Waheed Ayilara, Commissioner of Police in Akwa Ibom State, is dead.

Ayilara, who took over the State Command of Nigeria Police Force in February, died while undergoing surgery at a popular hospital in Lagos State.

The deceased was said to have had prostate cancer surgery on Wednesday before he died hours later.

Lagos State Police Command Public Relations Officer, Benjamin Hundeyin, was unavailable for comment at the time of filing this report.

Late last year, Ayilara had a stint as acting Commissioner of Police in Lagos.

The former Deputy Commissioner of Police in charge of the State Criminal Investigation Department,0 took over from AIG Idowu Owohunwa.

It was after acting as head of Lagos Police Command that he was deployed to Akwa Ibom.

[DailyTrust]

Liverpool’s latest signing, Federico Chiesa, has explained why he joined the club as a free agent.

Liverpool officially announced the signing of Chiesa on Thursday.

The 26-year-old forward joined the Premier League giants on a long-term deal after his contract with Juventus expired.

Speaking after signing for Liverpool, the Italy international suggested that he joined the Reds because of the club’s history and what its fans represent.

“I’m so happy to be a Liverpool player. When Richard Hughes called me and he said, ‘Do you want to join Liverpool?’ – and the coach called me – I said yes immediately because I know the history of this club, I know what it represents to the fan,” Chiesa told Liverpool’s website.

“So, I’m so happy and I can’t wait to get started.”

[Dailypost]

Canada has barred holders of visitor visas from applying for work permits while inside the country, effective immediately.

This was made known by the Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) on Wednesday, marking a significant shift in policy.

“While the temporary policy was set to expire on February 28, 2025, IRCC is ending the policy as part of our overall efforts to recalibrate the number of temporary residents in Canada and preserve the integrity of the immigration system,” the statement read.

“IRCC is also aware that some bad actors were using the policy to mislead foreign nationals into working in Canada without authorization. IRCC will continue to process applications submitted before August 28, 2024, under the policy.”

The IRCC further said that the decision was influenced by concerns that some individuals were exploiting the policy to mislead foreign nationals into unauthorized employment in Canada.

“IRCC is also aware that some bad actors were using the policy to mislead foreign nationals into working in Canada without authorization. IRCC will continue to process applications submitted before August 28, 2024, under the policy,” the statement added.

This policy was initially implemented in August 2020 as a response to the challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic.

At the time, many visitors were stranded in Canada due to international travel restrictions and border closures.

Under the policy, visitors could apply for a work permit without having to leave Canada.

Also, anyone who had held a work permit within the preceding 12 months but had changed their immigration status to “visitor” became eligible to “work legally in Canada while waiting for a decision on their new work permit application.”

[TheNation]

Tino Anjorin has completed a permanent transfer to Serie A side Empoli.

According to a post on Chelsea Football Club’s website on Thursday, Anjorin, who first trained with Chelsea at the age of six, officially signed as an under-9 and progressed through the Academy at Cobham.

Tino signed his first professional contract in November 2018 and moved up to the Under-21s squad ahead of the 2019/20 season.

It was an impressive campaign for the midfielder, as he was handed his senior debut against Grimsby Town, made his Premier League debut against Everton, and helped the Under-21s win Premier League Two.

“Tino was involved in several match-day squads throughout the following season, making his Champions League debut and full Premier League debut, and then embarked on several loan spells.

“We would like to thank Tino for all his efforts while at the club and wish him well as he begins the next chapter in his career,” Chelsea Football Club added.

[Punch]

•Plot to stop Tinubu’s re-election thickens
•North begins search for a one-term southern president
•Political leaders begin alignment moves
•Opposition parties eye coalition against APC
•Niger-Delta ex-agitators seek southern solidarity, back Tinubu

THE February 20, 2027 presidential election is exactly 910 days away, going by the timetable of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, but the political firmament is astir as if the poll will be held next year.

This is in spite of the fact that President Bola Tinubu, a southerner, who succeeded former President Muhammadu Buhari, a northerner, is barely 15 months into his 48-month first term.

Currently, political leaders, especially from the North are locked in a series of consultations on the issue. Underground alignment and re-alignments are also ongoing.

Already, leaders of opposition parties have declared their readiness to form a strong coalition to stop the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC.

Those seeking to stop Tinubu hinge their stand on the president’s alleged poor performance since he took over on May 29, 2023, which they said had inflicted avoidable crushing hardship on Nigerians.
Early in the week, a joint ticket of Imo State Governor, Senator Hope Uzodimma and APC National Chairman, Alhaji Umaru Ganduje, was reported.

In a quick counter, Ganduje disowned the move, which he said was being orchestrated by those plotting to put a wedge between him and President Tinubu.
Northern power brokers angling to stop Tinubu are said to be looking for a southerner, who will do a term and relinquish power to the North in line with the North-South power rotation principle. After Tinubu’s four years in 2027, the South will need another four to balance the North’s eight years occupied by Buhari.

This is one of the reasons some are rooting for former President Jonathan with one of the northern groups pairing Jonathan and Governor Umaru Fintiri of Adamawa State as a sellable 2027 Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, ticket.

Jonathan, Fintiri ticket best option for Nigerians —Northern group

Northern political group, Let Nigeria Breathe Again, mid-week endorsed a potential presidential ticket of Dr. Jonathan and Fintiri for the 2027 election.

The group’s leader, Mustapha Aliyu Lere, believes this pairing offers the best chance for unity, peace, and progress in Nigeria.

Lere praised Jonathan’s leadership and integrity, noting that he has committed no sins against anyone since leaving office in 2015.

