Between Nairobi’s glamorous city centre and its surrounding  inner city slums of tin shacks and shanties, democracy and good governance have been shocked into a rude awakening. Central Nairobi is the abode of fancy five star hotels, conference centres, ornate government offices and parliament buildings. If you are a tourist visiting Nairobi for the first time on a fleeting visit, you are likely to leave these precincts with a scented impression of Kenya, the favourite post card tourist destination for Western holiday makers. From city centre to the safari hubs and back can convey a false impression of the African jewel that Kenya is reputed to be. If however you tarry a little longer and get a local cab to give you a tour of the soul of Nairobi, you are more likely to leave Kenya with mixed feelings and deep concerns about the African reality.

Outside the charmed circle of city centre with its glass towers and marble entrances and facades, patchwork of deliberate greenery and high rise apartment blocks, you are greeted by shanty towns, tin shack dwellings of the poorest of the poor. 

The events of the last fortnight in Kenya are about to re-write the conventional and received wisdom about democracy in Africa. Until recent weeks, Africa’s conception of democracy was limited to the ritual of elections  in relays after tenure durations. Once you were known to hold periodic elections and emplace a successor government, you qualified to be branded a democratic nation. And on the list of successful African democracies, Kenya has always been ranked highly by Western adjudicators of democratic credibility in spite of its extremes of internal social and economic divisions. It has always had the external trappings of what the West likes to see in African democracies over and above what the majority of Kenyans feel in their daily lives.

On the contrary, Nairobi city centre has just witnessed the footprints of what we may call democracy’s “midnight children”, the dark forces that have bred underneath the veneer of democratic good manners. These are the generations of youth and forgotten people whose expectations have been fired by the promise of democracy over the years. They have now woken up to ask themselves what democracy really means for them and their future generations,  There is a generational leap between the youth rioting and protesting in Nairobi and their parents. Their parents were content with voting at election time and going home to wait for the fruits of Uhuru which never came. These parents perhaps never saw a reciprocal relationship  between their ballots and the rights of citizenship that democracy is obligated to deliver to them.

In many ways, President Ruto walked into a familiar trap. Whenever an African elected leader receives accolades from the West for doing the ‘right’ things, the people at home need to take a second look. Since being elected president of Kenya, President Ruto has shown a relentless  desire to be in the good books of the West. He had unilaterally sent a contingent of Kenyan policemen to proceed to Haiti to restore order in the tiny nation overrun by gangsters and criminal gangs that has neutralized and sacked the elected government. He has made a flamboyant state visit to the White House and received accolade as ‘a special ally’ and favourite friendly nation of the West.

This has been followed by the cultivation of a special relationship with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. In return for Kenya’s urgent need for a credit window of $2.8bn dollars to avoid an embarrassing imminent debt squeeze and default, the IMF recommended a tougher taxation  regime. The president duly and obediently forwarded to parliament a Financial Bill with a slew of taxes on goods and services that directly impact the living standards of an already distressed populace. That bill set off the fuse of social disquiet for a population already in dire straights of hardship and deprivation.  The rest is now history. More than 20 have died. Bloody protests and riots have reduced central Nairobi to ruins and charred remains. Parliament has been sacked by the protesters. A detachment of the same police that was sent to Haiti to rein in criminals and gangsters has been deployed with live bullets to control those the president described as ‘criminals and gangsters’! Nairobi city centre has witnessed the footprints of democracy’s dark offspring.

Times have changed. The younger generation of Kenyans (Africans) have been to school and back. They are on social media with their opposite numbers in the rest of the world from Washington to Teheran, from Kiev to Johannesburg. They are comparing notes on the things that matter to ordinary people. They have come to demand that democracy must mean what it means. The reciprocity between power and responsibility to the citizenry is now being demanded by the street people. To these people, democracy must reciprocate the obligation to vote with the responsibilities of power to improve real lives. Those who vote have returned to demand jobs, freedom from poverty, education, healthcare and greater say in the things that matter to them.  Democracy is no longer a one-sided coin that demands that the people vote and look away as their lives degrade. If the people ask for their rights nicely and do not get a polite response, the dark side of the mob ensues.

