professor Banji Akintoye, and the militant Sunday Igboho who announced an Oodua Republic with a group known as Ilana Omo Yoruba in response to what they considered the Fulanization of Nigeria by the Buhari government and the assault on Yoruba territories by Hausa-Fulani herders. Ideologically, their objective was to protect Yoruba territory against Fulani invasion, to avoid a repeat of the seizure of Ilorin, a Yoruba town, in the 19th century. The group petitioned the United Nations. The mainstream Yoruba position however had always been restructuring and federalism, as canvassed by the Awoist group, the OPC and the Afenifere. The idea of an Oodua Republic looked like a fall-back position.
Sunday Igboho’s activism and militancy telegraphed what happened in Ibadan on Saturday. He is a self-determination activist who went beyond Professor Akintoye’s theoretical disposition to ask for an immediate declaration of an Oodua Republic. Of course, the Nigerian state went after him. He had to spend three years in exile and only recently returned for his mother’s burial. But that is another story. It would be recalled, however, that in April 2021, more than 100 self-determination groups stormed Ibadan to declare an Oduduwa Republic, and a Yoruba nation. They included the Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities Alliance for Self-Determination (NINAS), the Youth Initiative, Itsekiri National Youth Council, Ilana Omo Oodua and the Homeland Group. They were dispersed by the police. Now in 2024, we have a Mrs Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, leading a relatively unknown Ominira Yoruba group, trying to take over power in Oyo State. Special attention should be paid to the fact that the group has been disowned by both Professor Banji Akintoye and Sunday Igboho whose real name is actually Chief Sunday Adeyemo. Professor Akintoye says the group must be an agent of the Fulanis still desperate to destabilize Yorubaland. Igboho says he does not know the group, and that they are so “low-brained”. Akintoye and Igboho seem convinced that the Ibadan secessionists must be insane. No Yoruba leader has come out to identify with Mrs. Abiola’s group.
My take however is that the Yoruba elite cannot distance themselves from what has happened. Each and every one of them who has been calling for this or that or else, is guilty. I refer them to Ebrahim Hussein’s Kinjekitile, a 1979 play written by the Tanzanian playwright on the Maji Maji war. The lesson of that play is that a word when spoken develops a life of its own, beyond the author of the word. You can break a community, nation and even the world, by the power of words spoken. Those who ask that the mistake of 1914 must be revisited and that Nigeria must be renegotiated have their point, but let them also think about the effect of their pronouncements. MASSOB created IPOB. Nnamdi Kanu gave birth to Simon Ekpa. Self-determination, the right of a people to decide their own destiny is a fundamental right under the UN Charter (Article 1 sub. 2), and we have seen that in the case of Kosovo, and Abhkazia, and the unresolved, ongoing cases of Kurdistan, Northern Cyprus, Quebec, Scotland, Western Sahara, Tibet and Taiwan. Nonetheless, the April secessionists of Ibadan led by Mrs Onitiri -Abiola and others of their ilk must be reminded that whereas Nigeria is a signatory to international laws and conventions, it remains a country governed by specific domestic laws, and this is where I think Mrs. Abiola and her band of 18 soldiers are in troubled waters. Section 2 of the Nigerian 1999 Constitution states clearly that Nigeria is “one indivisible and indissoluble sovereign state to be known by the name of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.” Section 37 of the Criminal Code prescribes the death penalty for anyone who tries to tamper with Nigeria’s sovereignty. The offence is defined as treason. In Sections 40 – 43 of the same Code, the law refers to treasonable felony which attracts the punishment of a life imprisonment. Mrs Abiola and her gang have definitely ran foul of the law. They must be arrested, investigated, and prosecuted. Mrs. Onitiri-Abiola is said to be abroad; proceedings should be initiated post-haste for her extradition and interception wherever she may be in the world, and made to answer for her sin.
She reportedly disclosed with her own mouth that she is a widow of Chief MKO Abiola, a man who struggled and died in the process, to rescue this country from sheer hopelessness. In 1993, every section of Nigeria, including the North voted massively for Abiola in what was acknowledged as the freest and fairest election ever conducted in Nigeria. He was both a hero and a martyr of democracy. And just like that, here comes Mrs. Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, one of Chief’s many wives, suddenly showing up from Alhaji’s harem, many years after, spitting on his grave and legacy. Is she truly of the MKO stock? I think the Abiola family owes us a duty of issuing a statement to clarify at least one point: that Mrs. Onitiri-Abiola does not speak for the family. MKO Abiola is one of Yorubaland’s major icons of the 20th and 21st centuries, and a Nigerian hero. It is sad that anyone at all, would dare associate his name with less noble causes.
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must feel personally embarrassed. He is President of Nigeria from the Yoruba stock and his own people, whoever they are, are trying to take over government? It is either he is terribly disconnected from his own people or he is not paying enough attention to certain details. The other month, he came to Lagos and on his way to the mosque, his own people trooped out to complain about hunger. When he came back home for the Eid-el-Fitri festival, a week ago, he conveniently restricted himself to Ikoyi and worshipped at a place not farther than the Dolphin Estate. Wait a moment. Are Yorubas in a position to even claim that they are marginalized now that they have their own kinsman and half of the tribe of Lagos in government? President Tinubu must address “the peculiar mess” that occurred in Ibadan on April 13. He should find out if there are certain fifth columnists seeking to embarrass his government, using Yorubaland as their play field. He took an oath to defend the Nigerian Constitution. Every Nigerian leader that I have worked or interacted with insists that they are sworn to an oath to protect the indivisibility of Nigeria under their watch. Tinubu must wake up. He must not allow a situation whereby his own people are the ones calling for the dissolution of Nigeria while he is President, whatever all the textbook arguments may be. Mrs. Modupe Onitiri-Abiola must be given the Nnamdi Kanu treatment!
We had Chief Olabode George on The Morning Show (TMS) of Arise News yesterday and he drew attention to the failure of intelligence in the Ibadan matter. The old man was right. I share his view. How on earth did the Yoruba secessionists plan, organize and move to the Oyo State Government Secretariat without anybody catching a whiff of their intentions. Their spokesperson lives abroad. They must have been in touch with her through phone calls, messages and all that. And nobody picked that up? They even bought and wore military camouflage. And all the spokespersons of the Service Chiefs will come and tell us that they are committed to the defence of the sovereignty of Nigeria? Please how do you and your troops defend this country when you sleep on duty? And where was the station manager of the Department of State Security (DSS) in Oyo State and all the other agencies? They must all be called in for questioning. Sleeping on duty is not allowed. And one more point, where was the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps? It is the duty of that agency to protect and defend public infrastructure. Section 3 of the Civil Defence Act as amended (2007) gives the agency broad powers “to assist in the maintenance of peace and order and in the protection and rescuing of the civil population during the period of emergency.” The agency also has powers under section 3 (f) “to arrest with or without warrant, detain, investigate and institute legal proceedings by or in the name of the Attorney General of the Federation in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria…” Where was Civil Defence even if the other agencies failed?
The bigger issue that we have to deal with perhaps is the increasing, creeping failure of the Nigerian state. Much fewer people today believe in the idea of Nigeria. This is why we have people challenging the state either through secessionist or separatist moves or complete abandonment of the country, the Japa phenomenon, with many believing or thinking that they would be better off in foreign lands. When Nigeria becomes attractive to its own people, we would have managed to create a nation.
![[OPINION] Philip Shaibu: Lessons in Power - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/5b77c5ec5d3e2e90e415acf493bcf72b_M.jpg?t=20240409_081448)
Philip Shaibu, the Edo state politician who was Deputy Governor in that state until yesterday afternoon, would seem to have failed woefully to learn certain basic lessons of power. He has said that he is a victim of an act of injustice and that he would fight to the very end. He may have been led by his counsel to believe that he can fight this to the finish and get back his seat. He would be mistaken to be so misled. He had it coming. He has just been taught a few lessons in the dynamics of power play. The 48 Laws of Power is the title of a book written by Robert Greene, an American author in 1998. It was a massive bestseller, selling over 1.2 million copies in the United States and even more world-wide, offering simple commonsensical advice, illustrated with narratives and historical examples to prove the point that power is a dangerous game, and only persons who understand its dynamics can survive in the palace. Greene recommends humility, obscurity and skillful navigation as the best skills of survival.
One of the reasons, Philip Shaibu, Deputy Governor of Edo State got impeached yesterday was due to hubris, defined in the literature as a flaw of character. And to worsen his agony, both the legislature and the Executive further conspired to nominate, approve, and swear in a replacement, within hours after his impeachment, in the person of Omobayo Godwins from Ibilo, Akoko Edo, the oldest local government area in Nigeria, in specifically, Edo North where Philip Shaibu himself hails from. In the power play that we have just witnessed in Edo State, it is clear that the intention of Governor Godwin Obaseki is to crush Philip Shaibu completely. He has publicly humiliated Shaibu, and forced him to know who the master of the game is. Less than a week after Easter, days after the betrayal of our Lord Jesus Christ by Judas Iscariot, Shaibu, a Christian has just been made to remember, forcefully, Acts 1: 20 – “For it is written in the book of Psalms, let his habitation be desolate, and let no man dwell therein and his place let another take”. Yesterday, someone else took Philip Shaibu’s place in Edo State.
How did he get here? Philip Shaibu emerged in 2016 as the running mate to Godwin Obaseki in the gubernatorial election in that state that year. They both won on the platform of the All Progressives’ Congress (APC). Shaibu was the unanimous choice as Obaseki’s running mate. He had behind him, the support of Comrade Governor Adams Oshiomhole who was his political Godfather and who left no one any choice in the matter. Shaibu and Oshiomhole are from the same homestead and Senatorial district. The APC won the election and assumed office in November 2016. To be fair, Shaibu and Obaseki cut the perfect picture of a team. Many were surprised because it was unusual to have a Governor and a Deputy Governor working together so peacefully like brothers. Shaibu was not just powerful, he was visible and influential. Whenever the Governor went on vacation, he handed over the reins of power to his Deputy. In 2020, when ahead of the struggle for a second term, Obaseki fell out with his former mentor, Adams Oshiomhole and had to leave the APC to find a new political abode in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Shaibu stayed with his principal, the Governor. The big men in the rival PDP did not want him as running mate. They didn’t want him as part of the deal. But Obaseki and Shaibu were so much together, Obaseki insisted that Shaibu was part of the deal. He would not ditch him. He had his way. In 2020, Obaseki and Shaibu began a second term in office.
The Deputy Governor’s high moment came in 2021, when he led the National Sports Festival 2020, hosted by Edo State, as the Chairman of the Organizing Committee. Governor Obaseki was full of accolades for his Deputy. The Federal Government did not provide necessary funding, yet Edo State pulled it off, delivering one of the most memorable sports festivals many Nigerians had seen. Shaibu’s reputation as a go-to, can-do person soared. His political scorecard looked even brighter. At the University of Jos where he obtained a B. Sc degree in Accounting he was President of the Students’ Union from 2000 -2001. In 2003, he was elected into the Edo State House of Assembly. He spent two terms representing Etsako West Constituency. In 2015, he won election into the Federal House of Representatives on the platform of the APC, representing Etsako Federal Constituency. Having served subsequently as Deputy Governor, and having been such a star in that position, Shaibu decided in 2023, that it was his turn to become Governor and succeed his boss. The Edo Governorship election is slated for September 21, 2024.
Shaibu defined his declaration and ambition as a “a call to destiny”. This was the beginning of his problems. He did not have the support of his principal, Obaseki who thought, along with others that Edo North where Shaibu hails from, has had more than enough shot at the Government House position in Edo State. Oshiomhole, an Etsako man, was Governor of the state for eight years. Shaibu, believed to be his relative even, was going to serve for eight years as Deputy Governor. A powerful lobby group in the state believes that the people of Edo Central should be given a chance. Since the return to democracy in 1999, only one person from Edo Central, Professor Oserheimen Osunbor had shown up as Governor but even his tenure was truncated by the courts, paving the way for Adams Oshiomhole from Edo North. Whereas Governor Obaseki has insisted that he has no preferred candidate in the election, it was clear that he did not want his Deputy to succeed him. Thus, the impression that Edo State had shown a better example in terms of the tumultuous relationship between Governors and their Deputies ended up as mere illusion in the end. The fight between Shaibu and Obaseki turned messy and acrimonious, finally fitting into an established pattern with the impeachment of Philip Shaibu yesterday. It is unfortunate because it is so familiar.
The office of the Deputy Governor is a creation of the 1999 Constitution to the extent that Section 187 (1) makes it clear that a candidate for the office of Governor shall not be deemed to have been validly nominated unless he nominates another candidate as his associate for his running for the office, that is a Deputy Governor. The joint ticket nature of the Gubernatorial process has been proved, beyond a scintilla of doubt in PDP and 2 ors v. Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo and 3 ors in the November 2019 Bayelsa Governorship Election. David Lyon could not become Governor because of discrepancies in his running mate’s qualifications. Despite this twinning of the ticket, this Siamese-twins, umbilical cord connection between Governors and their Deputies, what has happened, since 1999, is that upon assumption of office, there has been no love lost between the duo. One reason is that the 1999 Constitution does not expressly assign powers to the Deputy Governor. The Governor, like the President at the Federal level, is like a monarch. He controls everything. His word is law, and so everyone from traditional rulers to lawmakers in the State House of Assembly learn very quickly that the man to fear and worship is the Governor, who claims that he is an “Executive” or that he is a “constituted authority.”
This “Kabiyesi” syndrome is the bane of Nigerian politics. The Deputy Governor gets a generous mention in Section 191 of the 1999 Constitution which upholds the principle of jus accrescendi inherent in the joint ticket, to wit a Deputy takes over in the event of death, resignation or incapacitation, but which is interpreted to mean that a Deputy Governor is a spare tyre waiting for the main tyre to develop a fault so it can be replaced and he, the Deputy can become the main driver. In a superstitious country such as ours, a Deputy Governor is treated with suspicion. Any sign of self-expression or assertiveness on his or her part is seen as a sign of disloyalty. Political courters capitalize on this and have always tried to cause problems. When the Deputy and the Governor have different Godfathers, the crisis is assured. It is rare to find any incumbent Governor who openly encourages his Deputy to succeed him. It happened in Zamfara once upon a time, but Alhaji Sani Yerima and his successor, Aliyu Shinkafi soon fell apart. Section 193 further reduces the role of a Deputy Governor to the discretion of the Governor. What is the pattern is conflict in Government Houses in the states and even in the Presidential Villa to varying degrees.
For example, President Bola Tinubu as Governor of Lagos State, 1999 – 2007 had three Deputy Governors. Mrs. Kofo Bucknor-Akerele and Mr. Femi Pedro both have stories to tell. Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje served as Deputy Governor to Dr. Rabiu Kwankwaso (1999 – 2003, 2011-2015) but his former boss did not consider him good enough to succeed him. He got there by his own means. They have remained tough adversaries since then in Kano politics. The late Christopher Alao-Akala, deputy to Governor Rashidi Ladoja became Governor in 2006, only because his principal was impeached. Ladoja was reinstated by the Supreme Court in December 2006. Bala Ngilari became Governor in Adamawa state in 2014 only because Governor Murtala Nyako was impeached. In Ondo State, to cite a recent example, the late Governor Rotimi Akeredolu had issues with his Deputies. In his first term, a certain Agboola Ajayi who was his Deputy fell out of favour because he was eyeing the Governor’s seat. His successor, Lucky Aiyedatiwa would also eventually run into trouble. He is Governor today because his principal died. At state level, only 10 out of 149 Deputy Governors have taken over from their bosses since 1999, across the 36 states of the Federation, and not necessarily because their bosses wanted them there. In Kebbi, Kano, Imo, Niger, Nasarawa, Plateau and Benue states, we have seen incumbent Governors supporting candidates other than their own Deputies who stubbornly sought to succeed them. Engr. David Umahi, now Minister of Works became Governor of Ebonyi State in 2015 in spite of his former principal Governor Martin Elechi who insisted that Umahi was not his choice. At the Federal level, the Obasanjo Presidency became a “Bolekaja Presidency” because then Vice President Atiku Abubakar wanted to unseat his boss before the 2003 general election. Obasanjo’s second term was a divided Presidency because the principal needed to teach his Deputy a lesson. In 2010, it took the invocation of a doctrine of necessity to get then Vice President Goodluck Jonathan to succeed President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua first as Acting President and later as President. Those who did not want Jonathan as President never gave up.