He also commended Fintiri’s transformation of Adamawa State during his five-year tenure as governor.

He appealed to the PDP to unite and support Jonathan’s potential candidacy, citing the need for experienced leadership to address Nigeria’s challenges.

2018 law rules out Jonathan

However, Jonathan, who ran for second term in 2015 and lost to Buhari is not qualified to run courtesy of a 2018 Bill of the National Assembly signed into law by President Buhari.

The bill, which limits tenures of vice presidents, and deputy governors who succeed principals, was signed into law on June 8, 2018.

Specifically, the Constitution amendment Act Number 16, provides that a vice President or a deputy governor who succeeds and completes the tenure of a president or governor can only run for the office one more time.

By the provisions of the law, no one can take the oath of office as president or governor more than twice.

Before this amendment, vice presidents or deputy governors, after completion of their predecessors’ term could run for office for another two terms.

This was the case with former President Jonathan, who succeeded President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua in 2010, contested and won the presidential election in 2011 and still contested same office in 2015.
The new law prohibits this, hence Jonathan is not eligible to run as president in 2027.

Unfolding realignment for 2027

The Presidential Candidate of the Labour Party, LP, in the 2023 poll, Mr Peter Obi, recently met with his New Nigerian Peoples Party, NNPP, counterpart, Rabiu Kwankwaso, and former Vice President Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in what was considered as part of political realignment ahead of the 2027 polls.

Obi also met with Atiku in Abuja, as well as also former Jigawa State Governor, Sule Lamido and former Senate President, Bukola Saraki.

Already inter-parties defection of lawmakers is ongoing.

Atiku Abubakar, first mooted the idea of a merger by opposition political paries while hostinf the Inter Party Advisory Council, IPAC, last November. He said the country was sliding into a one-party state, and added that it is crucial for the opposition parties to come together to wrest power from the APC.

He told the IPAC team: “You have come here today to say that we should cooperate in order to promote democracy. But, the truth of the matter is that our democracy is fast becoming a one-party system; and of course, you know that when we have a one party system, we should just forget about democracy.

“We have all seen how the APC is increasingly turning Nigeria into a dictatorship of one party. If we don’t come together to challenge what the ruling party is trying to create, our democracy will suffer for it, and the consequences of it will affect the generations yet unborn. “

Recently, the National Chairman of the African Democratic Congress, ADC, Chief Ralph Okey Nwosu, said leaders of opposition party politics are in talks to build a more formidable party to oust the ruling party.

“Twenty-two of the thoughtful and proactive leaders of political parties in blazing the trail have joined hands with our party, ADC, and like us, are committed to building a larger party that will give accommodation to all well-meaning patriots.

“We have resolved to work with all political leaders across that appreciate the need for coming together for a new Nigeria. We discriminate against none; our commitment is a new Nigeria that will lead our dear continent out of its present abyss. We have therefore set up committees to consult far and wide to ensure the dawn of a new era,” Nwosu stated.

Why North doesn’t want Tinubu re-elected

Although he played critical roles in the emergence of President Buhari in 2015, northerners opposed to Tinubu said he has betrayed the North that helped him into power. They also accused him of mal-treating northern politicians on whose support Tinubu rode to power.

Several northern political figures and groups have expressed dissatisfaction with Tinubu’s administration, citing a range of issues from perceived neglect of northern interests to concerns about governance and security. They also pick holes in his appointments, which they described as sectional.

According to them, since independence, no ethnic group had held, at once, major slots like the President, Petroleum Minister, Finance Minister, Chief Justice of Nigeria, Central Bank of Nigeria Governor, Inspector General of Police, Chief of Army Staff, Interior Minister, Power Minister, Solid Minerals Minister, Transport and Marine/Blue Economy Minister, Attorney General of the Federation and Justice Minister, Controllers of Customs, and Immigration, and Chairman of Federal Internal Revenue Service, FIRS, among others. Today, they said under Tinubu, the Yoruba, one of Nigeria’s three major ethnic groups, is holding the above positions.

One of those leading the move against Tinubu’s re-election is a prominent northern socio-cultural and political group, the Northern Elders’ Forum.

A member of the group, Prof. Usman Yusuf, reportedly said the North regretted supporting Tinubu during the 2023 general poll. He described the past one year of Tinubu’s administration as “deception, destitution, and hopelessness.”

He lamented: “People have lost hope. It pains me to see our people lining up to collect cups of palliatives. Renewed Hope has turned into hopelessness. People have lost hope.”

The NEF Spokesman, Abdulaziz Sulaiman, also reportedly said the North made a mistake by supporting Tinubu in 2023, adding that they would not repeat the mistake in 2027 but would strive to select a candidate who would unite the country and govern in the best interests of all Nigerians.

In like manner, the North-East Governors’ Forum accused the Tinubu-led Federal Government of neglecting the region in the provision of capital projects.

The forum’s Chairman and Borno State Governor, Babagana Zulum, complained of blackout in the zone and alleged that road and rail connections between the South-East and North-East had been abandoned.

Considered the electoral power bank of Nigeria, it is difficult to beat a United North in political contests in the country. The leaders are aware of this hence the ongoing realignments.

The perceived northern gang-up against Tinubu came to the fore after the meeting of immediate past Governor of Kaduna State, Malam Nasir el-Rufai and the candidate of the New Nigeria People’s Party in last year’s presidential election, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso; and the visit of the former governor of Sokoto state and a serving senator, Aminu Tambuwal, led by a former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, to former President Buhari in his Daura country home in Katsina State.

Although, Atiku said he visited Buhari to pay him Sallah homage, analysts insist that the visits were connected with posturing for 2027.