The protesters in Nairobi city centre are not likely to be nice in the ways they ask that the rights of citizenship be reciprocated by the responsibilities of power. Those who are elected to power can no longer write legislations that impose endless taxes on the people and retire to the luxury of state villas. The street people are insisting on their right to say ‘No’ to bad governance. The people who have trooped out to express their anger and disquiet in Nairobi are not ‘criminals’ or miscreants. They are angry citizens. They are the dark offspring of democracy, those who were promised so much  but now find themselves with empty hands, hungry stomachs, without jobs and worse still without hope, 

The anger in the streets has led to ugly sights. Parliament has been razed. Parliamentarians have fled. The president has been forced to retreat untidily from his Finance Bill. Initially he talked tough about forcibly enforcing the ‘sovereign will of the Kenya nation’. Then he compared notes with his security people and they probably advised him to dismount from his high horse of power and arrogance. He has rescinded the Finance Bill and undertaken to enter into dialogue with representatives of the angry youth. But the youth and angry street people insist now that the president must resign from office for breaching the social contract that defines every democracy. He is not likely to do that. Between the government and the people, the bond of reciprocity has been broken. The social contract is in breach and will require unusual political management to restore. Meanwhile the government must find the money to remain  in the good books of the IMF and World Bank who got them into the trouble in the first place.

The fires of Nairobi have caused some heat in far away Nigeria. Nigerians have for long been caught in the throes of deep social and economic distress. With the active encouragement of the oracles of Western ‘blood’ capitalism (IMF and the World Bank), the new Nigerian government of President Tinubu has been encouraged to take off so- called subsidies on petroleum products, electricity, foreign exchange, telephone calls, and literally every service and social good that keeps the lives of common people going.  People have openly wondered why our own crisis of abysmal governance and the resultant hardship has not quite burst into open lawlessness and near anarchy given the size of the Nigerian wounded population. Many Nigerian commentators have expressed fear that the Nigerian situation could be only a boiling cauldron that could explode into uncontrollable fiasco any time.  The Nigerian government remains optimistic that it can muddle through as usual and manage to escape catastrophe. That optimism remains strong mostly out of the fear that a Nigerian hardship protest would overwhelm the already stretched and wobbly state apparatus.

In many ways, Nigeria embodies the contradiction of African democracy. We embody and celebrate the form rather than the content of democracy. For instance, Nigeria has recently been celebrating several milestones of ‘democracy’.  In particular, we recently celebrated  a number of ‘democracy’ landmarks. These range from twenty five years of ‘unbroken democratic rule’, a period when our only achievement is the succession of elected governments at all levels through four year relay changes of baton. In a nation that became the hallmark of endemic military despotism for decades, this sounds remarkable.  There was also the anniversary of the June 12, 1993 election. Again the contradiction of that has often been lost on many Nigerians: what is deemed the fairest and freest election yet in the nation’s history was conducted by a military dictatorship which is however  castigated for obstructing a democratic transition! There was of course the celebration of one year of the newly installed President Tinubu democratic government.

Yet, not until recently has the question been raised in Nigeria as to how democracy translates into the welfare of the ordinary people. While this connection remains unexamined, the size of Nigeria’s poor population has ballooned. The sense of entitlement of the political class has literally sacked the national treasury in funding luxuries and perks. Nigeria’s army of the underprivileged has grown into a multitude mired in violence and self -destructive insecurity.  Nigeria’s dark offspring have grown into a dangerous army that is making the rest of the country dangerous and insecure.

Therefore, one lesson that the Nigerian political establishment can take away from the fires in Nairobi is to begin seriously and systematically addressing the central question of our time: How can we make democracy translate into a rapid improvement in the living conditions of the majority of our people? That should be the major item on the agenda of the National and State Assemblies going forward.

Let us pray that our leaders who are quite resourceful at causing distractions would not exploit the CNN presidential debate tragedy in the United States where they have a tale of two strange candidates from both dominant parties to take some steam out of the current significant lessons from Nairobi, Kenya, Africa. 