In sum, there is nothing unusual in the latest development in Edo State. What must be noted is the sheer stubbornness with which Shaibu took on the war against his principal. In the process, he was banished from Government House and restricted to a corner of Benin City. His media crew was withdrawn. He was stripped of all responsibilities. He was told in no uncertain terms that he would not be Governor. He went to court to defend his rights. He later withdrew the case. He apologized. But nothing changed. When the PDP held its party primaries, he organized his own event in his own house and declared himself as the chosen candidate. The next thing that came his way was the commencement of impeachment proceedings against him. On the surface of it, the state House of Assembly tried to follow the motions prescribed in Section 188 of the Constitution on the removal of a Governor or Deputy Governor from office. Shaibu and his lawyers claim that the House acted in violation of an ongoing process at a Federal High Court. Abuja. Without prejudice to Section 188 (10), the only remedy available to Shaibu is to prove in court that his removal was unconstitutional and seek to rely perhaps on Rashidi Ladoja’s case – see Muyiwa Inakoju and Ors. vs. Abraham Adeleke, Rashidi Ladoja and ors. (2007). But the times are different. The circumstances have changed. Shaibu’s political future hangs in the balance.
Whatever tricks his lawyers may still think they have in their bags, when Shaibu is alone let him reflect on how he ignored the laws of power. Law One says: “Never Outshine the Master.” Shaibu got so carried away he began to sound as if he was the master of the Governor. He openly boasted that without him Obaseki could never have been Governor and that he in fact funded his ambition and mobilized support for him. Obaseki has just shown him where power lies. He also violated the fourth law: “Always say less than necessary.” Shaibu believes that he can talk his way to the ticket for Osadebey House. Worse, he disobeyed Law 18: “Do not build fortresses to protect yourself. Isolation is dangerous.”. Shaibu isolated himself. He parted ways with Senator Adams Oshiomhole who helped him to build his political career. He quarreled with party big wigs like Dan Orbih. He abused elders and burnt bridges. He lacks the kind of support that propped up Dave Umahi in Ebonyi and Abdullahi Ganduje in Kano State. Isolation is indeed dangerous. Shaibu’s only saving grace would be how he stands in relation to Robert Greene’s Law 26: “Keep your hands clean”. Let us hope that his hands are clean.
Nonetheless, no man should be subjected to the kind of pain that he has had to endure simply because he wants to exercise his fundamental rights under the law. A system that turns Governors into mini-gods who determine other people’s fate is deplorable. The sycophantic breed of commissioners, special advisers, lawmakers and courtiers who would do anything to please the Governor of a state pose a serious threat to the democratic process. In the long run, Nigeria must make up its mind what it wants to do with the position of Deputies: it is either we protect that office constitutionally by assigning specific powers, or we scrap it.
![[OPINION] Nigeria, OPL 245 And Citizen Adoke’s Travails - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/8a8f0ed4cfaf11ae86c18611f3c40014_M.jpg?t=20240402_072750)
I sympathize with Mohammed Bello Adoke, referred to above simply as Citizen Adoke. Not necessarily because I know him personally, he and I, having served this country during the tenure of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, former President, Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, Adoke from 2010 – 2015, and this writer from 2011 – 2015. I sympathize with him because of what Nigeria has done to him and how he has now become another living example of how many technocrats would rather shun the arena of public service because of how badly Nigeria has treated them, thus making it difficult for the best and the brightest to step forward to contribute to their nation’s development. I recall that many years ago, shortly after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election, and the return to civilian rule in 1999, one of the major arguments put forward by civil society was that the military having messed up the country so badly, the return to politics and governance, as the military took their exit, never again to return, should be built on the involvement and participation of distinguished Nigerian technocrats in politics – men and women who have been tested in the field of practice and who could bring their experience to the public field.
This encouraged a significant number of persons – academics, lawyers, Nigerians at home and in diaspora, medical experts, engineers and accountants to elect to serve their country, if only to prove to the soldiers that the civilian populace could govern and that democracy is the best form of government. President Olusegun Obasanjo emerged from the residue of the 1993 – 1999 crisis as Nigerian President. In fairness to him, he bought into this logic and recruited personnel from across the spectrum. There were many Nigerians abroad who were persuaded to pack their luggage and return to serve their country. Other leading professionals at home joined the government, having been called upon to serve, many of them personally by Obasanjo. President Yar’Adua (2007 – 2010) also followed Obasanjo’s example. It soon became normal to have popular persons who had done well in professional practice serving in government, on the executive side and even more so in the legislature at all levels. Under President Goodluck Jonathan, the tradition continued. He had a team of bright technocrats, including some of the very best in their fields.
However, the sad part of the recruitment of the best and the brightest into the governance of Nigeria is that many of these talented persons often end up either being frustrated out of the system, or they end up being set up for infractions, or at worst, as is common, they are left with bruised hearts and egos. I once heard the story of an accomplished engineer who had worked in a top engineering company in the United States who was brought home to re-design some structures for the Nigerian electricity network. He came up with his designs which he thought would be cost-effective and deliver on the objective, but what he proposed would result in the demolition of some houses belonging to very powerful Nigerians. He was promptly advised to change his design to save those houses. He put up a spirited argument about engineering, cost and credibility. He was told that in this country some persons and spaces are untouchable. He quoted engineering expertise. He had to be reminded that Nigeria is not the United States. Out of frustration, the fellow packed his luggage and left. He would rank as one of the luckiest.
Many others who thought that they could join the post-military train and help save Nigeria were not so lucky. There are examples of Nigerians who have tried to save Nigeria but have paid with their lives, or the lives of their relatives, or who remain scarred for life. When they are invited to serve, it is natural for them to see that as a special form of recognition, out of a large population of more than 200 million people. But Nigeria is like a stockfish: when you think you can bend it with bare hands, you may end up bending your hands in the process. Many who tried did so in vain. The stories are many, and I do not want to delve into too many individual tales, because every example has its own peculiar details, true and fictional, real and imagined, since those we identify as the best and the brightest have their own individuality and moral peccadilloes.
I started with Citizen Adoke and it is his story that I want to tell as I know it. He has himself told a better part of his story in his partly biographical book, Burden of Service (Clink Street, 2019) in which he reported that having attained the esteemed rank of an SAN, he dreamt of becoming the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice of the Federation. He shared that dream with his mother, and they both prayed over it. He not only attained the silk, he also became Nigeria’s 21st Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice – a call of destiny for a poor, little boy from Nagazi, who read law by accident, and had to borrow a jacket for his university matriculation, only to be de-robed and humiliated publicly by the owner of the suit, and who in addition had to survive university education with the benevolence of friends who helped him with a 0-1-0 regime. Those who know, know what it means to go through university as an indigent student. After his Law School Education, Adoke even had to attend his Call to Bar ceremony in borrowed robes. He had no family or relative in attendance. But he was one of those who survived the odds. He practised law in Kano, acquired more education in Switzerland, and the UK, struggled to get to the top of the game and he ended up as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). His book, Burden of Service basically tells the story of how he got to the very top of his profession, across the ranks and in public service. He gives an account of his dedicated service and the reforms and the innovations that he brought to bear as Nigeria’s 21st Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. It was an achievement that he loved and that he was proud of. But there were burdens and none was more punitive, like the Cross, than the experience he went through after leaving office.
The Jonathan administration under which he served lost the 2015 Presidential election to an opposition party, the All Progressives- Congress (APC) which has been ruling Nigeria since then till date. As soon as the PDP lost the election, the APC even before assuming office went after the Jonathan officials. Adoke was one of the main targets. In August 2015, he left Nigeria for further studies at the University of Leiden, the Netherlands. In November 2015, he was invited for questioning by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). He was accused of having collected bribe in the implementation of the OPL 245 Settlement Agreement, and that he waived taxes to get some personal settlement and used the proceeds of the same illegal settlement to buy property. He was traced all the way to the Netherlands where his apartment was searched for money laundering and corruption investigation reasons. His house in Abuja and in his home town of Okene, Kogi State were also searched. He received reports that there was a plan afoot to eliminate him, and that the whole matter was not just about allegations of a felony. He offers further clarifications and details in Chapter Eight (The Witch-Hunters) and Chapter Nine (The Mischief) in Burden of Service (2019).
In December 2016, he and eight others were formally charged at the Federal High Court, Abuja in respect of the OPL 245 transaction. His name was mentioned in two out of the nine charges, bordering on conspiracy, aiding and abetting and money laundering. His name was further mentioned in cases in other jurisdictions – Italy and London, involving the Italian oil giant, Agip-Eni, Shell and Malabu Oil and Gas. In 2020, the EFCC again filed another case against Mohammed Bello Adoke in the Federal High Court of Abuja accusing him of collecting N300 million gratification from the OPL 245 Transaction.
In Burden of Service, Adoke has argued that the allegations against him were malicious, because as he put it: “I did the best for my country. I saved my country from a certain liability of a $2 billion claim by Royal Dutch Shell at the International Centre for the Settlement of Disputes (ICSID), an organ of the World Bank. More so, the $210 million signature bonus paid for OPL 245 by Shell and Eni is the highest in the history of Nigeria. I did nothing wrong. I did not take a bribe, not even a cup of water, or a slice of cake. Along the line, the narrative about my role has been severely twisted, but the dust will settle someday and the whole truth will come out as straight as an arrow. Truth is so stubborn it refuses to give up until it triumphs.” Adoke did not fold his arms. He fought every challenge to his integrity in every court and in every jurisdiction. In the Nigerian courts, he and his lawyers made a “no case submission”. In January 2024, the EFCC eventually admitted that it indeed had no evidence against Mohammed Bello Adoke and that it had no objection to his “no case submission”. This was after the EFCC had presented its case for three years and after calling 10 witnesses. Last week, on March 27, the Federal Capital (FCT) High Court ruled definitively in the matter with Justice Abubakar Kutigi chastising the EFCC for filing frivolous charges against Adoke and six others. He commended the prosecution for conceding that it had no credible evidence to oppose the no-case application by Adoke and others but complained that the agency simply wasted four years and that the defendant should not have been charged in the first place. The prosecution failed to prove the essential elements of the offences for which the defendants were charged. His Lordship dismissed the EFCC case, and admonished the EFCC not to file such frivolous charges in the future. In effect, the Nigerian government has lost all the cases it filed or in which it was joined in Italy, the UK and even here in Nigeria with regard to OPL 245. This is scandalous.
It must be noted that in 2016, Adoke sought an order of the Federal High Court, Nigeria declaring that his involvement in the negotiation, execution and implementation of the OPL 245 Resolution Agreements was in line with Section 5 of the 1999 Constitution and that he could not be held liable on personal grounds. The Court, notably, found in his favour. In 2021, the Italian Court in Milan, discharged and acquitted all defendants in the OPL 245 case. Adoke was not on trial in Milan but his name was mentioned - another victory for him nonetheless. In 2022, the Federal Government further lost its case against Adoke and JP Morgan at the Business and Property Courts of England and Wales Commercial Court. At every turn, the Nigerian Government could not establish that any fraud had been committed in the OPL 245 transaction.
This is why this is a major triumph for all the defendants in the case. The full story of OPL 245 is in the public domain. Truth has now prevailed. Justice Kutigi spoke of the waste of four years by the EFCC. This is more than that. The EFCC and the Nigerian Government spent four years on a wild goose chase around the world from Italy, to London and here in Nigeria, on the frivolous pursuit of a case in which they lacked evidence. Even when courts in Italy and London dismissed the OPL 245 case, Nigeria kept at it, looking for every opportunity to nail persons they had condemned before any trial. The justice system should not work like that. This is a very bad commentary on our justice administration system. Our justice system must never be used to settle personal or political scores. In other parts of the world, before a person or an entity is charged to court, there would have been a diligent attempt to find and establish evidence and a prima facie case. Where this does not stand in the court of law, the matter is promptly dispensed with as seen in the handling of the OPL case in Italy and the UK.
In Nigeria, politics is more important than the law. Cases are delayed and you could be on trial for years even when you are innocent. Once you are marked out by the state as an adversary, the evidence does not matter. Mohammed Bello Adoke and others must count themselves lucky indeed. It is now possible to see reason in Adoke’s argument that he considers himself the target of a witch-hunt by the Nigerian government. I have singled him out to praise his resilience to get justice and prove his innocence. He serves as an example of why many Nigerians would rather stay away from public service. Justice Kutigi spoke of the EFCC wasting four years. I think that has to be calculated in real terms: the EFCC wasted the time of the court and wasted all the Nigerian resources spent in pursuit of a case that has now failed from one court to another.
The falsely accused lost more than four years. OPL 245 was such a cause celebre in which members of the public took positions. For more than four years, Adoke could not even return to Nigeria. He was in exile, away from work, family and friends. In December 2019, he was intercepted in Dubai, UAE by Interpol and detained for five weeks before he was brought back to the country. Nigeria had placed the name of its former Attorney General and Minister of Justice on an Interpol list of wanted persons! And now the same country says the same man has no case to answer. Nigeria must learn to be fair and more diligent and professional in the prosecution of allegations of misdeeds. The Federal Government owes Adoke and all others in the OPL 245 case an apology. The FG must also compensate them. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must personally put a closure to the defamation by giving the necessary directives to address this gross embarrassment and ensure that under his watch, the EFCC and other agencies do not engage in any form of gross misconduct.
![[OPINION] The Abducted Children Of Kuriga And Other Stories - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/dcb1f6579ee5b9eb4f71cc950280c292_M.jpg?t=20240326_065444)
On March 7, 2024, we all woke up to the bewildering news that students of LEA Primary School and Government Secondary School, and at least one of their teachers had been abducted in Kuriga, Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna state. The figure was put at 287. About the same period, 16 students had been abducted in Tsangaya, Sokoto State. Still in Kaduna state, just about a week earlier bandits attacked the Gonin-Gora community, a suburb of Kaduna metropolis and abducted 16 residents. We are in a situation in Nigeria today, marked by creeping anarchy and full-blown impunity whereby abductions, banditry, and terrorism no longer constitute any special news. What confounds is the seeming helplessness of the Nigerian state and the audacity of the criminals. The bandits who kidnapped 16 persons in Gonin Gora on February 28 in fact asked for a ransom of N40 trillion. Nigeria’s total budget for 2024 is N28.7 trillion, and yet bandits are bold enough to ask for almost double that as ransom. Those who kidnapped the pupils of Kuriga and their teacher were a bit modest. They asked for N1 billion. The sheer size of the ransom demands points to one thing: that the crime of kidnapping is now a big business in Nigeria.
There are persons among us who live off the proceeds of kidnapping, banditry and terrorism and they are unapologetic about it. They have become so bold they ply their trade in the open, even in the Holy Month of Ramadan and Lent, something that was thought unthinkable in recent years. The bandits have lost their conscience. They are no longer touched by the spirit or season of Holiness. This is an indication of how bad things have become. It is in fact so bad that one report states that since President Tinubu’s assumption of office in May 2023, a total of 4, 777 persons have been abducted. Tinubu did not invent the crime of kidnapping – remember Chibok (2014), Dapchi (2018), Kankara (2020), Kagara (2021), and Jangebe (2021) before him, but it has since become worse under his watch. Large-scale, unprecedented insecurity stalks the land. Just when Nigerians were grieving over the abductions in the North, it was reported further that 17 soldiers of the Nigerian Army had been killed in Okuama community in Ughelli South Local Government Area of Delta State. The soldiers were butchered. Also in Ohoro Forest, Delta State, six men of the Nigerian Police Force who had been deployed in search of their missing colleagues were ambushed and killed. Six other policemen have also been declared missing. In Okigwe, Imo State, two more policemen were killed in the month of March. Anomie could not have chosen a worse time to manifest.