Although, el-Rufai, who could not make it through the Senate as TInubu’s ministerial nominee, has not openly declared war against Tinubu’s government, his son, Bashir, in a message to Tinubu, said: “Nobody is too big to be voted out of office by the people. It will happen and wallahi, nothing will happen. So, forget all this intimidation flying up and down. Let us be patient.”

Niger-Delta agitators urge Southerner solidarity

Meanwhile, the Niger Delta Ex-Agitators Forum, has kicked against the northern gang-up against Tinubu and called for solidarity among southern political leaders to demand for justice, equity and end the marginalisation of southern politicians in governance affairs.

Addressing a press conference in Port Harcourt, the Chairman of the group, Ambassador Alban Paulinus, also known as General Skillar, said that Niger Deltans must come together to deal with the issues threatening political stability and unity of Nigeria.

Going down memory lane, the ex-agitators noted that the tenure of former President Jonathan was also characterized by injustice, which led to his being denied a second term.

”A similar pattern is emerging with President Tinubu, as some Northern groups are already calling for his removal barely a year into his administration,” the group said.

It observed: “This starkly contrasts with the attitude of northern leaders during the administration of former President Buhari, who served two full terms despite significant security challenges.

The forum decried this disparity as a destabilizing force and called for an immediate end to this trend of undermining Southern leadership, warning that continued provocations might leave them with no choice but to take decisive actions to protect their region and identity.

The Niger Delta Ex-Agitators expressed support for President Tinubu’s “Renewed Hope Agenda,” which they described as a robust blueprint for national development.

[Vanguard]

Since the advent of Nigeria’s 25-year democracy, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the National Assembly have reformed election laws and regulationsbefore and after every general election. These amendments are designed to address the flaws experienced in previous elections. As more reforms are introduced in the electoral process, efforts by political actors to circumvent the reform also intensify. The 2023 election produced the most politically diverse National Assembly, and several electoral upsets were recorded across states. Notwithstanding, the election failed to meet public expectations due to several reasons ranging from operational inefficiencies, technological challenges, voter suppression, and non-compliance with electoral laws, amongst others.

The period cycle was marked by forum shopping and wanton disregard for the agelong doctrine of stare decisis (judicial precedent), leading to conflicting judgments on cases with similar material facts. Additionally, substantial justice was sacrificed on the altar of legal technicalities, which rolled back key reforms to the electoral legal framework and eroded public trust in the judiciary. This prompted the Body of Benchers to constitute a committee headed by the former Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen, to address this menace of conflicting court judgments.

The enactment of the Electoral Act 2022 was predicated on the belief that a new electoral legal framework would address the intractable problems of election manipulation, electoral impunity, operational inefficiencies and weak democratic institutions plaguing Nigeria’s electoral process. The Act, widely adjudged as the most progressive electoral legislation in Nigeria’s recent history, produced positive outcomes in the last elections. However, several loopholes were exposed during its first application in the 2023 general election. These ambiguities were the grounds for extensive legal contestations after the elections. Some of these ambiguities include the uncertainty regarding the stage for comparing physical copies of results and electronically transmitted results. Also, the definition of “transmitted directly” or “electronically transmitted” is vague. It is unclear if the term “transmitted directly” used in Sections 60 and 64 of the Electoral Act regarding collation of results refers to electronic transmission. Although INEC was vested with the power to review declarations/returns made involuntarily or contrary to law, Regulations and Guidelines, the modalities and procedures for exercising this power were not prescribed in the Act or INEC guidelines, leaving a vacuum for controversies and uncertainty. A cumulative reading of the proviso to Section 65(1) of the Electoral Act 2022 and Regulation 90 of INEC regulations does not indicate who can file a report, and the procedure for filing a report indicating declaration/return made under duress or contrary to law, Regulations and Guidelines.

The current electoral jurisprudence based on recent judicial decisions on election cases

One of the most prominent debates in Nigeria’s electoral jurisprudence is the legality of innovations introduced by INEC through Regulations, Guidelines and Manuals issued pursuant to the powers vested on the Commission by the Constitution and the Electoral Act. Since 2015, the Courts have maintained that innovations like Smart Card Reader, BVAS and IReV require statutory enactment to enjoy the force of law. This posture of the Supreme Court creates contradictions in the electoral system. When a principal legislation confers powers on an institution to issue guidelines for its operations, such guidelines should have a binding effect because they derive from the principal Act, especially where the institution exercised the power within its scope. It is illogical for the Court to maintain that electronic transmission into the IReV portal is not a legal requirement simply because it was introduced in the guidelines rather than in the Electoral Act.

The intention of the framers of the Constitution in S.160 and S.148 of the Electoral Act 2022 was to donate discretionary powers to INEC to determine the procedure for results transmission. These provisions ultimately protect INEC’s independence as a regulatory institution and provide INEC with the flexibility required to facilitate operational innovations in the electoral process given the dynamic nature of the electoral process. It’s an established rule that principal legislations like the Constitution and Electoral Act provide a broad legislative framework. Therefore, outlining detailed procedures in the principal legislation would amount to over-legislation. The current case law negates these legal provisions and undermines the legislative intent to empower INEC.

5. The absence of a presiding officer’s signature, stamp and date on a ballot paper will not render a marked ballot paper invalid. The Supreme Court has established that as long as a Returning officer is satisfied that a ballot paper was from a book of ballot papers which was furnished to the presiding officer for use at his or her polling unit, the condition that the ballot paper must be signed is not compulsory. The Court’s decision is consistent with Section 63(2).