Yes, our leaders’ cyber soldiers are everywhere, blasting social commentators who don’t praise their under-performing principals. Let’s hope that the loud echoes from Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda will arrest their attention this time. Let’s believe that they will realise now that it is a small world of transparency and openness, after all. Here is the thing, I hope propaganda aficionados, lying liars and liars who feed them will realise now what Victor Hugo means when he noted long ago that “there is no power on earth that can stop an idea whose time has come”. Lest we forget, I hope they won’t fall into temptation of their self- deceit that after all, the 2020 table shaking, #EndSARS revolt was unsuccessful, after all. 

Back to the brass tacks, KENYA where angry youths are saying ‘No’ to executive tyranny and democratic eccentricities: I think our leaders in Nigeria most people are beginning to see as artful dealers should step aside and analyse the bush that is burning in Kenya. That fire that hasn’t consumed Ruto’s government can spread and consume poor and corrupt leadership in Africa. This is a reflection point in this new world that social technologies that power social media daily shape with the speed of thought. Even our leaders in Nigeria should not feed their spirit with complacency and laissez fair attitude that has brought us to this reproachful crossroads where even food insecurity is compounding our organic insecurity.  

‘Not afraid to die’

We have read that President William Ruto has withdrawn his controversial tax bill, but protesters and their families are insisting it’s too late. With more than 20 people killed, they now want him to step down from power.

According to a recent report from Nairobi, Kenya, a determined protester was reported as boasting: “You can’t kill us all,” as heavily armed riot police charge at him. He stands his ground, water bottle in hand, occasionally splashing water on his face, his eyes visibly irritated by tear gas smoke floating in the air and choking police and protesters alike. A group of protesters push forward towards him. They chant, “We are peaceful, we are peaceful.” Some raise their hands above their heads, others kneel down, intent to demonstrate the non-violent nature of the protests to the police. This is reminiscent of the flag of Nigeria the #EndSARS protesters reportedly raised in 2020, which security agents didn’t respect. 

Suddenly, sirens blare. Then, pink-coloured water scatters the crowd as a water canon blocks demonstrators from advancing towards Parliament Buildings. These scenes have been played out over and over again this past week in Kenya as angry youth took to the streets to protest against a controversial tax bill, that many say would have made essential commodities costlier. Kenya’s President William Ruto withdrew the bill on Wednesday evening, a day after protesters stormed Parliament.

The weeklong protests began in capital Nairobi but quickly spread across Kenya. Local media reports say protests have taken place in 35 of Kenya’s 47 counties, including in president William Ruto’s home county of Uasin Gishu, which voted overwhelmingly for him nearly two years ago when he came to power. 

African leaders, dealers and dinosaurs in power should note this: These protests originally began online, driven mostly by young tech-savvy Kenyans on social media platforms Instagram, TikTok, Instagram and X. The aim was to oppose the Finance bill 2024 fronted by Ruto’s government with an aim of raising an additional $2.9bn in revenue.

Just as our governments all over the place are saying, Ruto’s government said it needed the money to meet its obligations of repaying foreign debts while also executing its ambitious development plans driven by infrastructure development. But Kenyan protesters have argued that they are already overtaxed. The original draft of the bill increased levies on basics such as fuel, mobile money transfers, internet banking, sanitary pads and diapers, etc.

While bowing to the people power on Wednesday, Ruto addressed the nation and agreed to withdraw the bill. His words the angry youth no longer trusted: “Listening keenly to the people of Kenya that have said they want nothing to do with the finance bill 2024, I concede and therefore I will not sign the 2024 finance bill”. 

But many Kenyans remain unconvinced — and are demanding Ruto’s resignation, his credibility already in tatters in their eyes. “I am not afraid to die, many have died before us,” said Andrew Ouko as he walked the 18km (11 miles) from Juja on the outskirts of Nairobi to join the protests on Thursday. “Many more will die but we have to stand up for our generation who are being taken for fools by the politicians.” Our leaders should note that these words have spread among the youths in Nigeria where Government isn’t reacting to protests about food price inflation, forex crisis and what is worse 300% hike in electricity tariff that has left many areas outside Band A in utter darkness.