It is therefore not surprising that President Bola Tinubu, commander in chief of the armed forces whose 72nd birthday comes up on Friday, March 29, has now declared that he would rather use the occasion to reflect and rededicate himself to the service of Nigeria. I consider his chosen sobriety in keeping with the spirit of the times. No commander in chief should dance on the graves of his own troops. Indeed, times such as this call for sober reflection, not just on the part of the President alone but all of us. How did we get to this point that nobody is safe anymore, and the people are so opposed to the men in uniform that they even kill them for sport? President Tinubu has declared that there will be no drinking or dining on Friday. He has directed that nobody should place any adverts in the media to celebrate him. Whoever wants to mark the day should donate whatever they have to charity. I applaud the choice that the President has made. And incidentally, March 29, this week falls on Good Friday, the Friday before Easter, the significance of which is the crucifixion and death of Christ, the Son of God who sacrificed his life, so that whosoever believes in Him shall not perish but have Everlasting life (John 3: 15-19). The key symbolism is sacrifice, the ultimate sacrifice of Christ, and the end of the Christian Holy Week. Thursday or Maundy Thursday is the commemoration of the Last Supper of Christ. On Friday, he was crucified, and He ascended to the Heavens. On Sunday, Easter Sunday, He rises, and the brethren break out in joyful celebration. President Tinubu is well advised to set aside Friday, March 29, as a day of sober reflection even if he made no reference to Christian orthodoxy, or that we are in the Holy Month of Ramadan, as Nigeria has no state religion, so explicitly affirmed in Section 10 of the 1999 Constitution.
It is however, nonetheless a week of good news, with the rescue of the kidnapped pupils of Kuriga, and the 16 abducted persons of Tsangaya in Sokoto state. The Defence Headquarters of the Nigerian Military had announced that due to the collaboration of the Federal Government and state/local authorities, the latter had been rescued and handed over to the Sokoto State Government and that the former, abducted on March 7 have also been rescued. Even in the face of the tragedy of the murder of 17 of their men in Delta, the Nigerian Army remains faithful in active service to its mandate of protecting the integrity and sovereignty of the Nigerian state. This is noteworthy. The pupils of the LEA school and the Government Secondary School in Kuriga, Kaduna state, were yesterday handed over to the State Governor, Senator Uba Sani and the school authorities and their parents. Kidnapping episodes in Nigeria do not always have happy endings, and even with this, there are unanswered questions. We were told on March 7, that a total of 287 persons were abducted from the morning assembly in the affected schools. But now, nobody seems to know the exact number of the persons that have been rescued, other than that one teacher died, and that 137 pupils have been rescued.
The state government insists that this is the correct figure. But some other accounts are quoting 168. This is the terrible thing about Nigeria. In a country without correct population figures, and a proper identification system, we don’t know how many we are, we can’t account for goats or sheep, not to talk of human beings! Our schools don’t have a proper register of pupils or teachers. The students do not have identification numbers either. This is one country where human beings including uniformed officials of state can just disappear without trace, and they may never be found. It took the Nigeria Police Force, for example, a whole month to confirm that six of their men had been killed and another six were missing. The most ridiculous thing in Kuriga as of yesterday is that we were counting on parents to confirm if their missing children had returned. Some of the parents reportedly died during the agonizing 17-day wait, like one woman whose four children were abducted. Nigeria failed her.
This should be a major point of reflection for President Tinubu. He has promised that he understands his responsibility to make this country safe for all and that he will put mechanisms in place to that effect. He must. His opponents have even told him not to wait. I refer to the Waziri Adamawa, Presidential Candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar and Mr. Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP). Every other group, including the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) and the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) has asked that Nigeria must be made safe, for everyone. Tinubu’s big problem is that whereas people were willing to make excuses for President Buhari before him, the story out there is that Tinubu must live up to his election campaign boast that he performed wonders in Lagos, and that he will do it again in Nigeria. Buhari’s odd reputation is that he sleep-walked through the eight years that he was President. Tinubu must avoid a situation whereby before his very eyes, Nigerians would start saying that they are now missing Buhari, and that they were better off during the Buhari years. The sad story is that this is beginning to happen. Somnambulism, better still, playing possum, cannot be a strategy of leadership.
Under Buhari, people could eat bread, rice, beans, and plantain. In today’s Nigeria, even barbers and tailors are quick to tell you that the dollar has gone up against the Naira. Please what is a tailor or a barber doing with the foreign exchange market? The kind of thing we are beginning to see is that under Tinubu’s watch, a Binance Holdings Executive, Nadeem Anjarwalla, one of two persons accused of financial crimes against Nigeria, has disappeared from state custody, in broad daylight. The man simply vanished, we were told, from a guest house and fled to the Middle East even when his British passport was in the custody of the Nigerian authorities. We can’t even secure accused persons? Oh, come on. What is this? I have heard some persons saying that one big lesson Tinubu and his team would need to learn is that Abuja is not Lagos. Please, can we all get serious and sit up straight? The President of Nigeria must ensure that whoever had a hand in the killing of uniformed men in the Delta or that helped Anjarwalla (the Binance Ajantala – that is - Yoruba folk phrase for an abnormal creation) is made to answer for it. That Ajantala must be brought back here to answer to the charges against him, and on no account must the other Binance man who is still in our custody disappear. Tinubu must not take any form of nonsense from those who intend to ridicule him and are beginning to show their hands. There is no way Anjarwalla will find his way to the proverbial Aja escape hatch without the help of Nigerian officials.
Now back to the children of Kuriga that returned yesterday. The Federal Government has been making heavy capital out of the claim that the Federal government did not pay any ransom to get the children back. It is unfortunate that this seems to be more important to them than providing necessary counsel for the affected families and ensuring that this does not happen again in another school. If government officials think they are deceiving us, we are not deceived. The kidnappers asked for N1 billion as ransom. Yes, President Tinubu said the government will not pay ransom, but does anyone expect the sensible people of Nigeria to believe that the kidnappers who asked for N1 trillion just woke up on a good side of the bed and then decided to release the children, most of whom are between the ages of 8 and 15? When government officials feel like telling lies, they must learn to do so in an intelligent manner. The belief out there is that the real meaning of the collaboration between the Federal Government and state/local authorities is that money exchanged hands, and that the kidnappers made good money. Please stop passing off a dog to us as a monkey. A dog is a dog. A monkey is a monkey. There is so much monkey business going on. Otherwise, the actual story should have been that in the course of the negotiations, Federal authorities arrested and demobilized the kidnappers and bandits, but that never happens. In Nigeria, kidnappers always come across as benevolent spirits who release the hapless victims that they capture. Someday, for sure, we hope that the names of kidnap chieftains will not make the National Honours List, and become a bad comment on the state of values in our land.
There has been some talk about making our schools safe. A Commander of the National Safe Schools Response Coordination of the National Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has been quoted as saying that the Federal Government is planning to deploy Civil Defence Officers in the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as School Safety Protection Squad. We have been on this School Safety Programme for decades. It is just another monkey business. I don’t believe that we are serious about it. I think that government thinks this is a joke. Our schools don’t even have blackboards. Most of them have no roofs. No fence. The teachers don’t get their salaries when due. In many public schools across the country, there are no desks, no windows. In parts of the North, students sit and receive classes under trees. Once upon a time in Kaduna State, the teachers were made to sit for the same examination with the students. The students passed, most of the teachers failed! That is the kind of ridiculous educational system Nigeria is running. Serious-minded and privileged parents have learnt to send their children abroad and to private schools at home. When President Tinubu begins to reflect, soberly on the occasion of his 72nd birthday, away from the noisome crowd of sycophants and opportunistic aides and family members, let him ponder upon these things and how to help the various afflicted families of Nigeria from the Niger Delta to the North West and elsewhere regain a sense of true citizenship and value…Have a happy birthday sir. Best regards.
![[OPINION] The Casualties Of Okuama - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/72a5632a8b717e7ab136cc0c430b1473_M.jpg?t=20240319_080827)
The casualties are not only those who are dead/They are well out of it/The casualties are not only those who are dead/Though they await burial by installment/The casualties are not only those who are lost/Persons or property, hard as it is/To grope for a touch that some/May not know is not there/The casualties are not only those led away by night/The cell is a cruel place, sometimes a haven/Nowhere as absolute as the grave/The casualties are not only those who started/A fire and now cannot put out/Thousands/Are burning that have no say in the matter/The casualties are not only those who are escaping/The shattered shall become prisoners in/A fortress of falling walls/The casualties are many and a good member as well/Outside the scenes of ravage and wreck/They are the emissaries of rift/So smug in smoke-rooms they haunt abroad/They do not see the funeral piles/At home eating up the forests/They are wandering minstrels who, beating on/The drums of the human heart, draw the world/Into a dance with rites it does not know./The drums overwhelm the guns../caught in the clash of counter claims and charges/When not in the niche of others left/We fall/All casualties of the war….” – John Pepper Clark, The Casualties (1970)
These prefatory lines are taken from J.P. Clark’s “The Casualties” (1970), a most poignant poem written by one of the masters of the genre in Nigerian literature on the civil war of 1967 -70. Clark’s lines are simple and clear enough; relevant as they were in 1970, they remain just as relevant today, 54 years later, as they offer an apt description of the tragedy that occurred in the coastal community of Okuama in Delta State on Thursday, March 14, and the aftermath of that slaughter of 17 (initially reported to be 16) soldiers who were reportedly on a peace mission. The fact that we have to go back to a 1970 poem speaks not simply to the eternity of good literature, but more to the fact that indeed the civil war is yet to end. We remain perpetually in a state of war and we are all as the poet says, “casualties”. Both the men and women in uniform, sworn to defend the integrity, and sovereignty of Nigeria, as well as ordinary civilians are trapped in the vortex of centrifugal forces and fault-lines which again and again, result in tragedy and anarchy. No one is safe. When a people turn against the same men who have been assigned to protect them, there can be no stronger proof of the failure of the state. The murder of four officers and 13 other ranks in Okuama is as President Bola Tinubu has pointed out, in a personally signed statement, “a direct attack on our nation”, and further, an affront on the very values that make us human. Murder was not enough for the killers, they reportedly went ahead to dismember some of their victims, and harvested their organs in what points to modern-day cannibalism and sheer cruelty.
I am however shocked to no end by the kind of conspiracy theories that have been thrown up by some interested parties with necrophilous prejudices of their own. The most shocking is the suggestion that the men of the 181 Amphibious Battalion asked for their own death because they went to the community without permission from the traditional rulers and elders of Okuama. Or that the soldiers and their commander openly took sides with the Ijaw-Okoloba community in a land dispute with Okuama, hence they were not about to make peace. One spokesperson for Okuama has in fact alleged that the soldiers stormed the community and killed three persons, shot at anything on sight, and that the tragedy that followed was because angry youths of the community decided to fight back. Other persons who claim to know the politics of the area very well also argue that the soldiers in that area of responsibility, to use a military phrase, are corrupt and that the people know this for a fact and that is why the youths do not respect them. Within 72 hours after the murder, there were reports that Okuama had been besieged by unknown soldiers who set the entire community ablaze. These same unknown soldiers are said to be patrolling the creeks. The people of the community have fled towards Ughelli. They have become refugees away from their own land. Okuama is a ghost town. I have again heard some concerned parties arguing that the reprisal is unacceptable, because when soldiers are killed in the North, as in Niger state for example, Nigerian soldiers do not engage in reprisal killings, but if one soldier is killed in the South South, hell breaks loose as was the case in the Ijaw town of Odi, Bayelsa State on November 20, 1999.
I ask: how does any of these theories and arguments justify the cold-blooded murder of soldiers who were on active duty? Such views can only be expressed in a country that is on the brink of failure. The conflict between Okoloba (Ijaw) and Okuama (Urhobo) communities was said to have been caused by a dispute over land. Leo Tolstoy has asked “How much land does a man need?” in a short story of the same title written in 1886. But here in Africa, so much sentimental value is attached to land, not a little blood has been shed over the centuries for it. In Nigeria, conflict over land is at the centre of perennial communal border clashes, indigene/settler acrimony and farmer-herder conflicts turning the entire country from the coast to the savannah into a vast theatre of war. What should bother us is why the military, whose functions are properly defined in Section 217 (2) of the 1999 Constitution and the Armed Forces Act of 1994, would end up settling land disputes between communities! We have complained endlessly that there must be a limit to the use of the Nigerian military for police work. Nigeria has become so insecure, the internal war has gone on for so long, that soldiers now man check-points across the country. It is even not unusual to see soldiers in uniform providing security at weekend, “owambe” parties or serving as bodyguards to the rich. Familiarity breeds contempt. In other countries, soldiers are respected for their service to the nation. I once saw a group of Marines arriving at an airport in the United States. Everyone at the airport lounge stood up and applauded them – a grateful people appreciating those who defend the sovereignty of their country. It is unfortunate that here in Nigeria, we kill our own soldiers. This is strange and unacceptable. The children of those soldiers have now become fatherless, their wives have become widows, their families have lost their loved ones. “All casualties…”
Those who argue that there would have been no reprisal if the soldiers had been killed in the North forget that the main issue is the erosion of human values in our country. We share a common humanity but the hardship and bad politics in Nigeria have robbed us of a sense of what it means to be human, hence the spread of violence, criminality and impunity from North to South, East to West. Those who seek to play politics with everything, including murder, are casualties of primordial emotions. They forget that there was a similar reprisal by unknown soldiers in Zaki Biam on October 12, 2001, when soldiers went to avenge the killing of their men in that community. The revenge mission was titled “Operation No Living Thing”. Some people claim that Zaki Biam is not Northern enough, and that is precisely the problem with Nigerians. We are too divisive. Just as the murder of soldiers is wrong and must be condemned, reprisal killing, resort to extra-judicial killing and jungle justice is also condemnable. No one, soldier or civilian, has any right to take the laws into their hands. The fact that jungle justice rules the land is indeed why we are all victims. The people of Odi, whose houses were razed, and their women were raped, and the people of Zaki Biam who were openly executed have not recovered from the horror of that experience. Okuama community in Delta state may never recover from the scorched earth attack inflicted on it. No citizen should be subjected to such agony.
Where is the Delta State government? In a statement issued by Brig-Gen Tukur Gusau, Acting Director of Information, Defence Headquarters, we were told that the matter had been reported to the Delta State Government. Governor Sheriff Oborevwori would later condemn the killings as “despicable” and promise that the state government will take “all necessary measures” to protect lives and property in the state. What could those necessary measures possibly be? The Land Use Act (1979) vests the ownership of land in state Governors as trustees, but in the event of land-related conflicts, state Governors are either totally helpless or even complicit as they surreptitiously try to defend the interests of their own ethnic groups. Conflicts in Delta State over the years have been far beyond the capacity of the Governors. It will be no different with Oborevwori, who himself needs as much help as the people. If he had any ideas about what to do, the tragedy at Okuama could have been prevented. The conflict must have been brewing over time until it reached a boiling point.
President Tinubu has written as follows: “I extend my profound condolences to the families of these fallen heroes, their colleagues, and their loved ones. The military high command is already responding to this incident. The cowardly offenders responsible for this heinous crime will not go unpunished. The incident, once again, demonstrates the dangers faced by our servicemen and women in line of duty. I salute their heroism, courage and uncommon grit and passion.” He added: “The Defence Headquarters and Chief of Defence Staff have been granted full authority to bring to justice anybody found to have been responsible for this unconscionable crime against the Nigerian people.” Certainly, the President struck the right notes of empathy; signing the statement personally as President, Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is also a good gesture that matches the gravity of the problem. Morale must be very low among the troops - to be killed by an enemy on the battle-field is occupational hazard, but to be slaughtered at home by the same people they have taken an oath to protect and defend is worse. The families of the 17 fallen soldiers deserve every support that they can get, including counselling. We mourn the fallen heroes: Lt. Col. AH Ali, Commanding Officer, 181 Amphibious Battalion, Major SD Shafa, Maj. DE Obi, Capt. U Zakari, SSgt. Yahaya Saidu, Cpl. Yahaya Danbaba, Cpl Kabiru Basir, LCpl. Bulus Haruna, LCpl. Sole Opeyemi, LCpl. Bello Anas, LCpl. Hamman Peter, LCpl. Ibrahim Abdullahi, Pte Alhaji Isah, Pte Clement Francis, Pte Abubakar Ali, Pte Ibrahim Adamu and Pte Adamu Ibrahim. The President has called for “justice”. The investigations and arrests being carried out by the Defence Headquarters must result in a situation whereby the long arm of the law catches up with those who killed the soldiers, those who inflicted jungle justice on the community and destroyed lives and properties, those who caused the conflict between the two communities of Okuama and Okoloba, and any person(s), be they chiefs, youths or ordinary indigenes who may be trying to profit in whatever form from the crisis.