Addressing unresolved electoral reform issues

First, attitudinal change among politicians is the most critical electoral reform Nigeria requires. A fundamental shift in the behaviour of politicians to toward electoral politics would radically deepen the integrity of elections. Politicians should demonstrate commitment to democratic values and respect the will of the people as an act of patriotism and dedication to nation-building.

Second, the legal status of INEC’s Regulations, Guidelines and Manual should be stated explicitly in the Electoral Act to strengthen its enforcement, safeguard INEC’s independence of INEC and facilitate the introduction of innovations to enhance the integrity of the electoral process.

Third, the Electoral Act should be amended to resolve all the ambiguities in the results collation and transmission process, including stating the role of technology in results management.The Act should make electronic transmission of results mandatory, including the upload of polling unit-level results and results sheets used at different levels of results collation.

Fourth, appeals on pre-election matters related to National Assembly and State Houses of Assembly elections should terminate at the Court of Appeal.  

Fifth, the requirement for voter identification should be expanded: With the successful introduction of the BVAS, which stores biometric information of voters, the Electoral Act 2022 should be amended to permit the use of other legally acceptable means of identification for voter verification in addition to the already produced Permanent Voters’ Card (PVCs). These means of identification include a driver’s license, international passport, national identity card, electronically downloadable voters’ card from the INEC website and any other means of identification as may be determined by INEC.

In conclusion, the 2023 elections reinforced five undisputed factors central to rebuilding public trust and enhancing the integrity of Nigerian elections. First, attitudinal change among politicians is a condition for rebuilding public confidence in the electoral process. Second, the electoral governance architecture, especially INEC, requires fundamental reforms. Third, the 2022 Electoral Act contains ambiguities and inadequacies that make the electoral process susceptible to capture and manipulation. Fourth, the right to vote requires additional legal and administrative protection as voter disenfranchisement and suppression intensify in each electoral cycle. Lastly, accountability institutions must function effectively and impartially to abate electoral impunity.

Excerpts from a Paper presented at the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) 2024 Annual General Conference, Lagos, 27th August 2024

Vice-President Kashim Shettima has appealed to his fellow compatriots and associates and numerous well-wishers across the country not to place congratulatory ads on his 58th birthday.

He made the appeal in a statement issued by Mr Stanley Nkwocha, the Senior Special Assistant to the President on Media and
Communications (Office of The Vice President), on Thursday in Abuja.

The News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) reports that the vice-president will turn 58 years old on Monday, Sept. 2.

Shettima, therefore, implored friends and associates who may wish to place goodwill messages as advertisements to
kindly donate the funds to charity organisations and vulnerable citizens instead.

The vice-president insisted that he would not want an elaborate pomp marking the day.

“As this auspicious moment draws closer, V-P Shettima fervently implores family members, friends, and associates who may wish to place goodwill messages as advertisements to kindly donate the funds to charity organisations and vulnerable citizens instead.

“This aligns with the commitment of the Renewed Hope Administration of President Bola Tinubu to address issues of development and economic growth, as well as improving the living conditions of Nigerians.

“The vice president remains ever grateful for the goodwill he enjoys from Nigerians and the best wishes a great number of his well-wishers have demonstrated towards him over the years.”

[Nigeria Tribune]

Abdullahi Ganduje, national chair of All Progressives Congress (APC), says the party will win the forthcoming governorship elections in Edo and Ondo states.

Ganduje said a “political machinery” has been put in place to pave the way for a landslide victory of the party’s candidate in Edo.

Speaking during a visit by the leadership of the Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Kano correspondents’ chapel, Ganduje said the APC is ready to recover the state from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP).

“I believe our campaign is in high spirit, we are getting ready for that election and we believe we will be able to recover our state,” he said.

“If we win Edo, we will be getting an additional state for the party. It will be 21 states out of 36.

“This is because it was an APC state but because of internal bubbles, we lost it to PDP but we are sure we will recover that state.

”For Ondo state, it’s already an APC state and when the former governor died, he left a number of problems,but we were able to resolve those issues.

”We conducted primaries, we succeeded in getting the person that they wanted.”

Ganduje said that the party is also getting ready for the governorship election in Anambra.

He said the APC has been putting measures in place to take control of the states in the south-east geopolitical zone.

“Next year, there will be Anambra, which has been a state governed by APGA for many years, but we have introduced a new scheme,” he said.

”The north, south-east political zones are all claiming that they have been marginalised. The south-east geopolitical zone is saying the same thing. But what we are telling them is that the marginalisation has been created by them.

“How can you have five states ruled by four political parties? What will be your political bargain?

“We want to start with Anambra. Already, we have Ebonyi and Imo. Now we are encroaching into that zone to ensure that we capture most of the states. And if we get what we want, we capture all the states.”

[TheCable]

The alarm in Nigeria's oil and gas industry, now blaring loudly, was first sounded by Mr. Tony Elumelu. In 2021, Elumelu invested over $1.1 billion to acquire a 45% stake in the OML 17 oil drilling asset, a venture in which Shell, Total, and Eni relinquished their shares, leaving the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Ltd (NNPCL) with the remaining 55% on behalf of Nigerians. 

To his dismay, in 2022, Elumelu discovered that only a small portion of the crude oil produced from his wells and fed into the Escravos pipeline actually reached its intended destination. The majority of the crude was being stolen by oil thieves who had mastered the technique of illegally tapping into the Escravos pipeline. 

It is widely known that the criminal siphoning of our crude oil into vessels, which are then transported to unknown locations by thieves, is robbing Nigeria of desperately needed foreign exchange from oil sales. This theft has severe consequences for the country's economy.