Many observers in Kenya are saying the country should harness this new spirit and organise to have a national conversation with the intention of ushering in a new Kenya. Hopefully, this will fix the politics of the land as a basis for the nation’s economic development. This should be a wake-up call for leaders in Africa, especially in Nigeria. 

Why wont African leaders learn from recent history? They should remember the Arab Spring too, which was also touched off by an angry young man Mohammed Bouazizi, a Tunisian fruit and vegetable vendor who set himself on fire on December 17, 2010 in the town of Sidi Bouzid. The angry food vendor’s action triggered the consequential Arab Spring that year. The Spring, which was a response to corruption and economic stagnation from Tunisia, spread to five other countries, Libya, Egypt, Yemen Syria and Bahrain. The effects are still there. 

In Kenya, the present focal point, economists are warning that the Kenyan government is now walking a tight rope. Kenya has international debt obligations amounting to nearly $80bn. And so the root of the repression lies in Kenya’s economic crisis. The country is one of several dozen developing economies that are under the crushing burden of debt, which now stands at 68 per cent of its GDP. Besides, more than a quarter of government revenue is spent on interest payments. Kenya has resorted to extreme measures to stave off default, including turning to private creditors at unsustainable 10 per cent interest rates.

Reports confirmed that earlier this month, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reached a preliminary agreement on the disbursement of loans that urged the Kenyan government to raise its revenue; Kenya set a goal of netting an additional $2.7 billion. The government has decided to transfer the pain onto its people through regressive tax policies that would disproportionately affect the poorest. 

Kenya is not alone: More than 3 billion people across the world live in countries that are spending more on servicing their debt than public spending on education or health. Nigeria isn’t outside this debacle. 

Ruto has promised many austerity measures including cuts on hospitality and travel budgets for his office. He has asked regional governments and other arms of the federal government structure to follow suit. This is what is expected of Nigeria’s government where even the head of the legislature is arrogantly boasting that they would approve any requests from the president for new planes. The overpaid Nigerian federal legislators had better swallow their pride and vanity and look at the burning bush in Kenya, lest it will spread and consume them too if they don’t work strategically to meet the security and welfare needs of the people of Nigeria. They should note that when Nigerian youth most of whom are now jobless rise to the occasion in a revolt, the fences of the National Assembly will no longer be too high to scale through. 

Like other young Africans, Kenyan youth have no faith that their taxes will be used for their benefit. They know the money will be drained by corrupt politicians—fears that have been reinforced by the lifestyles of ministers who have given themselves lucrative salaries. A senator is paid $85,800 a year, vastly higher than the country’s $2,000 GDP per capita. 

This too is a relevant take-away: proudly branding themselves members of Generation Z, these young Kenyans reflect a broad trend that is emerging in different parts of Africa. According to an Open Society Foundation fact file, Kenya is an overwhelmingly young country; nearly 70 per cent of its 54 million people are under the age of 34. But, as the International Labour Organization noted in a 2019 report, nearly 4 out of every 10 people of working age are unemployed. 

Faced with bleak prospects—and disillusioned by what they see as a greedy political class that is indifferent to their needs, young Kenyans are forming new, bold and innovative movements. They seem to have no leaders: they shun traditional political parties and they transcend ethnic divides. They spontaneously organise themselves online, holding vast virtual rallies, and have fearlessly taken to the streets, some of them livestreaming their “#StopTheFinanceBill” defiance on TikTok while being engulfed by tear gas.

Let’s also note this: while young Kenyans have been at the heart of the protests, they are supported by a broad cross-section of Kenyan society, including churches that were a core part of Ruto’s political base. Doctors’ associations have been treating wounded protesters while lawyers and civil society groups have been working to release them from prisons and locate them in the detention centres into which they have disappeared. 

This too in inspiring from young Kenyans:

“I am not afraid to die, many have died before us,” said Andrew Ouko as he walked the 18km (11 miles) from Juja on the outskirts of Nairobi to join the protests on Thursday. “Many more will die but we have to stand up for our generation who are being taken for fools by the politicians.”