The investigation must also address certain cogent questions: what was the peace mission all about? Who authorized the deployment of troops and under what circumstances? How did the youths of Okuama get the sophisticated weapons with which they waged war against Nigerian soldiers? Why is it that the soldiers could not defend themselves? How equipped were they, even on a peace mission, military work requires an advance knowledge of the threat situation at a chosen destination or is that not so? And how on earth did soldiers become involved in a land dispute? It would perhaps be advisable to set up an independent panel of inquiry, and for the military to review the scope of the involvement of its personnel in the Niger Delta. The Okuama narrative is at best a developing story, “caught in the clash of counter claims and charges.” In order not to keep ending up as “casualties”, the people of Urhobo Ewu Kingdom and the Ijaws along the Forcados river must learn to live together in peace. And as for the rest of us, the instructive question is: who really is safe when armed soldiers are killed so easily by irate youths? I guess not even the dead who are also now being kidnapped from cemeteries by graveyard bandits.
I travelled between the Island and the Mainland in Lagos taking the Third Mainland Bridge. The 11.8 km Bridge had been shut down for repairs since Tuesday, January 9 according to an announcement by the Federal Ministry of Works. We were told that the Bridge would be open for mainland inbound island travels between 12 am to 12 noon, while those travelling from the island to the mainland should go through Eko Bridge, and only use the Third Mainland Bridge from 12 noon. I was very skeptical.
On many occasions in the last eight years, the same Bridge had been shut down for rehabilitation at various occasions, either to fix the ramps or some engineering defects. Lagosians paid the price in terms of time lost to traffic hold ups on the alternative routes, and the hardship of commuting in a city where the island seems to be the centre of gravity. Despite the various delays of the past, the Bridge remained largely a poor stretch of road. The potholes never seemed to disappear. There was even a time this same Bridge was vibrating and you could feel it. The rails had been removed in parts. The managers of the road provided street lights at a point, but those lights didn’t function for up to a month. Based on past experience, I was convinced that the Tinubu administration and the team at the Federal Ministry of Works were back to their old game. But this time around, I was mistaken. My skepticism is misplaced.
Having confirmed that it was now possible to take the same route from 12 noon to the Mainland, the other day, I shrugged off the stress of more than a month and headed towards the Mainland. I saw busy workers on the Mainland-bound side of the Bridge, but in a short while we were diverted to the other side which had been completed to some degree. I became excited. The other side of the Bridge had been thoroughly resurfaced, not the patch-patch work that we used to see oh, a complete make-over, and as we drove towards the Mainland, there was no vibration. No potholes. Even the lanes were properly marked with fresh, clean paint – black and white, and I saw painters giving the entire stretch of the Bridge a decent face lift. I didn’t know when I told the driver: “Wonders! In this same country? You mean this is possible?”
We had a very smooth ride all the way to Oworonshoki, where again there was another diversion towards Oshodi. But I had seen enough to justify my excitement. I noticed though that the lights had not been fixed – I hope they would get to that, and that all the broken rails will be restored. We may raise questions about cost later, and the Federal Ministry of Works must be prepared for that, but with what I saw, I believe that when that Bridge is fully rehabilitated, the people of Lagos would have every cause to thank the Tinubu administration for a job well done. Speaking for myself, I do not mind even if that Bridge is shut down for another two months until the make-over is properly done. This time around, the government seems to be doing a good job. You may not understand but those who know the way things are in this country will get the message: travelling on a good road in Nigeria is so unusual it calls for excitement, if not celebration.
Commissioned in 1980 by the Shehu Shagari administration and completed for public use by President Ibrahim Babangida in 1990, the Third Mainland Bridge is the longest bridge linking the Mainland to Lagos Island. The two others are Eko and Carter Bridges. Since 2012, the Bridge has been having issues; it is either it vibrates, or there are visible cracks on it, so wide the water below could be seen, it would in due course become a preferred spot for those seeking to commit suicide, which is why I think the side rails need to be raised so high that it should be impossible for anyone to jump into the Lagoon below by climbing over the barricades. In 2020, the Bridge was even closed for repairs for six months, and again in 2021. But for the first time, I see much improvement.
I am tempted to think that this difference can be traced to the fact that the current Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, former Governor of Ebonyi State is a civil engineer. This is precisely what we mean when we say that President Tinubu and governments at all levels must learn to put round pegs in round holes. If you appoint an accountant to supervise a construction project, he is not likely to know what it entails to build a road. He would be looking at figures and fail to see the road. Senator David Umahi, as a former CEO of an Engineering Company knows all the details about construction from design to finish. No contractor or official would go to him and give him a fake Bill of Quantities or try any trick – the same tricks that he himself must have applied as a young Engineer. We have seen the evidence in what he is doing with the make-over of the Third Mainland Bridge. President Tinubu should give him other assignments: give him more roads to fix – the Ibadan-Ife-road for example, and the road to Benin. Based on what I saw, I am inclined to say that Senator Umahi is doing well.
He has the potential to become one of the promising Ministers in Tinubu’s cabinet, but he must stay away from making political statements. The other day, he put his mouth into the labour crisis and accused labour leaders of being unpatriotic. I think he should concentrate on his PWD, wheel-barrow assignment and avoid moralizing about subjects he does not understand. He will get some response from the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) when the deadline that the body gave the Federal Government expires, this week, by the way, tomorrow, March 13.
Senator Abdul Ahmed Ningi (PDP, Bauchi Central) is a ranking member of Nigeria’s National Assembly. He has been a member of that Assembly since the return to democratic rule in 1999, first as a member of the House of Representatives - elected in 1999, re-elected in 2003 and re-elected again in 2007. In 2011, he continued his legislative career as a Senator of the Federal Republic representing Bauchi Central. He was re-elected in that capacity in 2015, 2019, and 2023. In the course of what is an obviously rich and fulfilling time in the National Assembly, Ningi has served as either Chairman or member of many committees including the Niger Delta Committee, Solid Minerals, Teachers Education, and NAFDAC Committee of the House. Between 1999 and 2002, he was Chairman of the Nigeria Football Association. He would later become House Majority Leader, 2003 – 2007, and Chairman of the ad hoc committee on the Niger Delta crisis, the committee on Jos crisis, and the Constitutional Review Committee. In 2011, he won election into the Senate and emerged as the Deputy Majority Leader, the Senate was then dominated by the PDP. He has been in the Senate since then.
Thus, as far as experience goes, Ningi is one of the most experienced and most durable lawmakers in Nigeria today. His continual re-election shows that he is well appreciated by the people of Ningi, his constituency and Bauchi Central in general. As a person, he is a friendly, avuncular fellow with friends across the landscape and a charming sunny disposition. He is what you can call a very nice guy. But over the weekend, it would appear that Senator Ningi put a stain, perhaps inadvertently, on his otherwise sterling legislative credentials, when he alleged in his position as the Chairman of the Northern Senators Forum (NSF) that (i) President Bola Tinubu is implementing a version of the 2024 Budget that is different from what was passed by the National Assembly, and (ii) that budgetary allocations for projects and social infrastructure were skewed against the North in favour of the South. Was Ningi speaking for himself, or for Northern Senators as a group? Ningi alleges that the Budget that was passed in December 2023 was padded with N3 trillion, a budget of N25 trillion that suddenly became N28 trillion, and that out of the total, the Senate President inserted projects worth N4 trillion into the Budget, with “huge damage” done to the North. It will be recalled that President Tinubu presented a budget estimate of N27 trillion to the National Assembly on November 28, 2023. The National Assembly eventually passed a Budget of N28.7 trillion, effective January 1, 2024.
Four Senators have since dismissed Ningi’s claims as baseless and unfounded - Senator Sunday Karimi (APC, Kogi West), Titus Zam (APC, Benue North West), Kaka Shehu (APC, Borno Central) and Senator Ibrahim Jimoh (APC, Ondo South) who insist that Ningi is misinforming the public. The Chairperson of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Senator Yemi Adaramodu has also issued a statement to the effect that there was no budget padding, no varied execution, and the budget is a public document. Further, there are indications that when the Senate meets today, Tuesday, March 12, Senator Abdul Ningi would be called upon by his colleagues to defend his allegations, failing which he may be suspended under Order 67(4) of the Rules. Indeed, it is necessary to ask Senator Ningi to prove his own claims and provide relevant evidence, before his own colleagues. He is said to have back-tracked with an explanation that he was misquoted. He has to prove how that happened. It is a trite principle, and this needs not be explained to lawmakers that he who alleges must prove. Besides, the allegations are so weighty and capable of throwing the country into chaos and strife, that the Nigerian people need to know.
In one broad stroke, the statements attributed to Senator Ningi call the integrity of the National Assembly, the Senate, and the Tinubu administration into question. The Budget is a creation of law, that is why it is called the “Appropriation Act”. If the National Assembly made two different laws detailing the fiscal map for the year, one of which is unknown to the people, that would not only be illegal, it would be criminal. Where did the N25 trillion Budget come from and how did it become N28 trillion? Where was it discussed? Who signed it into law? And what are the details of the implementation of that secret Budget? Senator Ningi owes us a duty to unveil that which is unknown. He says the Budget was padded. How? It is the duty of lawmakers to receive the Budget and go through it line by line, item by item, before approving it. What is called budget padding is actually a way of saying that both the Appropriation Committee and the entire Senate are made up of idiots. It amounts to self-indictment. And where was Senator Ningi when the Budget was being padded as he claims? Was he asleep or awake at the time? And why he is just speaking up now?
He says “huge damage” has been done to the North in the Budget. He must be made to prove how. This kind of statement is potentially divisive and capable of causing chaos. It is even careless in the extreme for Senator Ningi, an opposition politician, to play such a divide and rule card. Even when politicians disagree with the government of the day, they must be careful not to burn down the country. This is the key lesson here. Experience may not necessarily mean maturity. There was once a Senator in Nigeria who went about preaching the importance of commonsense. Opposition politicians must learn to play the politics of commonsense. The general elections ended in 2023. We are now in the season of governance, when we must all put Nigeria first. Politicians must be careful what they say. Ningi may want to discredit the Tinubu administration but he must do so, based on empirical facts and not in a manner that puts the same country that has been so generous to him, at risk. We are told that tension has gripped the Senate: the very reason why Ningi’s claims must be investigated and he must be made to prove his allegations in the open court of the Senate. His allegations cannot be covered by privilege, and must not be swept under the carpet.
Other members of the Northern Senators Forum, a body that we assume includes other members from both the ruling party and the opposition also have a duty to tell us what exactly transpired. Is Ningi speaking for them or is he just on his own? One by one, every member of that body must tell us where he or she stands! For them, it must be a matter of honour. Senator Ningi granted an interview to BBC Hausa and he spoke in Hausa. After a fashion, he may come forward to say that what he actually said was lost in translation or that he was quoted out of context by journalists. One of the crass games that Nigerian politicians play, even in the face of overwhelming evidence, when they are caught out, is to blame the media. Ningi’s statements in BBC Hausa must be played on the open floor of the Senate. Language experts, and other speakers of the language must be asked to review it. Nigeria is too important to be derailed on the basis of partisanship or rumours. If it is then established that Senator Ningi spoke out of mischief, every Senator not being entitled to immunity under our laws, the appropriate punishment for the Senator should not be under the Senate Rules – Order 67(4). When Senator Ovie Omo-Agege was suspended for 90 days under that same rule, he went to court, and he won. Just in case Senator Ningi is found to be fibbing, and unable to prove his grave allegations, he an Abdul, and an Ahmed, lying in the Holy Month, should be punished under the laws of the Sharia which apply in his home state of Bauchi, and whatever punishment the Court deems fit, should be applied publicly and televised! Even if he insists that he was misquoted, that too should be investigated. I don’t want to imagine what indictment or punishment may come the Senator’s way under the Sharia, for he is all things considered, ordinarily, a nice guy. But this is a matter that concerns us all.
When Justice Olukayode Ariwooola, Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) retires from the Bench in 2024, upon the attainment of the statutory, mandatory retirement age of 70 years, he would be able to count among his legacies, as CJN, the singular fact that it was under his watch that the Supreme Court achieved the full complement of 21 Justices as required by law. Section 230(2) (b) of the 1999 Constitution states that “the Supreme Court of Nigeria shall consist of such number of Justices not exceeding 21 as may be prescribed by an Act of the National Assembly.” By February 2020, the number of Justices left on the Supreme Court was 13. One after the other, their Lordships retired: Justice Paul Galumje retired in 2020, Justice Sylvester Ngwuta died while still in service in March 2021, three weeks to his 70th birthday, Justice Olabode Rhode-Vivour, retired in 2021, Justice Mary Odili in 2022, Justice Ejembi Eko in 2022, Justice Tanko Muhammad resigned abruptly in 2023, Justice Amina Augie retired in 2023, and Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammed, 2023, Justice Chima Cletus Nweze, due to retire in 2028 died in July 2023. By October 2023, the number of Supreme Court Justices had dropped to an unprecedented, all-time low number of 10. Those vacancies have now been filled. It is a historic, welcome development and beyond the Bench itself, an achievement for the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration.
The extant Revised NJC Guidelines and Procedural Rules for the Appointment of Judicial Officers of all Superior Courts (2014), and the 2016 National Judicial Policy define the processes for the appointment of such officers - nominations from a broad spectrum of persons and officials are required but for some reason, there was never a full complement of Supreme Court Justices under the Buhari administration. Sometime in 2019, President Buhari had in fact asked the then acting CJN, Justice Tanko Muhammad to initiate the process of filling the vacancies on the Supreme Court Bench. This caused a little furore, the nomination of judges not being the function of the Executive. The integrity of the process was the issue. When the NJC went ahead to obey the Presidential directive and recommended the appointment of four new Supreme Court Justices, and sent the list to President Buhari, a civil society group, Access to Justice went to court. We need not allow the history of the relationship between the Buhari administration and the judiciary to detain us in this present enquiry, however. It is enough to say that at those times, 2015 – 2023, the relationship between the judiciary and the Executive arms of government were in turns adversarial and complementary. Buhari was the first President to allocate the largest amount of funding to the judiciary, but it was also in those days that it became common for the houses of judges to be raided at midnight. Justice Walter Onnoghen was suspended as CJN, and forced to retire before his time. His replacement, Justice Tanko Muhammad was also forced to retire prematurely. The Buhari administration routinely disobeyed court orders and violated the rule of law. In 2016, two Justices of the Supreme Court were appointed under the Buhari administration -Justices Ejembi Eko and Amina Augie, and in 2020 four Justices - Tijanni Abubakar, Mohammed l. Garba, Abdu Aboki and Mohammed M. Saulawa but at no time since 1999 did the Supreme Court reach its full complement.
This has now happened with the swearing in, a week ago, of additional 11 Justices of the Supreme Court: Haruna Tsammani (North East), Jamilu Tukur (North West), Abubakar Umar (North West), Jummai Sankey (North Central), Mohammed Idris (North Central), Stephen Adah (North Central), Moore A. Adumein (South South), Chidiebere Uwa (South East), Chioma Nwosu-Iheme (South East) Obande Ogbuniya (South East) and Habeeb Adewale Abiru (South West). These were the 11 that made it to the Supreme Court out of the 22 that were originally shortlisted and screened by the National Judicial Council on 28th November 2023, divided then into priority and reserved candidates. The final list has 10 of the priority candidates and one that was reserved - Justice Chioma Nwosu-Iheme. It is most appropriate to congratulate their Lordships on their elevation to the apex Court. It is a great honour and an accomplishment of no small measure to sit on the highest court in the land. The CJN underlined this when he told the 11 Justices that they should see themselves as “God’s representatives on earth.” He told them that they should not seek to please everyone: “the only deity you can fear is the Almighty God. Once your judgment is in consonance with what God expects from you, and is also in accordance with the Constitution, you should consider yourself the happiest and freest person on earth. Your moral uprightness, integrity and respect for the constitution and other extant laws in operation, must be unwavering and unassailable. Any judgement given at this level can only be upturned in heaven.”