In a recent interview with the Financial Times of London, Tony Elumelu expressed his frustration that oil theft continues to account for about 18% of production. He emphasized the seriousness of the issue, saying, "This is oil theft, not something small like stealing a bottle of Coke. The government should know who is behind this and should inform us. In the U.S., when Donald Trump was shot at, the authorities quickly identified the assailant. Our security agencies should be able to tell us who is stealing our oil. How can vessels enter our territorial waters without our knowledge?"

In what seems like response to Elumelu's challenge to Nigeria's security agencies, a special task force was established by the Chief of Defense Staff, General Chris Musa, to combat the oil theft syndicate. The task force has achieved some success, allowing the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Ltd (NNPCL) to project an increase in oil production from the current estimate of 1.3 million barrels to 2 million barrels next year.

Alhaji Aliko Dangote, another prominent investor in Nigeria's oil industry, also voiced concerns about issues in the downstream sector. Dangote, who recently launched a $19.5 billion refinery with a capacity of 650,000 barrels per day, has faced difficulties due to a lack of crude oil supply. Mr. Davakumar Edwin, Vice President of Dangote Refinery, accused International Oil Companies (IOCs) of starving the refinery of crude oil feedstock, which has delayed the supply of petrol to the Nigerian market. Edwin stated, "Aside from Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPC Ltd), to date, we have only purchased crude directly from one other local producer (Sapetro). All other producers refer us to their international trading arms."

He further explained, "For instance, in April, we paid $96.23 per barrel for a cargo of Bonga crude grade, excluding transport. The price included $90.15 for dated Brent, $5.08 for NNPC's premium (NSP), and a $1 trader premium. Meanwhile, we bought WTI at a price of $90.15 for dated Brent plus a $0.93 trader premium, including transport. When NNPC later lowered its premium based on market feedback, some traders began asking us for a premium of up to $4 million over and above the NSP for a cargo of Bonny Light. Data from platforms like Platts and Argus shows that the prices offered to us are significantly higher than market rates. We had to escalate this issue to the NUPRC."

Alhaji Aliko Dangote, President and Founder of Dangote Group, echoed Edwin's concerns but clarified that the NNPC is doing its best. He noted, "Some of the IOCs are struggling to provide us with crude. Everyone is accustomed to exporting, and nobody wants to stop exporting."

Also, as if in response, President Bola Tinubu has formed a committee led by Finance Minister Wale Edun. This committee has been tasked with developing a framework that will allow crude oil to be sold in naira to local refineries, starting with the Dangote Refinery. Following discussions with stakeholders, the committee has reportedly set a target for next month to begin producing petrol locally, which would help alleviate the pressure on the national treasury caused by the need to provide foreign exchange for petrol imports.

The expected output from the Dangote Refinery could also relieve Nigerians from the dual burden of not only paying high prices for petrol but also wasting valuable time queuing for fuel—an issue that many hope President Tinubu’s intervention will resolve permanently.

It is noteworthy that while Tony Elumelu is shocked by the brazen crude oil theft in the downstream sector, which is causing significant revenue loss to both his company and the country, Aliko Dangote is facing challenges from International Oil Companies (IOCs) that are withholding crude oil feedstock from his refinery. This ultra-modern facility is crucial for ending Nigeria’s reliance on petrol imports, which have long been a major component of the country’s import expenses, especially as the government has been subsidizing petrol prices for years.

These two significant challenges, which have caused sleepless nights for these two indigenous multi-billionaire investors in the oil and gas industry, are critical. If resolved, they have the potential to transform Nigeria’s socioeconomic development from a negative to a positive trajectory.

Fortunately, the outspoken criticism of industry irregularities by these two relatively new entrants into the oil sector is prompting much-needed reforms. The industry is currently undergoing what could be called a facelift through the strengthening of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), which was passed into law in 2021 but has yet to be fully enforced.

These issues underscore why understanding the toxic international petroleum politics in Nigeria, discussed in detail in this piece, should concern all Nigerians. Moreover, it is crucial to recognize that the oil and gas sector is the backbone of Nigeria’s economy, and we must protect it fiercely. The high cost of living crisis triggered by President Bola Tinubu’s removal of the petrol subsidy on May 29 last year highlights the central role that crude oil and its derivatives play in our economy and daily lives.

A question likely on the minds of some readers is whether the current upheavals in the oil and gas industry are new issues. The reality is that these challenges have existed since crude oil was first discovered in 1957 and its exploration began in Oloibiri, now part of Bayelsa State. However, the reason these issues—such as crude oil theft and the allocation of oil for local refining—are now receiving more attention is because private investors, who place a high value on accountability, are now involved in the industry.

In the past, when the oil and gas business was solely a matter between the government and International Oil Companies (IOCs), efficiency was not a priority for those on the government’s side. But now, with private investors like Tony Elumelu and Aliko Dangote—who have invested $1.1 billion in oil exploration and $19.5 billion in refining, respectively—these entrepreneurs are determined to protect their investments and ensure a return on their bold ventures.

Faced with the harsh realities and absurdities of the industry, both Elumelu and Dangote became increasingly frustrated when their investment plans were threatened by unexpected saboteurs. Their concern for their investments contrasts sharply with the often indifferent attitude of public servants, who traditionally did not prioritize Nigeria’s 55% equity in joint ventures with IOCs, which Elumelu has now acquired the 45% hitherto held by the transnational oil corporation.This same lack of concern for protecting Nigeria's interests in crude oil production sharing agreements is why there has been no proper metering system to accurately measure the volume of crude oil pumped into pipelines or shipped abroad until private investors like Dangote entered the scene with his refinery, capable of refining at least half of Nigeria’s present crude oil output.