Our leaders who have underdeveloped Africa need to reflect too on this at this time: When tribulation stares us in the face, when adversity comes knocking on our doors, when food insecurity nurtured by corruption and strategic laziness of our heartless leaders threatens us, who will be afraid of sacrifice and death?  

The writing on the wall’ Kenyan angry youths are dispatching to African leaders is this: leaders who gamble with public interest, breach social contract with the people will always attract revolt that will always lead to their tragic end. 

_____________________________________________________________________________________

Azu Ishiekwene, Writing for Media and Monetising It. Abuja: Premium Times Books, 2024, xxxi +259 pp. 

_____________________________________________________________________________________

I was drawn to this book almost instantly by its title. – Writing for Media and Monetising It. Azu Ishiekwene, the author, and I have been colleagues and friends for decades, we have spent more or less the same stretch of time in this business of reporting and analysing society and other people’s life and times, and here comes Azu sending me a book in which he talks about how our hustle can be monetized. Is there something Azu knows that I don’t know and in this our business of being friends, he has been making money on top of our heads, and he has been keeping the secret to himself until now that he thinks he can share some of the tips? He has been keeping secrets? The speed with which I rushed, to use a common phrase, into the book is imaginable. My discovery is that the title is misleading. Azu is a vintage, tested editor, a master of headlines-casting and crafting - something he has done for more than 30 years. He got me hooked. 

With a catchy title he gets you into the story, and he leads you on. He knows the game.  So, catch the reader’s attention, a precious commodity in journalism and then peel the story, layer by layer in an onion-peeling fashion. In terms of procedure, this is what Azu Ishiekwene does in this book. For the benefit of the ordinary enthusiast, journalism is not a money-making machine for the reporter, the editor, the producer or the cameraman, especially in a country like Nigeria where due to the general dispossession of the economy, media owners are struggling to pay salaries, the business environment is hostile, and there is no deliberate, informed and conscious effort on the part of government to connect culture to the development process and provide necessary incentives. Even in other countries where cultural policy appropriately centres the mass media and the freedom of information, journalism is a profession driven by commitment, the urge to be heard and to make a difference and a readiness to learn, and re-learn continuously. This is the actual thrust of this publication.  

Nonetheless, Samuel Johnson in a famous self-deprecatory statement once said that “No one but a blockhead ever wrote except for money… but his art.” Pablo Picasso, the painter said he did not want to be saddled with material worries “like a pauper”. He wanted a lot of money. It is not only Picasso to whom money appeals, we all want money, but Azu Ishiekwene’s “Writing for Media and Monetising It” is more than that: he strikes a balance between opportunities available to the writer in the age of digital adaptation, but this is more a book about the art and craft of journalism itself in an age of transition, covering a broad range of issues: personal development, voice and style, impact writing,  the law, managing the social media and its discontents, journalism in the age of Artificial Intelligence, branding and self -reinvention. The book is enriched by the many voices that it projects: this is not just Azu Ishiekwene speaking to us: we are offered examples and the voices of other journalists across the spectrum of print and social media, making the book all the more relatable, delivered in a classic, precision writing style. Azu writes in an economic fashion; his style is concise.  

It is most refreshing to hear the voices in this book, across generations of the likes of Farooq Kperogi, Sam Omatseye, Fisayo Soyombo on social media responses, and how to manage feedback and trolls (Chapter 8, at pp. 71 – 76); Abimbola Adelakun and Ruona Meyer on branding (Chapter 12, at pp. 110 – 117); the examples of Linda Ikeji, Abdusalam Idris, Tunde Ednut and Adeola Fayehun (Chapter 13 – Making Money, at  pp. 125 -128); Professor Toyin Falola and Tunde Odediran on self-reinvention ( Chapter 14, at pp. 141 – 151), and the more extensive conversation with Dele Olojede and  Toyosi Ogunseye in Chapter 15 titled: “In life, luck – and God matter” focusing on “two icons, different journeys”. The book is 259 pages long, with a total of 15 Chapters and one appendix. The book does not cover the subject of ethics – an oversight in my view, given the many issues about rights, wrongs and professionalism in contemporary journalism practice, and how ethical issues are constantly foregrounded in the media ecosystem, and whereas the book closes with an appendix, viz: the Competition and Consumer Act of Australia 2021, there could have been a longer reflection on media content and legislation in Nigeria given the big challenge that this also currently poses as well. 