In those words, CJN Olukayode Ariwooola reminded the JSCs of the role of the judex, and the high responsibility upon their shoulders. They are expected to be above board like Caesar’s wife, to dispense justice without fear or favour not minding whose ox is gored. These 11 Justices are taking their seats on the Supreme Court Bench at a time when the reputation of the Nigerian judiciary, including the apex court has received so much bashing, and there is a lot of cynicism about our judges among the populace. Today, not many would agree with CJN Ariwoola that Nigerian judges at any level are God’s representatives on earth, or that they have any clue about what God expects from them. The CJN could have offered his guidance without dragging God into the matter. But he was right to have suggested that all eyes will be on the apex court, especially the eyes of Nigerian politicians who think that part of their mission should be to steal the votes and also influence the judges. The eyes of lawyers will also be on the new Justices, who are already known, but in terms of how their elevation and having a full complement of the judex on the apex Bench would affect the dispensation of justice and enrich jurisprudence.
The key concern about the depletion of the apex court was that the dockets were full, the court was over-congested with cases, and the Justices, so few in number, were overworked. They were also underpaid and under-resourced as Justice Musa Dattijo Muhammad pointed out in his somewhat histrionic valedictory speech in October 2023. With the apex court now having 21 Justices, it means more cases can be heard and there can be a better rate of performance and efficiency. But for this to happen, however, the administrative processes at our Supreme Court also need to be overhauled and modernized. There is too much clumsiness that is advertised up there. Many cases that need not go all the way to the Supreme Court show up there. This should be a proper policy court, not an “orisirisi court”. It must be possible to have a strong, pro-active Registry of the Supreme Court that rejects cases that do not belong there. The Supreme Court’s original and inherent jurisdiction should be clear enough. Many lawyers have had to go to the Supreme Court only to be told that the Justices are away for another function, or that the matter should not have been brought there in the first place. In the age of telephony and modern communication, that is scandalous. The Supreme Court must become a 21st Century Court by deploying technology to aid its processes and by learning the best lessons from other jurisdictions. Any counsel that files any incompetent or frivolous matter or tries to waste the time of the court must be promptly sanctioned. These days, there is too much indiscipline by lawyers that is condoned by the Bench at all levels.
The 11 new Justices were said to have gone through screening by the Department of State Services (DSS). I think it is scandalous that potential Justices of the Supreme Court have to be screened by the DSS, which in the books has absolutely no role in the nomination or appointment of Judges. The very suggestion that the Nigerian judiciary can throw up any persons who can rise through the system and act as judges for years, only to be investigated for any form of wrong-doing at the point of elevation to the apex court is scary. But in any case, all the Justices reportedly passed the test and they were unanimously cleared by the Senate of the Federal Republic via the instrumentality of a voice vote. I think the rubber-stamp role of the Senate in the process should also be reviewed. In other jurisdictions, such as the United States, justices don’t just get to the Supreme Court. They are subjected to rigorous public scrutiny and may be rejected or withdrawn. Public hearings are held, the nominees are interrogated. Their previous judgements are scrutinized to determine their scope, ideological bent and contributions to Constitutional doctrine. Their academic qualifications are carefully re-examined too. Students of comparative legal systems will remember the case of Justice Clarence Thomas and the sexual harassment testimony of Anita Hill in 1991, as well as the objection of Democrats to Justice Robert Kavanaugh, and the febrile public hearings that attended his screening in 2018. There is also the recent case of Ketanji Brown Jackson, the first Black woman to serve as a Justice of the United States Supreme Court. She did not get there because of her colour or gender. Her confirmation hearings were heated and contentious.
Here in Nigeria, once you make the NJC final list, you are already on the Bench. We need to review the process and allow public hearings. In the course of the review of litigations after the 2023 general elections, questions were raised about the work of at least two of the 11 Justices who are now on the Supreme Court Bench: Justice Moore Adumein in the 2023 Kano Gubernatorial election case, and Justice Chioma Nwosu-Iheme whose nomination was openly questioned by Senator Elisha Abbo. It would have been good for their Lordships to be asked for example to respond to the allegations and insinuations about their professionalism.
It is also not a good thing that elevation to the highest judicial seat in the country has been reduced to geography and promotion. There has been some talk about how the appointments show diversity - that is geography. Every geopolitical zone is now well represented at the Supreme Court Bench. It must be said that Supreme Court Justices are not quota representatives. They are to be chosen on the basis of merit, character and proven contributions to law. The notion that Justices of the Court of Appeal are entitled to be promoted to the highest court in the land is wrong. I find strong merit in the recommendation that the Supreme Court Bench should be made open to Senior Advocates of Nigeria of great distinction and academics to deepen the knowledge and expertise base of the court. The Supreme Court must not be turned into a secret society or a retirement zone for Justices of the Court of Appeal. In 2017, the Nigerian Bar Association nominated nine of its members for the Supreme Court seat but they were ignored. The appointment of judges must be reformed. And that would not be new: Justices Teslim Elias and Augustine Nnamani got to the Supreme Court through academia and the Bar. In Canada, this widening of the pool that we recommend is standard practice.
The big elephant in the room is jurisprudence. One of the major concerns about Nigeria’s Court of Appeal is that it had become a court of technicalities, with the judex determining cases on convenient technical grounds rather than the higher ground of judicial activism. With the new Justices of the Supreme Court coming directly from that court, it is hoped that they would not bring their over-reliance on technicalities to the Supreme Court. Once upon a time, especially during the golden era of Justices Kayode Eso, Chukwudifu Oputa, Augustine Nnamani, Ayo Irikefe, Anthony Aniagolu, Andrew Obaseki, Adolphus Karibi-Whyte, Alfa Belgore Muhammadu Uwais, Mohammed Bello … Nigeria witnessed some of the most rigorous applications of the law and the delivery of justice, even under the military, and court judgements by their Lordships were profound exercises in law, language, philosophy and wit. Over the years, the standards collapsed, as court judgements were reduced to a simple summary of pleadings and a casual pronouncement of decisions – a frightening indication of how robust craft and sound reasoning had disappeared from our courts. Most students of the law would like to see a return to the good old days not just at the apex court, but within the entire judiciary, which in itself is in urgent need of reform.
With the current talk about reconfiguration, decentralization and restructuring, whichever phrase suits our fancy, the Nigerian judiciary is also in urgent need of reconfiguring. There is too much power in the hands of the Chief Justice of Nigeria who in addition to being CJN, is also Chair of the National Judicial Council (NJC), Chair of the National Judicial Institute (NJI), Chair of the Legal Practitioners Privileges Committee (LPPC) and Chair of the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC). The military after a fashion may have imagined that the head of the country’s judiciary should also be an overlord like them, but that has to change: the office of the CJN must not possess the powers of an Emperor or what Yorubas call “Kabiyesi”, that is a traditional monarch, who represents God on earth! The NJC should be unbundled. The CJN must be a democrat within the system. It should also not be the duty of the NJC to appoint and discipline judges or to appoint Chief Judges of the states. There have been calls as well for the de-centralization of the Supreme Court for more effective administration of justice, with the apex court having divisions in the country’s six geopolitical zones like the Appeal Court.
While the pros and cons of that suggestion may be a different kettle of fish altogether, the immediate expectation is that a full Supreme Court would have all its court rooms functioning and that the new Justices will enrich our jurisprudence and help the apex court achieve its full potential. Even with these new appointments, more Justices of the Supreme Court will also soon retire. There should be no delays in filling whatever vacancies may arise. At an individual level, each one of the Justices has a duty and a responsibility to prove his or her mettle. Welcome on board, your Lordships…
“Hunger is the cry of a god and two gods do the humans worship – the head and the stomach ...We know the body will survive without head Sustenance, but the Stomach, the god that rumbles and thunders when sacrifice is late, this God cannot be slighted” – Wole Soyinka
Salutations to the Gut is the title of an 84-page essay published over 40 years ago by Nigeria’s Nobel Laureate in Literature, Wole Soyinka celebrating the splendour of Yoruba cuisine and gastronomic hedonism, how “the true hedonist has felt in every morsel the soul of the open kitchen”, a witty, whimsical essay about the importance and the culture of food, indeed life itself. Soyinka wrote that “It is sad - daily the business of the world becomes more hurried, and the few who still possess leisure lack true poetry of food.” How so true, not just for the Yoruba race, but for the whole of humanity. It is not for nothing therefore that the Yoruba also have a popular saying that “the path to the stomach is the path to Heaven.” Where there is no true poetry of food and hunger persists, not only is paradise lost, hope is trampled upon, anger reigns, poverty stalks the landscape. This is summarized in a local saying that “ebi ki n wo inu, ki oro mi wo be”, which means literally that a hungry man is not ready for any kind of communication, because he is angry.
This explains perhaps why some of the major crises in human history have been woven around the search for food, and the expression of frustration around the lack of same, explained with different phrases: hunger, famine, poverty, scarcity or derivation. Historically, the scarcity of food, or the non-availability or non-affordability, has often resulted in riots or revolutions. In 1648, there were riots on the streets of Moscow because government imposed a salt tax, which drove up the cost of salt. One of the reasons for the French Revolution was in part because the ordinary people could not afford to buy bread. In 1789, the market women of France marched on the Versailles, and the protest was quickly taken over by revolutionaries who no longer wanted the Monarchy. In 1846, in Ireland, there was the famous Great Famine which led to food riots. During the American Civil war, in 1863, Southern women looking for food organized protests in places like Boston and Richmond, taking over the streets and plundering warehouses where they could find them. The problem was hyper-inflation. During World War I, there were potato riots in Europe, and rice riots in Japan, as the people looked for food to eat. Hunger was also one of the causes of the February 1917 Revolution in Russia. In more recent times, we have had the Egyptian Bread riots of 1977 – food became so expensive, Egyptians rioted; in 1981 – there was the Bread riots in Casablanca, Morocco, and in 1984, the Moroccan Hunger Uprising. There have also been food riots in Venezuela, South Africa, Sri Lanka, the UK, Zambia, France, Haiti, Bangladesh and anywhere else in the world where the god of the stomach rumbles, after being slighted by scarcity, and ignited to rebellion by hunger. When the god of the stomach rumbles, there are casualties.
What is common in all the narratives is that people become desperate when they cannot feed themselves. Food prices trigger political instability as seen in the Russian and French Revolutions, the Great Depression and during the Arab Spring. The politics of hunger is oftentimes triggered by poor leadership, including corruption, or in other cases by failures in agricultural production such as crop failure or post-harvest losses, and a crisis in one place can translate into further crisis in other states, given the existence of an established global food supply chain. When food prices rise beyond the people’s purchasing power, social unrest is never too far away. This is the tough lesson Nigeria is confronting at the moment. It is sad that this is happening in a country that once advertised agriculture as the mainstay of its economy, and whose leaders still believe that deepening agricultural production could rescue the country from the mono-cultural, oil dependent ditch in which it has found itself. Today, the country faces a “food intifada”, the same country with an arable land area of about 36.9 million hectares, where there were once cocoa plantations in the West, rubber plantations in the Mid-West, rice pyramids in the North, as well as aquatic splendour and a fluorescent blue economy along its coastlines. In living memory, Nigerians talked about “Operation Feed The Nation” (1979) and the “Green Revolution (1980)”, and indeed it was in this same country that a certain Umaru Dikko, Minister of Transport, and Chair of the Committee on Rice Importation, under the Shehu Shagari administration once scandalized the public when he quipped that there was no hunger in Nigeria because no one was yet eating from the dustbin, and that Nigerians should be grateful because government was paying salaries without borrowing – a big favour! Dikko would later become famous for the botched attempt by the succeeding military regime to kidnap him from the UK in July 1984. He died in July 2014. If he were alive today, he would have lived to see that Nigerians now eat from dustbins, and that hungry and angry Nigerians are telling their government that they are “hungry”. And that the government goes a-borrowing and a-sorrowing.
There have been protests in Minna, Niger State, Ota, Sagamu and Abeokuta in Ogun State, Oyo and Ibadan in Oyo State, Kano in Kano State, Port Harcourt in Rivers State, Sokoto in Sokoto State, Lokoja in Kogi State, and in Lagos, the country’s commercial capital. The reports of the various protests clearly underline the people’s desperation in the face of hunger. In Lagos, we saw reports of people practically falling over themselves, and being beaten as they struggled to buy loaves of bread at a discounted price. Also in Lagos, a Good Samaritan had provided a truck load of tubers of yam to be given out for free. The people didn’t wait for the tubers to be distributed. Chaos ensued as they seized the initiative and grabbed the tubers of yam in a classical, Darwinian, “survival of the fittest” scramble. The Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) also tried to intervene by offering to sell seized, contraband bags of rice at a discounted price to the public. It made good on its promise. But at its Yaba depot in Lagos, over 10, 000 people showed up, scrambling, struggling. To cut a long story short, seven persons reportedly died. The initiative has been suspended. In Katsina, villagers and hoodlums besieged an accidented truck bearing grains, and looted the commodities. In Rivers state, aggrieved women added another twist to the matter when they asked the government to address their suffering because they had become sex-starved as their husbands no longer attended to their conjugal duties due to excessive heat in the other room on account of epileptic power supply and confirmed loss of libido because of the psychological pressure induced by the high cost of living!
In Ibadan, the protesting youths and market women told President Tinubu: “This is no longer Emilokan. This is Shege!.” In Osogbo, the people chanted: “We can’t cope again”. In Sokoto, they said: “We are being pushed to the wall.” In Ogun, the people told the government, “We are in pains”. In Lagos, they said: “Baba Tinubu Nigerians are Hungry, Rescue Us”. On February 10, in the midst of all this, the Nigeria Union of Pensioners announced that its members will go naked on the streets in protest. As of January 2024, Nigeria’s headline inflation had risen to 29.90%. Food inflation was over 35.4%- much higher in some of the states. In practical terms, a measure of rice is now N2,000 and a bag of 50kg rice – N70, 000, a bag of maize is as high as N60, 000. People can no longer eat three square meals per day, certainly not those pensioners who receive as low as N450 per month. The country’s minimum wage in the face of hyper-inflation cannot feed one person not to talk of a family.
It would have been strange if the Nigerian government did not respond to these developments, with the god of the stomach and the gut wreaking havoc across the land having been so badly bruised, and the people so disconcerted. In July 2023, Nigeria’s President, Bola Ahmed Tinubu had in fact foreseen the food crisis that the country was likely to face. He declared food insecurity a national emergency, set up a Committee on Food Emergency and moved the assignment to his office and the office of the National Security Adviser. This was understandable. Food inflation was rising. Farmers could not access their farms. The country’s Food Belt had become a theatre of terror and insurgency. But as the harvest became real, and protests showed up in parts of the country, with the people of Lagos even directly confronting the President screaming: “Ebi n pa wa” (“We are Hungry”) as the President went for Friday worship in Central Lagos, and other Nigerians screaming for help, government just had to be seen to be doing something. The Emergency Committee on Food Insecurity met, and the people were told at the end of the deliberations, that the Federal Government would provide 102, 000 metric tonnes of grains - 42, 000 from the National Grains Reserve and another 60, 000 to be provided by big farmers. In the event that this would not be enough, the Federal Government would import grains.
The big tragedy is that the government appears completely overwhelmed, confused even. Students of Policy Evaluation would readily agree that a government does not announce a state policy on an ad-hoc or impulsive basis. It must be thought through from beginning to the evaluation, in the interest of the people. It looks like the Tinubu team failed the test. About one month later, nobody has seen the promised 102, 000 metric tonnes. As recently as the last National Economic Council meeting held a few days ago, they were still talking about partnership with major fertilizer companies, and promises to make grains available. Nobody has seen any grains. Nobody is even sure that there is anything in the National Grains Reserve. At one point, we were told by the Vice President, that the government will introduce a Commodities Exchange Board. The President showed up later to say that there will be no Commodities Board and that his government will not control prices, nor will it import food. In that breath, the President openly contradicted his own Minister of information, his Vice President and dismissed a court judgment by the Federal High Court, sitting in Lagos, (re: Femi Falana SAN vs AG federation) which had ordered the Federal Government to fix the prices of goods and petroleum products in seven days in line with the Price Control Act, 2004 per Ambrose Lewis-Allagoa, J.