So, rather than viewing the disruptions caused by the agitations by Elumelu and Dangote as problematic, I see them as opportunities. Their involvement signals a positive shift in the industry as they justifiably questioned what could have happenned to their substantial financial commitments in oil exploration and refining, if the sector was not properly sorted by government. In my view ,Elumelu and Dangote can be seen as catalysts for change in an industry long plagued by complexities and absurdities. Indeed their efforts are beginning to help clean up or sanitize the industry, reinforcing the idea that private sector involvement introduces greater efficiency compared to government-driven operations burdened by bureaucracy.

Most Nigerians would likely be shocked to learn that the lack of ownership mentality among officials responsible for national assets—an attitude reflecting a deep-seated lack of patriotism—is partly to blame for the fact that four federal government-owned refineries have been non-functional for nearly two decades. Equally alarming is the finding by a National Assembly committee that, despite the federal government investing up to $25 billion in public funds over the past decade for the turnaround maintenance of these four refineries, not a single liter of petroleum product has been produced. This situation is appalling, scandalous, and regrettable.

The same lack of accountability and ownership is also why crude oil theft continues to flourish, despite the NNPCL's claim in its 2023 financial report to have spent around ₦1.8 trillion on securing its extensive oil and gas assets. Yet, millions of barrels of crude oil are still being stolen in massive ocean-going vessels without detection, contributing to Nigeria's recent inability to meet its OPEC production quota.

It may surprise some readers to learn that the dysfunction of these four government-owned refineries is also due in part to sabotage, carried out by international organizations in collusion with Nigerian public servants embedded in the crude oil exploration and export value chain, particularly within the NNPC Ltd., which is responsible for importing petrol into Nigeria.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s revelation adds another layer of complexity. He shared that during his presidency, he urged International Oil Companies (IOCs) to establish refineries in Nigeria, but they refused, citing rampant corruption in the sector. Obasanjo recounted that Shell, for example, declined his offer to take equity participation and manage Nigeria’s refineries, arguing that the refineries had not been properly maintained. Shell’s reasoning was clear: “There’s too much corruption with the way our refinery is run and maintained. And they didn’t want to get involved in such a mess.”

While Obasanjo viewed the IOCs’ rejection as an indictment of Nigerian corruption—a narrative often pushed by the Western world to make Africans blame themselves for the continent’s underdevelopment—I would argue that this refusal was actually a strategic move by the IOCs. As agents of imperialist interests, their primary goal has always been to extract crude oil and other raw materials from Africa, particularly Nigeria, for the industrialization of their home countries, rather than genuinely supporting African industrialization—a promise they frequently make but seldom fulfill, often deceiving those who are unaware of their true intentions.

Most Nigerians would likely be shocked to learn that the lack of ownership mentality among officials responsible for national assets—an attitude reflecting a deep-seated lack of patriotism—is partly to blame for the fact that four federal government-owned refineries have been non-functional for nearly two decades. Equally alarming is the finding by a National Assembly committee that, despite the federal government investing up to $25 billion in public funds over the past decade for the turnaround maintenance of these four refineries, not a single liter of petroleum product has been produced. This situation is appalling, scandalous, and regrettable.

The same lack of accountability and ownership is also why crude oil theft continues to flourish, despite the NNPCL's claim in its 2023 financial report to have spent around ₦1.8 trillion on securing its extensive oil and gas assets. Yet, millions of barrels of crude oil are still being stolen in massive ocean-going vessels without detection, contributing to Nigeria's recent inability to meet its OPEC production quota.

It may surprise some readers to learn that the dysfunction of these four government-owned refineries is also due in part to sabotage, carried out by international organizations in collusion with Nigerian public servants embedded in the crude oil exploration and export value chain, particularly within the NNPC Ltd., which is responsible for importing petrol into Nigeria.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo’s revelation adds another layer of complexity. He shared that during his presidency, he urged International Oil Companies (IOCs) to establish refineries in Nigeria, but they refused, citing rampant corruption in the sector. Obasanjo recounted that Shell, for example, declined his offer to take equity participation and manage Nigeria’s refineries, arguing that the refineries had not been properly maintained. Shell’s reasoning was clear: “There’s too much corruption with the way our refinery is run and maintained. And they didn’t want to get involved in such a mess.”

While Obasanjo viewed the IOCs’ rejection as an indictment of Nigerian corruption—a narrative often pushed by the Western world to make Africans blame themselves for the continent’s underdevelopment—I would argue that this refusal was actually a strategic move by the IOCs. As agents of imperialist interests, their primary goal has always been to extract crude oil and other raw materials from Africa, particularly Nigeria, for the industrialization of their home countries, rather than genuinely supporting African industrialization—a promise they frequently make but seldom fulfill, often deceiving those who are unaware of their true intentions.

Before delving deeper, it’s important to recall that oil and gas were discovered in commercial quantities in Oloibiri, modern-day Bayelsa State, in 1957. For years, Nigeria exported crude oil exclusively until the first refinery was established in Port Harcourt in 1965. Back then, all refineries were government-owned, and it was within the government's prerogative to allocate 445,000 barrels per day (bpd) for local refining at the NNPC-operated facilities.

At the time, everything was managed within the government framework, which only required setting aside the 445,000 bpd needed by the four refineries located in the Niger Delta and Kaduna. Two of these refineries are in Port Harcourt with a combined refining capacity of 210,000 bpd, one in Warri with a 125,000 bpd capacity, and the fourth in Kaduna with a 110,000 bpd capacity.