But I must say that this is a book that I have enjoyed very much and thoroughly too. One of my pet worries has been the de-linkage between the universities and polytechnics, raising questions about the teaching of journalism in Nigeria, and particularly the curriculum. In other jurisdictions, those who teach in journalism schools are mostly persons who have been experienced practitioners, leading award winners and writers who are on the faculty because they know, and they have been on the rough and tumble field of practice. This is not necessarily the case in Nigeria. I stand to be corrected, but I dare say most of the scholars who teach journalism in most of our institutions of higher learning are persons who have all the degrees but they have never been in a newsroom, or have ever had a microphone pinned to their chests. Many of them have never even written a letter to the editor worthy of publication, and yet they churn out students who are very smart at quoting Marshall Mclluhan and a long list of dead theorists but they can’t write a paragraph, nor do they know a story when they see it. Their teachers do not know any better.  Azu Ishiekwene’s book wakes me up afresh to this worry, and the fact that the book serves an important purpose. It is written by a practitioner, who has risen to the very top in the practice, offering tutorials to the would-be journalist and the old hand who needs to re-invent and adapt. Our journalism schools in Nigeria are too far away from the field. Journalism should be taught by those who have been on the field, and perhaps the same principle should be applied in other professions as well, to establish the proper linkage and transition between school and the world of work. 

Azu Ishiekwene, the author of this book, was once a part-time volunteer lecturer of journalism at the University of Lagos and the Nigeria Institute of Journalism, Ogba, Lagos.  Volunteer, you see? Not always about the money. It is his type that should be teaching the art of writing and journalism, and that is precisely what he does in this work: adding to the bibliography on the desirable linkage between the town and gown, between theory and practice. In this regard, this book acquires yet another significance. It is standard practice, elsewhere, for accomplished journalists to write and publish, to move beyond the limitation of the newsroom, and document their experiences, observations, reflections in a permanent form. They transmute from persons who capture history in a hurry into authors who write history about society, individuals and the practice itself. This is refreshingly a growing trend in Nigeria which should be encouraged, with journalists putting their thoughts and experience in more permanent form. Before now, Azu Ishiekwene had published The Trial of Nuhu Ribadu. This then, is his second offering in this line of business. He belongs, beyond the newsroom in the enterprise in the class of an emergent/emerging class of Nigerian journalist-authors – to name a few:  Akogun Tola Adeniyi, Chief Olusegun Osoba, Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese, Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi, Sonala Olumhense, Olatunji Dare, Dele Olojede, Dare Babarinsa, Kunle Ajibade, Olusegun Adeniyi, Sam Ndah-Isaiah, Sunday Dare, Bolaji Abdullahi, Waziri Adio, Akpandem James,  Sina Oladeinde, Okey Ikechukwu, Magnus Onyibe, Dele Momodu, Lasisi Olagunju, Azuh Arinze, Simon Kolawole, Muskiliu Mojeed, Wale Adedayo, Sina Kawonise, Festus Adedayo,  Abimbola Adelakun… quite a long list as it were, reiterating the links between journalism and authorship, academia and practice, and how in reality the cross-fertilization enriches an on-going conversation about the human enterprise. 