Confusion galore… and nothing could be more confusing than the Presidency summoning a selected team of 16 stakeholders over the weekend and setting up what they called a “tripartite” Economic Advisory Committee to solve Nigeria’s tripartite problems: a national currency on a free fall and foreign exchange crisis, hyperinflation, and the high cost of living. I suspect that someone in government has suddenly discovered the word “tripartite” and so everything has become “tripartite” including the setting up of a “tripartite” 37-member committee to review the national minimum wage. The optics may look good to the extent that government appears as if it is trying to do something, whatever that is, at least to show the people that “we are trying.” The problem is that the same advisers that Tinubu has invited, with the exception of two or three, were the same people who have been advising government since 1999, as investors and stakeholders – what new thing do they have to offer, apart from the privilege of their access to the corridors of power? What happens to the National Economic Council (NEC), a constitutional body chaired by the Vice President? And why has the President not appointed a Chief Economic Adviser whose task is to help the President link all possible loose ends between the monetary and fiscal sides of things? Nigeria needs one, and preferably a properly educated Economist.
The biggest response to the confusion referred to parenthetically above, has been the announcement of a two-day warning strike by Organized Labour, led by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), beginning from today. NLC has been abandoned by the Trade Union Congress (TUC), its partner-union with which it originally gave government a 14-day ultimatum to honour a 16-point Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) signed in October 2023, or face a strike. In a confusing twist to the tale, TUC now says NLC is acting unilaterally. A total of 64 other groups have reportedly pulled out of the planned protest. Even the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) told the leadership of the NLC to seek dialogue with the Nigerian Government and shelve its strike. NLC says it would go ahead. Femi Falana, NLC Counsel has written the AG Federation to affirm the constitutionality of the right to protest and the ineffectuality of the two interlocutory injunctions ordered against the NLC by the National Industrial Court in the light of an extant Court of Appeal decision on the right to protest. Again, so much confusion. It is nonetheless important to state that peaceful protest is legal, valid and constitutional and whether or not the NLC succeeds or fails with its two-day warning strike, the key point is that there is disquiet in the land about inflation, the rising cost of living and the hardship that the people face. The people want tangible results not talks, promises, preachments, or optics.
Many of the states, notably Lagos, Ogun and Borno have introduced palliative measures to help their people. These are welcome interventions. The Federal Government cannot do it alone. The people must see that their home governments care for them and have empathy for them as they experience what for many is the nightmare of a lifetime. The nightmare is so serious that the Federal Government in an attempt to show empathy, and to be seen “to be trying” has now announced that it will implement the Steve Oronsaye Report. I hope someone has read that report and tried to understand it properly. The Report recommends a lean, pruned down, more efficient government, shorn of waste, fat and duplication. President Tinubu does not need months or “a tripartite” committee to implement that. No further confusion, please.
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![[OPINION] “Emi Lokan, Awa Lokan” And The Discontents - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/1743c8d43d5f1f3efa9d5d8ed7ce78c4_XS.jpg?t=20240220_082638)
“Bros, how body? Have you seen what I have seen?”
“No. How do you expect me to see what you have you seen, when my eyes are different from yours? I use my own eyes. The evidence of my own ocular facility, not what other people see in a country where most people are either depressed, half-blind, hungry or sick. Every man for himself or herself.”
“Ok. Ok, if you would just allow me to talk. You always think you know it all. But there are certain things other people see, and hear that you may not be aware of.”
“Okay. What? I am all ears”
“Can you believe that in Pakistan, one man who was declared winner of an election in Karachi, Pakistan, in the recent elections in that country on February 8, turned down the victory, and said he was not the rightful winner of the election because it was rigged? Hafiz Naeem of the Jamaat-e-Islami Party insisted that the votes of his opponent were reduced and his increased to give him an illegitimate victory. He says he disagrees.”
“Don’t believe everything you read on the internet, particularly when it comes to elections. Democracy is under threat universally. This year alone, there are more than 64 elections worldwide, including the ones that have taken place already and the ones to come, and the big threat is technology. People will use technology to manipulate anything - especially Artificial Intelligence (AI) to misinform, disinform, mislead and do all kinds of things. When you get any piece of information, you have to really double-check. Technology has become a threat to democracy. And the Pakistan that you mentioned. Pakistan is a country of very corrupt leaders, both civilian and military and that is why they are finding it difficult to form a government after the recent general elections.”
“But when we see what looks like a good example from another part of the world, we should throw it up as a good example.”
“I don’t get your point.”
“I am saying that is it ever possible in Nigeria that a politician will reject his own declared victory on the grounds that the election was rigged in his favour?”
“I don’t want you to think that anybody in Pakistan is better than any other person in Nigeria. I ask you to check the story behind the story before you begin to put down your own country and your own people.”
“Whatever the story behind the story is, I can bet that no Nigerian will ever give up an election victory on the grounds that an election was rigged in his or her favour. In this country, politicians would rather win by hook or crook. Win first and let others be the ones to complain. Rig. Steal. Grab the INEC certificate and let the aggrieved go to court. There is zero integrity in Nigerian politics. The politicians are no different from bandits, terrorists and insurgents, and kidnappers. Every electoral event is a kidnapping event. They kidnap the process, the voters, the officials, and the results.”
“Calm down. Stop condemning what you don’t know. Are you a politician? You will just read one or two sensational stories on social media, and Google and you will start sounding like an expert. Armchair expertise is the biggest problem we have with public affairs analysis in this country, and I see that it is becoming a very attractive and profitable enterprise. Can people learn to be humble?”
“You always like to water things down. Somebody will be going North; you will just take the conversation to the South. Okay, forget about Pakistan. Think of what happened in Edo state last weekend when after the All-Progressives’ Congress (APC) conducted its party primaries for the September 2024 race for Osadebey House, four different persons were declared winners. Nigeria’s ruling party could nor organize its own primaries. Ballot boxes were snatched. Journalists were attacked. There was vote rigging, open violence. As of this moment, all the gladiators and their supporters are claiming victory, trading blames and threatening that there would be more recriminations.”
“The matter will still be resolved. The gladiators will cancel themselves out. Those who can be bought will collect cash and agree to shut up. Whoever proves stubborn will be reminded that whatever the party decides at the end of the day is supreme and binding. You are referencing one politician in Pakistan, don’t be surprised if at the end of the day a member of the Edo APC Gubernatorial race comes forward and says he, as a loyal party man has agreed to respect the decision of the party and that he would rather support a former opponent. Politicians are the same everywhere. You should know the story before you draw conclusions.”
“But my point still stands. No Nigerian politician who has been declared winner, would on his own, on moral grounds, reject the victory. He will cling to it.”
“So, what is the moral of this your Paki story?”
“That politicians must have integrity. And I don’t know what is wrong with them in Edo APC. They have disgraced their party. They are disgracing the ruling party at the centre.”
“Calm down. They are not alone. The PDP is also disgracing itself in Edo State.”
“I hear Governor Godwin Obaseki is the problem in Edo PDP. They say he is the one who wants to determine single-handedly who succeeds him.”
“They say, they say… but the man himself has not said anything.”
“They say he wants to turn himself into the next Godfather of Edo State. He wants to choose and impose his own successor. I am afraid that when the EDO PDP organize their own primaries, this week, the chaos may be more than what we have seen in the APC.”
‘Dem say. Dem say. The only thing I know is that he has made it clear that his Deputy, Philip Shaibu who has been disrespecting and insulting him will not be Governor after him. It looks like that is his singular project, and the way he looks and even grunts when Shaibu tries to greet him in public, it looks like stopping Shaibu is a do or die affair for him.”
“But is that politics? Should people play the politics of hate and conflict?”
“You will have to mount the pulpit in a church to raise such questions, and you may do so to your heart’s content until you realize that the politics in churches and mosques is even far worse than what you see on the open field. The do-or-die politics in Nigerian places of religious worship is enough to make God wonder why he created Nigerians”.
“I understand that even the Labour Party in Edo State is divided. What is wrong with these Edo people?”
“Be careful. Nothing is wrong with Edo people. Watch what you say before the Oba of Benin declares you are an enemy of the Palace.”
“Oba gha to kpere. Ise!, Ise o, Ise o”
“The Nigerian politician is the problem, that is what you can say. Our politicians have not learnt any lessons, despite all the electoral reforms resulting in the Electoral Act 2022. They don’t care. They are still snatching ballot papers and deploying violence. What we are seeing in the off-cycle elections is actually a dress rehearsal for the 2027 elections.”
“Are you now a prophet?”
“No. But I can tell you that I am better than all those Nigerian prophets who predicted that Nigeria was going to win the top prize at the African Cup of Nations in Abidjan, Ivory Coast. The prophets lied. No one could even predict the outcome of the final game. But tomorrow, the same prophets will claim to know tomorrow, and Nigerians will believe them. Yahoo prophets! Some of them told us the Labour Party would be the alternative party in 2023. Look at what is happening to the Labour Party, not just in Edo State, but even at the national level.”
“I agree with you on this one. A big scandal. A terrible disappointment. This is a party that Mr. Peter Obi practically built up, revived and turned into a platform of desire, with his energy, goodwill and resources. He galvanized and mobilized Nigerian youths to believe that a new, different Nigeria is possible and many bought into the vision: “Obi ke ke renke Obi, Obi Nwan nem… Elu uuu Pee”. Remember the Obidient Movement. They told us to be Obidient and Yusful. But look at the Labour Party today. It has been reduced to Julius Abure vs. Lamidi Apapa, Julius Abure vs Oluchi Oparah. I even hear they are looking for money. They are fighting over money. Please tell me, how are they different from APC and PDP?”
“The parties are all the same. But you left out Maria Labeke vs. Julius Abure. The former Acting Chairman of the Party, Maria Labeke says Abure forged her signature. Poor Peter Obi. He has had to call for a proper audit of the party’s accounts.”
“It probably looks like the APC is a better party after all. At least they are in power at the centre.”
“How is the APC better? In less than one year of the Tinubu Presidency, Nigerians are groaning and weeping and gnashing their teeth as a result of the high cost of living. Average price levels have risen. Families can no longer feed. Inflation is 30%, food inflation is over 34%, the Discos are threatening to increase electricity tariffs and the cost of meters. National Road Transport owners are threatening to stop lifting petroleum products because they can’t agree on affordable freight rates with major oil marketers. Landlords are hiking rent. Foreign exchange is a source of daily nightmare with the Naira devalued by more than 60% since January. If I must tell you something, housewives, side chicks and prostitutes have all conspired to punish Nigerian men. They all now quote black market rates. These people have destroyed the culture of leisure”.
“I don’t know what you call leisure. Leisure is different from sin. When you are made to pay for your sins, don’t drag the government into that.”
“So, is it a sin to be a Nigerian? Because that is how many Nigerians feel right now. Even the price of beer has gone up.”
“You don’t have to drink beer. Drink water.”
“The last time I checked, this is supposed to be a free country. But there are food protests all over the country. The cost of staple foods has gone up. People cannot afford to buy bread. The other day in Lagos, people were struggling to buy subsidized loaves of bread for N100. Another day, a good Samaritan provided free tubers of yam, people were ready to die to get their hands on just one tuber. In Niger State, the state Governor has had to warn other Nigerians not to come to Niger State to buy food.”
“The Federal government says it will release 102, 000 metric tons of grains to Nigerians.”
“Grains to be fed to goats and hungry chickens right? Nigerians have become animals?”
“But the government will not import food. They wanted to, but they have changed their minds.”
“Confusion. Policy incoherence.”
“And there will be no commodity boards. No fixing of prices.”
“They have no clue”
“They say the problems they inherited are too many, too much and the people should learn to be patient, especially Organized Labour, NLC, TUC, threatening to go on strike by month-end.”
“I have my doubts about those ones, please. Nigerians must be used to the perpetual scare-mongering by Labour now. They will hold one or two meetings with the government, and they will call off their strike and our suffering will continue. Please.”
“The Government says you people must have hope. Every person associated with the government, including Tinubu’s son, Seyi says Nigerians must have faith”
“Who is that?”
“Tinubu’s son. He says Nigerians must endure.”
“Seyi Tinubu has the audacity to put his mouth into this matter? Does he think this is a family affair? What does he know about endurance? Can he just focus on his omo Baba Olowo, akebaje, lifestyle?”
“Even his brother-in-law has been appointed Managing Director of the Federal Housing Authority. And the sister, the Iyaloja-General of the Federation, says we should all be patient. The President is trying his best to carry everybody along.”
“God! God! God!”
“Indeed, it is only God who can help us. In Borno State, Governor Babagana Zulum has asked the entire state to embark on fasting and praying and to call on God to help resolve the crisis of rising food inflation and insecurity. Yesterday, in Borno state, the people fasted and prayed. O ye men of little faith.”
“We have a government in place and we are looking for Manna from Heaven? In 2024? Can someone please pinch me?”
“The Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Yemi Cardoso, and the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume have just told doubting Thomases like you at the Catholic Bishops Conference a few days ago that there is hope. Serious hope. Wake up, my friend.”
“Audio, my brother audio oh. Where is the hope? The Naira is practically becoming worthless. Who is still preaching hope to the Gentiles?”
“The CBN Governor said that the economic reforms introduced by the Tinubu administration are working, and that if Nigerians do not see this, the IMF has seen it. Rating agencies like Fitch have seen it.”
“Very good. Good to know that our CBN Governor is suggesting that Nigerians are blind people. Nice compliment. But can someone tell him and other merchants of hope that, we, the Nigerian people do not see what IMF is seeing? We live here. We feel it. We are the ones involved in it. And we know that things are tough in this country. Life is hard. That is why there are food protests on the streets of Abuja, Ota, Kano, Kaduna and Ibadan.”
“They say the problems were caused by the Buhari administration.”
“Not Jonathan again? I thought they said it was Jonathan.”
“President Jonathan is now a hero. When he left the government in 2015, the foreign exchange rate was N150 to the dollar. Today, it is about N1, 650 to the dollar. By Easter, it may get to N2,000 to the dollar. Even state governors are now saying they cannot function, they cannot deliver services because of inflation and the exchange rate fiasco.”
“You are quoting PDP Governors who are looking for visas to Venezuela. They are part of the problem too”.
“So, from whence will our help cometh, O Lord??”
“In a democracy, what you wish for is what you get. Have you forgotten? Emi lokan. Awa lo kan. Eyin lo kan. Come on, e lo fokan bale.”
![[OPINION] AFCON 2023: A Review - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/8455712c3336358ff2c40d33973a172e_XS.jpg?t=20240213_095837)
Big, loud and hearty congratulations to the people and government of the Republic of Ivory Coast for hosting and organizing what has been considered one of the best editions of the Confederation of African Football (CAF) tournaments. The last time the African Cup of Nations was hosted in West Africa was in 2022, delayed from 2021, and that was in Cameroon between January 9 and February 6, 2022. Originally scheduled to be held in June/July 2021, AFCON 2021 as it was otherwise known, had to be shifted for sponsorship reasons and COVID. By then participating teams in the African soccer fiesta had been increased from 16 to 24 teams, and the Cameroonians hosted the tournament in five cities and six stadiums. But this was against the background of security threats in Cameroon, majorly from separatist groups, and as it turned out, the violence that eventually occurred was at the Olembe Stadium in Yaounde. Access to the stadium was the problem, during a last-16 match between hosts Cameroon and Comoros, resulting in a stampede and the unfortunate death of eight persons.
This cast a shadow on the hosting of AFCON at the time. Ivory Coast deserves plaudits therefore for organizing and delivering a largely hitch-free tournament. There were minor incidents of course: the Gambian team had to return to Banjul after their chartered flight, en route Abidjan, suddenly lost oxygen nine minutes after take-off; also, violence erupted after AFCON hosts, Cote D'Ivoire were beaten 4-0 by Equatorial Guinea in the final match of Group A. Aggrieved Ivorian fans vandalized vehicles and smashed the windows of buses. When Ghana’s Black Stars drew against Mozambique 2-2, in a final group game, and faced a sure exit, angry Ghanaian journalists barricaded the team’s bus and demanded to speak to the Black Stars’ players and manager. Fans also reportedly went after Ghana coach, Chris Houghton when the team lost to Cape Verde, 2- 1 in their opening Group B match. In the semi-final match between Democratic Republic of Congo and Ivory Coast, the DRC squad decided to make a political statement by protesting about the crisis in Eastern Congo while singing their country’s national anthem. More notably, over 50 journalists who went to Yamoussoukro, to cover Senegal vs Gambia (Group C) and Angola vs Burkina Faso (Group D) matches reportedly had an accident at about 2.30 am, Ivory Coast time, on their return to Abidjan. Some of them sustained injuries.