Initially, the allocated crude oil came from the volume produced by International Oil Companies (IOCs), whose parent companies are based in Europe and Asia. However, today, there are multiple indigenous crude oil producers with significant capacity, as well as a growing number of local private refineries with substantial capacity, making the 445,000 barrels set aside for local refining insufficient.

Isn't it remarkable that, aside from the persistent issue of crude oil theft, another challenge has been the shortage of crude oil for local refining? Yet, if all goes well, these two long-standing and seemingly insurmountable challenges in the oil and gas industry may soon be relegated to history.

In truth, the primary mission of the IOCs has always been to extract natural resources from Africa to fuel the industrial revolution in Europe, which began with the invention of the loom machine by Jeane-Marie Jacquard in 1804 and the steam engine by James Watt in 1765. Extracting crude oil for refining abroad is part of the agenda set during the Berlin Conference of 1884-85, where Africa was partitioned into territories for European powers under the guidance of Otto Von Bismarck, the German Prime Minister.

As these newly created territories were exploited for raw materials in the past, the current practice of exporting crude oil and other resources to Europe is an old habit that IOCs are reluctant to abandon. This resistance is evident in their opposition to President Bola Tinubu’s directive to sell oil to local refineries in naira. The IOCs seem intent on sabotaging efforts to achieve energy independence, citing commitments to overseas buyers as an excuse.

Given that the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) took nearly two decades (13 years) to materialize and the Dangote Refinery took about seven years to build, why did the IOCs not anticipate that exporting all of Nigeria's crude oil would no longer be viable? It’s telling that the multinational corporations were aware of the PIA’s implications, as evidenced by their divestment from onshore assets in favor of offshore operations. Yet, they continued to forward-sell Nigeria's crude oil to foreign buyers, fully aware that the country had committed, through the PIA, to becoming more energy independent.

The primary reason for this situation is that it’s more profitable for the International Oil Companies (IOCs) to export crude oil to their home countries, where it is refined into products like PMS, DPK, AGO, and NAFTA. These products are then sold back to Africa at significantly higher prices. This practice has been the Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) of the colonial powers for a long time. As a result, they find it difficult to change their approach and sell crude oil to Nigerian refineries instead.

This continued extraction and export of raw materials from Africa aligns with the imperialist agenda of European countries. However, this long-standing practice (regarding crude oil refining) has been disrupted by the establishment and commissioning of the Dangote Refinery in Lagos last year, much to the dismay of these colonial exploiters.

To better understand the challenges Nigeria is facing, consider the following scenario: IOCs extract crude oil from Nigeria and export it to their home countries at relatively low prices (ranging from $37 per barrel in the 1980s to the current $80-$100 per barrel). There, the crude is refined and then sold back to Nigeria at several times the original cost per barrel. This process not only creates jobs and boosts the economies of the IOCs' home countries, but it also leaves Nigeria with high unemployment among its youth and environmental degradation due to oil and gas exploration. This dynamic is why Nigeria often experiences a trade deficit, benefiting the home countries of the IOCs.

To further illustrate this point, let’s do a bit of math to compare the price of exported crude oil with the cost of imported petroleum products in Nigeria. A barrel of crude oil, which is equivalent to 42 U.S. gallons or 159 liters, is priced between $80 and $100. In contrast, the current landing cost of a liter of refined petrol imported into Nigeria is at least N1,117 per liter. Although comparing these figures can be challenging due to the different units of measurement—crude oil in barrels and refined products in liters—it highlights the significant markup and the opaque nature of the pricing, making the disparity between crude oil prices and refined product costs difficult to fully grasp.

For those willing to dig deeper, let's compare the selling price of a barrel of crude oil—currently just $80, the price at which we export it overseas—with the N1,117 per liter landing cost at which we import the 159 liters contained in that same barrel. A quick comparison reveals that, as a net exporter of crude oil, Nigeria is at a significant disadvantage.

This comparison helps explain why our economy is struggling and why it can no longer sustain the burdensome petrol subsidy. It's clear that the scenario outlined above is a major factor behind Nigeria's financial deficit, which exceeds N120 trillion.

Given this reality, it's crucial for us to support and encourage Aliko Dangote not to sell his refinery to the NNPCL, despite his threat to do so. This came after Alhaji Farouk Ahmed, CEO of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDRA), a subsidiary of NNPCL, wrongly accused Dangote Refinery of attempting to replace the national oil giant as a monopoly.

Moreover, we should encourage other business leaders, such as Chief Mike Adenuga of Conoil, Mr. Femi Otedola of Geregu, (who has been involved in and out of the oil industry), Sahara Energy's Kola Adeshina, Aiteo's Benedict Peters, Nestoil's Ernest Azudialu, and other well resourced Nigerians, to invest more significantly in the sector. This would ensure that Nigerians are fully involved in the entire value chain—from exploration to refining, shipping, and even gas processing, where Julius Rone is making strides with his UTM Offshore.

Remarkably, Alhaji Samad Rabiu, owner of BUA cement, is also reportedly constructing a refinery of considerable scale. This could lead to a situation where Nigeria has the capacity to process crude oil into petrol in excess, much like how the country has become a net exporter of cement, with Dangote Cement and BUA Cement, dominating the African market and keeping foreign competitors like Lafarge and Flour Mills Cement on their toes.

Already , it is a tribute to the entrepreneurship of Nigerians that about five (5) Nigerian banks have spread their footprints into the African landscape with thriving subsidiaries in full bloom.