To all intents and purposes, Writing for Media and Monetising It is essentially conceived as a training manual for the young journalist or writer, and a refresher manual for the older hand at the craft who is caught between the old and the new, in a season where innovations and phenomena constantly change at the speed of light due to the intense and form-changing patterns enabled by technical reproduce-ability in all spheres of human endeavour. Azu Ishiekwene, covers, to borrow a legalese, the field, providing us with the equivalent of a Master Class, a Ted Talk in print about journalism – its tone, tint and shape in today’s world.  His submissions are rooted in his own print background, and the transformations that he and others have experienced, in the context of media practice in the age of convergence. The print journalist of old who wrote long-hand in the newsroom or sat in a corner somewhere, monitoring the radio, or functioned, or got his message across with the help of a typist does not belong in this new age. The character of the newsroom has changed. The production process has been transformed by technology. Using his own personal experiences, and newsroom narratives, Ishiekwene captures the image of a newsroom in transition and how the modern journalist, in a digital age, must learn the new tricks of practice. Peter F. Drucker, the management scientist, had written that innovations and adaptability are two factors central to the survival of business. Ishiekwene provides lessons in adaptation: with useful tips about how a journalist can think like an entrepreneur to enhance his trade and skills.  But he begins with tips about the very nature of the trade itself, and he is very practical about his submissions, providing in every chapter, a summary and a reading list after the fashion and standard of training manuals.  

This is a book, all things considered, by a master-practitioner advising the young and the old about the how of our trade, hence the chapters offer advice about how a writer/journalist can find his or her voice; and the importance of originality and feedback; how to find a subject to write about, style and its elements, how to find and use resources, make impact, avoid stepping on the wrong side of the law, how to manage feedback and trolls in a season dominated by the sheer, unavoidable democratization of the media space, which has turned every citizen into a journalist, blurring the lines literally. Only about three chapters in the book, out of 15, deal directly with making money and certainly not in the sense in which making money has become a base affliction in Nigeria. Ishiekwene writes about Syndication (Chapter 10), Writing for Global Audiences (Chapter 11) and Branding Your Content (Chapter 12) but the kind of money this journalist writes about may not even be earned without contacts, distinctive practice, skills and ability. 

I find particularly noteworthy the author’s reflections on how the emergence and impact of social media and Artificial Intelligence has disrupted the practice. The predicted death of the newspaper, like the predicted death of the author has not occurred – what has changed is the mode of practice, and the pressing impact of new forms. This author does not preach against change, rather he encourages adaptation and innovation, two values at the centre of the modern convergence. A big take-away is that the journalist – aspiring or old – must read, to learn new ideas, new turns of phrase, style and trends. “Reading maketh the man” says Francis Bacon, and in this book, the author signposts the value of reading without necessarily showing off. It remains for the public to read his book too. 

I recommend Writing for Media and Monetising It as a useful text that should become part of the teaching curriculum in Nigerian schools of journalism, and as a handy text for the practitioner who needs to be reminded of basic ideas in this troubled age when the newsroom is increasingly populated by an emerging crowd of tryros who can hardly put a sentence together. The book is published by Premium Times, an online media company, which in Nigeria is a comforting reminder of the vast possibilities of convergence and about money - Premium Times would probably make all the money from the sale of this book. Finally, this is an eminently readable book. I urge you all to get a copy and read it.  

The living reality in Northern Nigeria is very explosive. If anyone is interested in finding the practical meaning of the Hobbesian description of life being ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short’, just look at what life is in Northern Nigeria. Indices of poverty, unemployment, inequality are beyond description. Conditions of schools and hospitals is, to say the least, depressing. The civil service, in virtually all the nineteen states, is only a shadow of itself, with hardly any public service activity taking place. Our illustrious and respected traditional institutions have been devalued and reduced to state of hopelessness. Most of our religious leaders and centres are far removed from God’s way of life. Few industries exist in the region. And on account of insecurity, agricultural activities, which is the main stay of the economy of the region, is highly on the decline.

No need to go into conventional statistical analysis of out of school children, number of people living in Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) camps. Not to talk of problems of drugs and substance abuse. Problems of broken homes and abandoned children is quite alarming. As it is, the North is an explosive waiting to explode. We have lost virtually all our homes, our families and our children. Every person with human feeling should be saddened with the reality of what the Northern part of Nigeria has become. Sadly, even the one strength the North is known for, which is strongly united political leaders, has been lost.