Nonetheless, on the whole, these became minor issues. The Ivorian Football Federation delivered a successful tournament with no deaths recorded as a result of errors of organization or internal conflicts. The people of Ivory Coast also went a step further by winning the trophy on the back of what seemed like an imminent relegation. The Elephants of Ivory Coast qualified for the knock-out stage by sheer luck, as one of the best of the worst four, but from the moment they crossed that line, luck, destiny and strategy worked in their favour backed by extra-ordinary nationalistic fervour. Last Sunday, they beat the Super Eagles, Nigeria’s better-ranked team, 2-1 to lift the AFCON trophy for a record third time, thus matching Nigeria’s record in the tournament. It was a glorious moment for Cote D’Ivoire, the first country to host the tournament and win it since Egypt last did same as host-country in 2006. We saw true nationalism on display. The 60,000-capacity Allasane Ouattara Stadium in Abidjan was filled to the brim, and the Orange-clad Ivorians stayed till the trophy was handed over. The crowd obviously put Nigeria’s Super Eagles under pressure. But both the crowd and the people of Ivory Coast obviously wanted the trophy more than the Nigerians. They had to sack their coach, Jean Louis-Gasset, and appoint Emerse Fae, who by default took them to the finals. They also made history through Sebastien Haller, a come-back kid, who despite recuperation from testicular cancer and a knee injury sealed Nigeria’s fate with an 81st minute goal.
CAF and its President Patrice Motsepe and the entire Board of CAF equally deserve to be applauded. The organization was superb. The quality of play was excellent with many of the players from the 24 teams that participated now certainly looking forward to better recruitments internationally. The money was good too. Motsepe and co before the tournament announced that the prize money would go up by 40% as follows: $7 million for winning, $4 million for the runners up, the two losing semi-finalists got $2.5 m each, losing quarter finalists - $1.3 m, and the eight teams that got knocked out in the round of 16 - $800, 00 each, the teams that ranked third but failed to make the round of 16 - $700, 000, the fourth teams in each of the six groups - $500, 000. So, in a sense, most of the teams would go home with some cash. But this was not a tournament driven by cash per se but history, ironies and revelations. And except for one or two informal complaints, by Ghana and Nigeria, the officiating was generally considered satisfactory, and perhaps that would attract the attention of FIFA to make the refereeing of global football more inclusive with the participation at the highest levels of African male and female referees. It was also agreed that the pitches were much better and that the entertainment value was top-notch. In fact, one married, Ivorian man in the stands got so carried away he propositioned a Senegalese woman next to him. His moment of distraction was fully captured on camera and televised. He had to apologize to his wife and family afterwards!
Opta, the AI supercomputer got many of the predictions wrong as did the bookmakers too. Opta, working with BBC, crunching the numbers based on recent and historical performances, identified Senegal as the country with the most likely chance to win with a 12.8% chance, followed by Ivory Coast with 12.1%, and Morocco with 11.1%. By the quarter-finals, the same Opta was already projecting Nigeria’s Super Eagles as strong favourites. Opta’s AI was wrong. Ivory Coast took the trophy. This was a tournament of surprises and vanishing stars. Sebastien Haller, the Ivorian winning goal scorer, from Borussia Dortmund, whose face was also all over billboards in Abidjan in fact looked like he was not going to play at all, but destiny brought him into reckoning. Mohammed Salah of Egypt whom everyone thought would make a difference for his country, left the tournament early due to injury. Egypt did not even make it to the knock-out stage. Liverpool that had been worried sick about Salah being in AFCON 2023 had nothing to worry about at the end of the day. Riyad Mahrez, had to drop from his country, Algeria’s first XI after two false starts. Mahrez is Algeria’s star, but he was out of action literally in AFCON 2023. Yves Bissouma of Mali and Dango Quattara of Burkina Faso were afflicted by injury. Andre Onana, Manchester United’s goalkeeper was also in Abidjan, but he played only one match for his country Cameroon, out of three. New stars emerged. Senegal may have dropped out, but they gave us the 20-year-old gifted Lamine Camara, who helped his country to top Group C with a 100% record. Soon after, Senegal crashed out, losing 5-4 to Ivory Coast on penalties in the knock-out stage.
It was also a tournament in which coaches lost out. Algeria sacked their coach Djamel Belmadi after the two-time winners’ shock loss to Mauritania. Ivory Coast also sacked their coach after an embarrassing loss to Equatorial Guinea. Ghana fired Chris Houghton. Rui Vittoria, the Egyptian coach was also sacked. Jalel Kadri, the Tunisian coach did not wait to be sacked. He resigned. Tunisia left Ivory Coast without a single win to their name. They only just managed to score one goal in a 1-1 draw with Mali, and came last in Group E. Algeria was knocked out by Mauritania. Ghana was sent out by Mozambique, Morocco, the same Morocco that did well at the World Cup was defeated by South Africa. Egypt did not go beyond the last 16. Cameroon did not get to the quarter finals. Instead, the big revelations were Democratic Republic of Congo whose team made it to the final play-off against South Africa. Cape Verde and Equatorial Guinea surprised even themselves. There were no minnows.
Which is why, I think that the Super Eagles deserve some praise for making it to the finals and winning the Silver medal. Silver is not gold, yes. But it is still something. Nigeria won the trophy three times in the past: 1980, 1994, and 2013. Nigeria have been runners-up in 1984, 1988, 1990, 2000, and now 2023. If we must be honest with ourselves, it was clear that we were not ready to win this time around. Our preparation for the tournament was shoddy. We simply got there by chance, prompting Brown Ideye, who was part of the 2013 South African winning squad to say ahead of the tournament that the Super Eagles lacked the hunger and discipline to win a fourth trophy. “We have good players but we don’t have a team to win the AFCON now,” he said. Ideye was absolutely right, as evident on Sunday when the Super Eagles put up their worst performance in the tournament. The statistics clearly confirmed the outcome: the Elephants of Cote D’Ivoire had better ball possession – over 60%, and better shots on goal – 8. Nigeria trailed behind, playing a highly defensive game that made no sense. We scored the only shot at goal. Our midfield was non-existent. People have been trying to blame Alex Iwobi in the midfield – but what can one man do? Others have said Osimhen could have played better. What do you want him to do? He is who he is because he plays for Napoli- a team that is structured differently. In Napoli, other players give him the ball. With the Super Eagles, he had to look for the ball himself and try to create chances for others. One man doing the work of three men! Osimhen was completely marked out by the Angolans and the South Africans and in the finals, the Ivorians were determined to break his legs. Nigeria’s game plan looked stupid. The players were flat-footed. There was no creativity in the midfield. Patriotism took the better side of me when we qualified for the finals. We all have an obligation to support our country. I certainly agree with those who believe that this is not the end of the road for the Super Eagles given the circumstances. Win some, lose some. That is life.
But what next? Morocco is the next venue of AFCON. The qualifiers will start in March 2024. We may have lost at AFCON 2023, but now is the time to begin to prepare for the next challenge. Serious-minded nations start preparing for the next tournament the morning after. They don’t wait till the last minute as we do in Nigeria. In AFCON 2023, South Africa fielded ten local league players from one home-based club – the Mamelodi Sundowns and they went away with the Bronze Medal, their very first medal in 24 years. We were lucky they didn’t beat us during the semi-finals. They outplayed Nigeria, and that is the truth, the same way Cote D’Ivoire outplayed us on Sunday. Nigeria must have learnt one big lesson and it is this: luck is not enough in international competitions. There is something extra teams bring to the table and we saw this with Cote D’Ivoire. Nigeria must begin to find that extra by working to build a team of the future. Jose Peseiro, the current manager, cannot help us in that regard. I don’t see the point in renewing his contract. His contract has expired by the way. It had to be extended to cover the AFCON 2023, and now that we made it to just the finals, can we aim higher? It is even a shame that Nigeria over the years has not been able to develop enough local expertise to compete with the rest of the world, and yet the country has to make do with absentee, tourist foreign coaches.
Whatever it was however, it must be possible for us to agree that success of any kind tends to bring out the best in all of us. When Nigeria does well, the people bond together, because we all want the same thing. As the Super Eagles advanced in AFCON 2023, they provided us all with useful distraction from the problems at home. Whenever we scored and won, nobody talked about the religion or the ethnicity of the player. Nobody cared where Victor Osimhen, Troost-Ekong, Lookman Afolabi or Moses Simon or Stanley Nwabali came from. At one viewing centre in Lagos, Governor Babajide Sanwoolu was shown leading a chorus of celebration when Nigeria beat Angola to get to the semi-finals. Some of the people at the viewing centre must have voted for Labour Party and the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in the last election, but party affiliations were suspended for the objective of national glory. Nigeria needs to build on opportunities for such cohesion. And kudos to all the private sector units who helped along the way to bolster the excitement of the country’s participation: TotalEnergies, sponsored the tournament, MTN Nigeria too, Nigeria Breweries set up viewing centres across the country with its Life, Zagg Malt and Goldberg brands, the Lagos State Government had 29 viewing centres across Lagos State, and Glo/Otunba Mike Adenuga publicly identified with and supported the national aspiration to win the trophy, and of course thank you, all Nigerians who suspended disbelief to cheer on your country. Five persons died in the process out of patriotic excitement. May their souls rest in peace. Now that the battle has been won and lost, we must now all return to the reality of our urgent dilemma: hyperinflation, poverty in the land, and the continuing search for good governance. The game is over, the struggle continues…
![[OPINION] Cardoso, CBN And The Nigerian Economy - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/996d7ffdd9eaf6d5c6ab0eeb8f6fd553_XS.jpg?t=20240206_083107)
It is not just the menace of insecurity in the land that has been in the news in Nigeria, the economy too, and indeed the latter for obvious reasons as well, with the national currency, the Naira in a very bad shape, inflation at 28.92%, widespread systemic distortions in the economy, a foreign exchange regime gone askew, resulting in a problematic business environment for investors, high unemployment rate, further misalignments between the monetary and fiscal spaces, and gross anxiety among the people for whom the Naira no longer holds as much value as it used to. In November 2023, the National Security Adviser (NSA), Nuhu Ribadu speaking at the Defence Intelligence Annual Conference reported that the Tinubu administration inherited “a bankrupt economy which had resulted in budgetary constraints… it is important for you to know that we have inherited a very difficult situation…” Before then, the Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun and Atiku Bagudu, Minister of Budget and National Planning had both said just as much. Fresh concerns have now been raised about the Nigerian economy following the exclusive interview granted to Arise News, by the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Mr. Olayemi Cardoso. The interview was conducted by seasoned Business Correspondent, Boafson Omofaye. It has been reported widely.
The timing of the interview could not have been more auspicious. The monetary space had become so busy recently, everything was becoming confusing. The Cardoso interview offered needed clarifications on a number of issues. He was emphatic as he had been since November 2023, that the purpose of the reforms being introduced by the CBN under him is to stabilise the foreign exchange regime and the economy through proper alignments to foster economic growth. Over the weekend, there had in fact been a panicky announcement that the FG was planning to convert people’s domiciliary accounts in Deposit Money Banks (DMBs) to Naira at a government-determined rate. Cardoso promptly dismissed that as untrue. I think the source of that rumour should be traced. It was a potentially disruptive and provocative piece of fake news, to even suggest that government would take the unthinkable step of stealing people’s money! People who make up such stories that can potentially cause social and economic crises should be made to pay for their folly. The interview raised quite a number of questions.
First, what happened to all the promises made by Mr. Cardoso in his first major outing as CBN Governor when he delivered a keynote address, and an economic roadmap at the 58th Annual Dinner and 60th Anniversary of the Chartered Institute of Bankers of Nigeria (CIBN)? On that occasion, Mr. Cardoso outlined the CBN’s priorities as (i) achieving monetary and price stability given the real-life implications of same for the well-being of Nigerians; (ii) targeted policies, transparent market operations and coordination between monetary and fiscal authorities, to ensure a more stable exchange rate, control inflation, and create an enabling environment for businesses and individuals to thrive; (iii) adopt measures to tackle institutional deficiencies, restore corporate governance, strengthen regulations and implement prudent policies, and overall (iv) promote sustainable and inclusive economic growth. He also announced these targets: (a) banks will be directed to recapitalize (b) the extant ban on 43 items in the official foreign exchange market will be lifted to enable market forces to determine exchange rates; (c) the adoption of a floating exchange rate among other policies; (d) emphasis on technology in financial services with strict regulatory compliance and (e ) achieving a one-trillion-dollar economy in the next seven years, with the CBN strictly focused on its core mandate. Good ideas, so they seem on paper. It may also be argued that the CBN has not had enough time for its ideas to be fairly assessed, but so far, there have been more anxieties about the Nigerian economy, rather than confidence. Of that, we are certain.
There may have been a slew of reforms, guidelines, directives and measures by the CBN, still, the economy has taken a dive for the worse, with the floating foreign exchange regime or managed float as they call it, resulting in massive depreciation of the Naira, at a point, the naira was losing its value every 48 hours – an absolutely chaotic situation even to non-economists. A Nigerian Professor who delivered his exaugural lecture recently, disclosed that whereas in 2011, his monthly salary was worth $2,698.40, in 2024, with 20 years of service as a Professor - his salary had reduced to $291.88, both figures calculated on the basis of Nigeria’s foreign exchange rate. He is not alone. Ordinary people have more to complain about. Persons who could walk about a year or two ago and still claim that they belonged to the Nigerian middle class have found themselves at such a pitiable level that they can no longer feed themselves. Families have had to withdraw their children from schools abroad and from private schools at home, and send them to Nigeria’s terrible public schools. Many employers of labour are just putting up appearances. They can’t pay staff. They can’t buy diesel. The staff themselves have nowhere to go, because there are no easy alternatives. Many families have broken up because so-called breadwinners cannot win anything again. Last month, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reviewed Nigeria’s economic growth projection downwards from 3.1% in October 2023, to 3.0% in 2024. The Nigerian government is meanwhile optimistic that it would record a GDP growth of 3.76%. How? When one policy appears to be failing, another policy is quickly introduced, or a measure or guideline is thrown into the mix, in typical Nigerian fashion: if this does not work, may be that one would work. Many Nigerians have since fled the country in the hope that life would be better elsewhere. It is called “Japa” in local parlance.
To be fair, we have seen the CBN embarking on a make or mar move to save the Naira which the CBN Governor said was undervalued. But what is the Naira’s real value? Nobody knows, not even the CBN Governor – at least he could not make any revelations in that regard in his Arise News interview. What has happened to the Naira is not strange, it is alarming. In December 2023, the exchange rate was N907.1/$1. By the end of January, the Naira had been devalued to about N1,455.59 – a 37.7% depreciation in one month! In days of yore, the Naira used to be as strong as the dollar and the pounds sterling. Today, many – citizens and investors alike -have lost faith in the country’s national currency, having failed in its original function as a store of value. This has resulted in the continuing dollarization of the Nigerian economy, a misfortune which Femi Falana SAN is currently challenging at the Federal High Court, Lagos seeking the enforcement of relevant sections of the CBN Act, 2007.Unfortunately, the courts can read out the law, but the Naira’s value is beyond the pronouncements of the judex; its real value is in the market-place of productivity and consumption.
Cardoso’s CBN has since moved in with policies, measures and guidelines in a classical fire brigade fashion: On January 29, it issued a circular on “Financial Markets Price Transparency”. On January 31, it issued another circular on “the Harmonization of Reporting Requirements on Foreign Currency Exposure of Banks,” the effect of which was that banks should bring their excess forex stocks to the market unfailingly by the deadline of February 1, 2024. Also on January 31, the CBN further issued a circular on International Money Transfer Organisations (IMTOs). Before now, there had been a +/- 2.5% on the NAFEX rate for IMTOs. That has now been removed. Specific guidelines were further issued on International Money Transfer Services with regard to minimum capital share ($1million), non-refundable application fees (N10 million), and all exporters are required to provide details of their domiciliary accounts and NXP numbers, with export proceeds to be promptly repatriated within 90 days for oil exports and 180 days for non-oil exports. In another move, the CBN reviewed the Cash Reserve Ratio (CRR) framework. It also reviewed the exchange rate for the calculation of import duty upwards from N952 to N1, 357, with immediate effect. If policy pronouncements and circulars alone could save an economy, the CBN has put up more than enough drama in that regard in recent times. At no other time in the last decade has there been so much frantic effort to assert regulatory control, adopt measures to increase forex liquidity and insist on transparency and ensure correction. Mr. Cardoso defends these policy measures and assures the public that they would eventually stabilise the monetary space. We will see. We will see.