At this point, I believe that continuing to present additional facts and figures to justify the need for Nigeria, nay Africa’s independence from being an appendage to other economies and regions would be unnecessary. Rather readers should reflect on the situation and realize that, despite the challenges, our country is on the brink of a significant transformation in the oil and gas sector. So, it should be clear that halting the export of our crude oil and increasing local refining capacity is crucial for job creation, boosting foreign exchange earnings, and enhancing our GDP.

Currently, there are five fully operational modular refineries: Aradel in Port Harcourt, WalterSmith in Imo

State , Edo Refinery and Duport Midstream in Edo State, and OPAC in Delta State, with a combined processing capacity of less than 20,000 barrels per day. These smaller refineries are expected to benefit from President Bola Tinubu's new directive to sell the 445,000 barrels per day of crude oil reserved for local refining in naira. It is the crude oil reserrve referenced above that was providing the supply for the four NNPCL refineries, which have been non-functional for over a decade despite consuming over $25 billion in turnaround maintenance, without producing even a single liter of petrol.

Hopefully , the present administration would see the wisdom in my advocacy for the sale of the ailing government refineries to private sector players who would operate them more efficiently as canvassed in my numerous media interventions over the past decade.

After providing a historical background to connect the past with the current state of the oil and gas industry in Nigeria, including the international factors exacerbating the local refining capacity crisis, it’s time to address the way forward.

As already underscored, International Oil Companies (IOCs) seem to struggle with changing their longstanding business model of extracting raw materials from Africa and processing them into finished products in Europe or Asia. This situation reinforces the theme of my upcoming book, *"Africa Exporting Wealth, Importing Poverty,"* with the subtitle: *"Are Africans Thinking or Sinking?"* The book details how the West has systematically underdeveloped Africa by exploiting its natural and human resources, from the era of the slave trade to colonialism, neo-colonialism, and the ongoing practice of imperialism encapsulated in unfair trade practices with Africa as the underdog and victim.

The current conflict between Aliko Dangote, NNPCL officials, and IOCs has exposed how Africa continues to be stripped of its resources. This confrontation represents one of the final struggles of African entrepreneurs with the awareness and determination to resist the ongoing exploitation by Western powers.

The environmental devastation caused by irresponsible resource exploitation in Africa, such as the irreversible damage in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) due to mining, is well-documented. Belgium, the colonial ruler, left the DRC in a blighted state, a situation that persists today. It's within this broader intellectual framework that I analyze the dispute between NNPCL executives, IOCs, and Dangote Refineries over Nigeria's control of its petroleum resources.

Through this lens, I hope Nigerians will gain a deeper understanding of the conflict surrounding local petrol refining, which has been oversimplified by some analysts as a lack of planning by Dangote Refinery. In reality, it also stems from a rivalry between two Kano State natives—Aliko Dangote and Samad Rabiu—that has spilled over into the oil industry and society. Though a simplified view, it remains a valid observation.

Rather than engaging in buttonh heads, the two illustrious kano indigenes Aliko Dangote and Samad Rabiu need to start collaborating and stop sabotaging each other.

Magnus Onyibe,an entrepreneur,public policy analyst ,author,democracy advocate,development strategist,alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy,Tufts University, Massachusetts,USA and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.

The race for the Emirate of Ningi has officially begun following the recent death of the late Emir, Alhaji Yunusa Mohammed Danyaya, who passed away last Sunday at the age of 88.

The emir, who had ruled for 46 years since ascending the throne in 1978, is being succeeded according to tradition, which requires that a new emir must come from one of the three ruling houses of the emirate.

The kingmakers have sent letters to the three eligible ruling houses-Gidan Mallam Hamza, Gidan Abubakar Danmaje, and Gidan Usman Danyaya-inviting applications from interested members of the royal family.

The announcement was made during a meeting chaired by Wazirin Ningi, Alhaji Ahmed Shuaibu, who leads the six-member council including the Chief Imam of Ningi and the district heads.

The Bauchi State Government has instructed the emirate council and the kingmakers to commence the selection process. Applications are being accepted from now until Thursday, August 29, 2024, at 6pm.

The kingmakers will screen the applicants and submit the names of three nominees to Governor Bala Mohammed, who will appoint the new emir from this shortlist.

While five princes are currently being considered as strong contenders, including Alhaji Yusuf Yunusa Danyaya (Danburam Ningi), Haruna Yunusa Danyaya (Chiroman Ningi), Alhaji Abdullahi Ibrahim Gurama (Danlawal Ningi), Alhaji Auwalu Isah (Danmajen Ningi) and Alhaji Zakarai Isa (Santurakin Ningi), no official details have been released regarding their applications or the process.

Governor Bala Mohammed has pledged to appoint a credible successor in accordance with the late emir’s wishes.

Meanwhile, tributes have continued pouring in since the late emir’s passing. Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar visited the palace, where he described the late emir as a steadfast leader who maintained peace and development throughout his reign.

Atiku emphasised the monarch’s significant role in Nigeria’s political and social landscape.

The Sarkin Yakin Bauchi and District Head of Lame, Alhaji Aliyu Yakubu Lame, lauded the late emir as a leader and peacekeeper who served with dedication and commitment.

He prayed for the governor to make a swift appointment and for the late emir to be granted paradise.

Professor Fatima Tahir, Vice-Chancellor of Sa’adu Zungur University of Gadau, extended her condolences to the late emir’s family and the Bauchi State community, praising his contributions to education and development.

Gombe State Governor Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya also expressed his condolences, describing the late emir as an iconic figure known for his humility and dedication to peace and unity.

He urged the royal family to uphold the legacy of the respected monarch.

[DailyTrust]