What is interesting in that Cardoso interview is the disclosure by him that about $2.7 billion out of the reported $7 billion outstanding foreign exchange liabilities of the Federal Government are not valid for settlement. An audit process commissioned by the CBN and conducted by Deloitte showed that those claims are fraudulent, and having been exposed as such, those who were making the claims have chosen to be quiet. However, the CBN has settled $2.3 billion valid requests, with current outstanding FX obligations standing at about $2.2 billion. The CBN Governor left much unsaid. Who are those persons or non-entities who made fraudulent claims? They need to be named, and if they had escaped with such “419 tactics” (obtaining money by false pretence) in the past, now that they have been uncovered, they should be sanctioned accordingly. It is not enough to say that their claims were rejected. What do they produce? What do they consume?
Mr. Cardoso also said clearly that whereas he is not against direct interventions by the CBN in the economy provided such interventions were well thought-out but that under him the CBN would rather focus on its core mandate. He pointed out that the CBN had intervened before him through loans and advances, up to N10 trillion, the volume and mismanagement of which resulted in the same distortions and inflation now troubling the economy. Indeed, before Cardoso, the CBN was in the business of Ways and Means beyond the allowable thresholds, and the CBN even became so overstretched, it intervened in virtually every sector of the economy from agriculture to fashion and soon began to dictate fiscal policies. The caveat is that those in charge of those other sectors of the economy at the time practically had no clue. The Central Bank of Nigeria actually had a more up-to-date register of Nigerian farmers than the Federal Ministry of Agriculture! But what are the specific distortions? Who mismanaged those interventions? Cardoso has cleverly offered a veiled criticism of the CBN that he inherited. He should be more specific. He would have to go beyond innuendoes, more so as some of the measures that the CBN has now introduced amount to a complete repudiation of what existed hitherto. Who exactly did what that has brought Nigeria to this sorry economic situation?
It is also important that while trying to return the CBN to its core mandate, the CBN under Cardoso does not repeat the same errors that it seeks to correct. Take for example the decision to return the excluded 43 items to the official foreign exchange market. How has that helped? Take also the increase in exchange rate for the computation of import duty. Is import duty not a fiscal matter? Take the new Implementation Guidelines on Cash Reserve Requirement Framework – here the attempt is to correct the arbitrary practices of old, and correct bad behaviour but what exactly went wrong? The banks were also asked to offload their excess forex stock, and just like that, the improvement in forex liquidity was traced to that directive, the long-term effect of which is yet to be seen. Wait a moment, you mean the banks were sitting on $7 billion and yet they always said they had no forex to sell? To get the banks to sell Forex was an ordeal, in fact, they became so comfortable, they even told customers that there was no Naira in their vaults. Every year, the banks declared trillions of profits at the people’s expense. They were using our money to make profit at our expense! Where was the same CBN? What happened to its oversight, regulatory role? The banks can of course claim that they have not committed any crime. They also do not trust the Naira, so it was better for them to stockpile value in dollars. The banks and the CBN can shift blame from now till the end of the year, that would not make any difference. But then who pays for the bad behaviour all around within the system? I am not too sure that the CBN Governor was in any position to shed light on that. And are there mechanisms in place to sustain the regulatory control that the CBN is trying to assert?
When CBN Governors speak in other jurisdictions, they base their positions on hard core data or evidence. Nigeria’s apex bank Governor did not have much data to speak with, which was why he could not make definite statements on inflation or other macroeconomic issues, or the proposed Monetary Policy Committee Meeting (MPC) now scheduled for February 26-27. For whatever it is worth, however, it was good to hear him speak with so much confidence and optimism even if we all know that it would take more than promises, social media posts, or the movement of departments from Abuja to Lagos, to rebuild this economy. It is either Nigeria goes to the World Bank or the IMF to secure a lifeline to rescue the Naira, or we find ways in the long run to return to those old days when the Nigerian economy used to work. The CBN cannot also do it alone. The long-term solution lies in making this economy productive again. The country is too import-dependent. It can’t even refine its own crude oil, it has to import finished products from elsewhere. The economy is too narrow, it has to be expanded to generate better activities and opportunities beyond oil. Up till the eighties, Nigeria boasted of so many industrial estates that produced textiles and foods and beverages. We produced our own tyres and vehicles and food. Along the Ikeja area, the sweet smell of wheat and barley, and confectionery and beverages wafted into the air; today those old industrial units have been taken over by heavy noise pollution from the Alleluia-shouting choruses! In the Niger Delta, there is too much oil theft and pipeline vandalism. Insecurity stalks the land. The people will not eat hope or policies. We squandered the riches. We are now harvesting poverty. Sad, but true.
![[OPINION] A National Emergency On Insecurity - Reuben Abati](/media/k2/items/cache/c544a5191a0377bbe79574522065c7d9_XS.jpg?t=20240130_091831)
The biggest problem Nigeria faces at the moment beyond the parlous state of the economy is the general insecurity in the land and it is about time government declared a national emergency on the challenge. Certainly, the phrase “national emergency” must be familiar with most Nigerians: it has been declared once too often by the Nigerian government to acknowledge that a particular aspect of national life is in urgent need of attention but once the spokespersons mouth the phrase, everyone soon moves on. Nothing is done. The problem persists. A classical case in point would be the declaration of an” immediate state of emergency on food insecurity” in July 2023 by the Tinubu administration. We were told that the government was “not unmindful of the rising cost of food and how it affects the citizens.” At the time Nigeria’s inflation rate was 22.41%. Food inflation stood at 24.82%. The plan was to deploy savings from the fuel subsidy removal into the agricultural sector, and bring “all matters pertaining to food and water availability within the purview of the National Security Council.”
Months down the line, the emergency has had no effect in the short or medium term. As of December 2023, headline inflation had risen to 28.9%, and food inflation was 33.93%. The situation is now so bad that average Nigerians are groaning under the terror of sharp rises, over a consecutive 20-month period, in the average prices of oil and fat, meat, bread, cereals, potatoes, yam and other tubers, with food prices as high as 44.73% in Kogi state, 41.33% in Kwara and 39.55% in Imo. The so-called savings from fuel subsidy removal is seen majorly in terms of higher allocations to states and the Federal Government, the removal of fuel subsidy itself has fuelled further distortions within the economy to the people’s disadvantage. People are now eating from dustbins. Nigerians are depressed and angry.
The focus on food insecurity may have stemmed from the folkloric belief that once a people can feed themselves, then their poverty is significantly reduced. The reality is that more Nigerians have slipped into poverty and misery. Government may also have done well to recognize that insecurity is multi-dimensional even if it has not made any difference or showed any signs in that direction. We have also seen that having your kinsman in power and office does not guarantee prosperity on the grounds of proximity.
But the big elephant in the room, it seems, is the complete dehumanization of the Nigerian person, the increasing worthlessness of lives and properties, the spread of violence and anomie in the land, in the face of an obvious and beguiling failure of the Nigerian state. The legitimacy of the modern state, beyond the controversies about sources and typologies inheres more in the connection between state authority and the people’s interests and how those interests are served through the deployment of state resources and infrastructure. In Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution, the purpose of government is defined as ensuring the security and welfare of the people. But the Nigerian government is detached. The people are not sure if the government is for them or against them. What they see is the state apparatus at all levels being used to serve the people in power who merely mouth commitment to their primary assignment as convenient slogans. The people do not feel secure, hence the resort to self-help by all manners of persons setting up ethnic militias, state militias, vigilante groups. The government having failed them, and the government showing persistently a lack of capacity to listen and act, Nigeria is a security nightmare. Nobody is safe, not even traditional rulers who used to be sacred persons within the community. Yesterday, in Ekiti state, two traditional rulers – the Onimojo of Imojo-Ekiti and the Elesun of Esun-Ekiti were killed in an ambush by armed men. Before now, there had been regular reports of the abduction of traditional rulers in the South East, the most recent victim was the traditional ruler of Orodo Autonomous Community in Mbaitoli Local Government Area of Imo State.
The problem is not new, but it has never been this bad in a literal sense. In 2014, the then emergent political Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV), that is the All Progressives Congress ran a campaign against the incumbent Goodluck Jonathan administration partly on the grounds that as a civilian, President Jonathan could not handle the country’s security challenges. The party sold the dummy to the electorate that a leader with a military background was the best bet for Nigeria. They advertised General Muhammadu Buhari, a civil war hero and former military Head of State as the messiah who would drive the bandits, the terrorists, crude oil thieves, insurgents and all kinds of criminals away from the shores of Nigeria. The people bought this false narrative and Buhari became President, with the additional promise that he will strengthen the economy and fight corruption. For eight years we kept hearing that the Buhari government had decimated the ranks of terrorists and bandits. But nothing was decimated. Under Buhari, criminals became bolder. Trains were hijacked and attacked. Crude oil thieves in the Niger Delta had a field day. The economy failed, and that much has been confirmed by members of his own party who are now in charge in Abuja. No amount of deodorant can eliminate the stench of failure in those eight years.
The APC retained power at the centre after the 2023 general elections, in the person of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu who says he has a “Renewed Hope agenda.” Under him, Nigeria has now even witnessed some of the most shocking security breaches in recent memory. Nobody has come forward to say that this is so because Bola Tinubu is a civilian and not a soldier. Buhari had exploded the myth that a man who had donned the uniform is best suited to fight in an asymmetrical war. Leading troops in a fratricidal civil war is not the same as fighting groups of terrorists, bandits, Jihadists and criminals. It must not be possible to fool Nigerians with such poppycock again. The Buhari administration indeed worsened the situation by sending wrong signals on the security situation. He would on several occasions direct the security forces to deal with terrorists, but at the same time his government actively sought to appease the same terrorists.
Terrorists were for the most part treated as agitators rather than as criminals. The Americans killed Osama Bin Laden, Al Baghdadi and Al Zawahiri, in Buhari’s Nigeria, the government pursued the task, so vigorously of rehabilitating Nigerian terrorists who had been identified as the fourth deadliest in the world. They were given money, food, clothing and chieftaincy titles. In 2021, the Buhari administration pardoned over 1, 000 Boko Haram fighters. The same government that talked about “Operation Lafiya Dole”, and “Operation Last Hold” was also the same administration that adopted Operation Safe Corridor for terrorists! This policy incoherence merely emboldened the criminals. It did not help. In 2022, terrorists attacked innocent Nigerians travelling in a train between Abuja and Kaduna. They also attacked airports. The government was helpless, if not complicit.
The Tinubu administration is facing the harvest of that failure. Criminal elements continue to dare his administration with such temerity that it is difficult to believe that Nigeria’s security agencies take the lion share of the country’s annual budget estimates. What exactly do they do with all that money? On Christmas Eve in 2023, bandits killed close to 200 persons in three local government areas of Bokkos, Mangu and Barkin Ladi in Plateau state. At the mass burial of some of the victims, a commander of Operation Safe Haven told the grieving community that it was the “work of the Devil.” The Devil has since returned to kill more people in Plateau and in other states like Zamfara, turning the Middle Belt and the North Central into the killing fields of Nigeria. As usual, the President condemned the killings, and gave the security chiefs marching orders to bring the perpetrators to book. Terrorists and kidnappers in Nigeria are so used to these sermons that they merely shrug off statements from Aso Rock and move on to the next target. Kidnappers in particular have put the Nigerian security establishment to shame. They operate at will, collect ransoms openly, and even that does not guarantee safety or the release of the abducted persons. In one shocking example, kidnappers went to a military estate, and made away with people. When policemen and soldiers cannot protect themselves, where does that leave the people? The government keeps feeding the people with the pill of hope and promises. Nigeria has a high rate of unemployment, poverty is rife. Certain elements have found kidnapping to be a more enabling business ecosystem, so much, that there have been cases of persons who organized their own kidnap in order to extort money from family members! Desperate people resort to desperate means to survive.
But perhaps, The Economist magazine in its editorial of January 24 titled “Kidnappers are wreaking havoc in Nigeria, yet President Tinubu’s security plan is worryingly like his predecessor’s” placed its fingers on why the dilemma persists when it wrote as follows: “How much politicians in Nigeria care about national insecurity has long been correlated with how close it gets to their mansions in Abuja, the capital.” Is that leadership? And where does that leave the hapless people who live in places like central Nigeria who are slaughtered in their hundreds, and the security agencies respond only after damage has been done?
The Economist added: “At his inauguration last May, Mr. Tinubu declared security his “top priority.” Yet more than 3, 600 people were kidnapped in 2023, the most ever, according to ACLED, a global monitor of conflict. The snatching rose sharply after Mr. Tinubu took office. And almost 9,000 Nigerians were killed in conflict last year.” Human beings oh, not animals! And hear this: “the government tends to splurge on fancy weapons systems that fail to tackle the roots of the problem which is poverty, poor education and anger at many atrocities…Another huge problem is graft in security spending…This is worsened by a system known as security votes, whereby parts of defence spending are deemed too sensitive.”
What the newspaper did not add is that even the language of engagement has not changed. The Defence Headquarters is always boasting that “perpetrators will be exposed” (for where?), when people have been killed, properties razed, the Police is always quick wake up from its slumber to announce a special operation to be led by an Assistant Inspector General of Police, and the President summons a National Security Council meeting and gives directives. The Service Chiefs for the past eight years have told Nigerians that they are working on Nigeria’s security architecture, or National Security Strategy which will deploy kinetic and non-kinetic measures. To tell the truth, when I hear anybody talking about “kinetic and non-kinetic” I simply conclude that some security chiefs are again looking for an opportunity to collect more money and do nothing. It is pure madness to keep doing the same thing and keep getting the same results again and again without any progress.
Nigeria needs new thinking, new ideas in security management. Hard questions need to be asked, more so as we are now at a turning point, even in the sub-region. The decision to withdraw, “without delay”, from ECOWAS by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, this week, is bound to escalate the security crisis within the sub-region, and pose challenges for Nigeria. We share a border of about 1, 668 kilometres with Niger. Our borders are porous. Niger may see no further obligation to help fight terrorists within its own borders to prevent a spill-over. The only thing we can safely assume is that the Tinubu administration may not resort to the old practice of providing accommodation, clothes and food for bandits and terrorists. Or could that be why there has been an unprecedented resurgence of criminality in the country?
The new ideas that we call for cannot come from the Security Council or Defence Headquarters and the rest of the security establishment. It has been established that intelligence is a problem at the heart of Nigeria’s National Security Strategy. Even when actionable intelligence is made available to our security agencies, they are hardly ever pro-active. Our recommendation is, as a starting point, the convocation of a National Summit on Insecurity in Nigeria to be attended by a broad section of society drawn from among stakeholders at all levels. The theme shall be strictly focused on insecurity and what needs to be done. A counter argument may well be that there is nothing new under the sun, and that even if the best ideas emerge from the summit, how can anyone be sure that the ideas will be implemented, and correctly too? There may be some merit in this. After all, there have been studies and recommendations on the crisis in the Plateau since 1994. But it is either the reports are not implemented or they are not even considered at all. Our leaders don’t care enough.
Insecurity is making everything else difficult; it discourages foreign and local investments. Farmers cannot go to their farms. It is an act of faith to travel in certain parts of the country. The country is under threat. Anomie is upon the land, and the risk is real, given the manner in which such factors as religion, ethnicity, attachment to land, the fight over resources and indigene/settler conflicts have turned Nigeria into a keg of gunpowder. With the security establishment at its wits’ end, all hands must be on deck to address the challenges urgently. Let the Federal Government declare a national emergency on insecurity. It needs not wait till the day when a sitting Governor is abducted, and kidnappers ask that ransom be paid before such a Governor and his family members are released. It would also not be enough to argue that some elements are out to sabotage the Tinubu administration. The time to act is now. Tinubu must take the security situation in the country more seriously. The solutions are within, not in Paris or London.