More than anytime in the political history of Nigeria, the North has never been disunited without any semblance of political leadership like we have in today’s Nigeria. Partly, on account of lack of unity, the quality of political leadership in the North is sharply on the decline. Many so-called politicians are Internally Displaced Persons/Politicians (IDPs), especially once they are out of office. Those in office today are potential IDPs. Consequently, the worst among us, with hardly any commitment to resolving the challenges facing the North, find their way to political leadership in the North simply because they can cheaply access elective and appointive offices and control public resources, which is largely mismanaged and privatised.

Perhaps, the opportunity for Northern political leaders to redeem themselves and return the North back to rational order with committed leaders capable of responding to the challenges of the region was blown away during the tenure of former President Muhammadu Buhari. The painful reality was that no leader in the political history of Nigeria gained the kind of national acceptability former President Buhari had at the beginning of his tenure. The closest was Chief M. K. O. Abiola whose election was annulled by the military regime of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida. More than any Northern political leader, former President Buhari undisputedly won the votes of people from both Northern and Southern Nigeria, which could have been used to produce new crop of selfless leadership for the country. Selfless leadership is required to put every part of Nigeria on the roadmap to national development.

Golden eight years between 2015 and 2023 was lost. Instead, the country, especially the North became worse off with crisis of insecurity taking over everywhere. Problems of poverty, unemployment, drugs and substance abuses, etc. becoming almost peculiar characteristics of the Northern region. Unfortunately, here we are under President Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu who got majority of the votes that won him the Presidency from the three regions in the North but seem to be only interested in taking advantage of the lack of unity among leaders in the region. Certainly, not his fault and if he is uninterested in challenges facing the region, no one, especially Northern political leaders, should complain.

Partly, on account of lack of unity among leaders in the North, President Asiwaju Tinubu has marginalised the people of North-Central in the political leadership of the country. It is quite depressing that President Asiwaju Tinubu could marginalise the people of North-Central in the manner he did without leaders in the North showing any concern. In addition to marginalising the people of North-Central, he imposed Dr. Abdullahi Umar Ganduje from North-West as National Chairman of APC, which is the ruling party. Out of all the political leaders of North-West, he finds no one who is better qualified but Dr. Ganduje with all the baggage of corruption allegations and poor political relations with other leaders in Kano State, including the Kano State Government. Partly, because of the poor relations between Dr. Ganduje and Kano State Government, the revered Kano Emirate Council has been plunged into avoidable crisis with no end in sight and President Asiwaju Tinubu is pretending to be uninterested.

So far, one year has pass into President Asiwaju Tinubu administration. No doubt, Northern political leaders are becoming weaker and more disorganised. Even the Vice President, Sen. Kashim Shettima GCON, who is the highest office holder and by virtue of that should have served as the needed rallying point for Northern politicians, is anything but a political leader. With every respect, hardly any official of the current administration of President Asiwaju Tinubu from the North, including Sen. Shettima, is willing and able to take the needed risk to defend the interest of the North. Painfully, what is emerging is that most leaders from the North are more concern about self-preservation in the government.

Because of self-preservation, already scheming for 2027 has commenced. Within the Presidency there are indicative cold war dynamics and positioning, which is alleged to be responsible for the praise-singing disposition of Vice President Shettima. The National Security Adviser (NSA), Mal. Nuhu Ribadu has devalued an exalted office almost to the status of a Protocol Office to President Asiwaju Tinubu. Virtually all other Northern politicians holding offices in this government, including the Secretary to Government of the Federation (SGF), Sen. George Akume are absentee public servants who have been reduced to members of a choir group poorly singing ‘on your mandate we stand’ irrespective of the shaky and staggering reality being demonstrated by the mandate holder with reference to poor service delivery and crashing living conditions in the last one year.

Despairingly, opposition political leaders are hardly any better. With hardly any exception, they seem to be only interested in their narrow ambition to contest for office in 2027. The question of uniting political leaders and developing the needed political framework to respond to national challenges is hardly given any consideration. It is quite worrisome that we have crashed, both as politicians and as a region, beyond rational reasoning. More worrisome is the fact that we imagine that we can continue like this, and perhaps current leaders impose themselves on Nigerians in 2027.

We need to caution political leaders in the country that things are about to get out of hand any moment from now especially in the North. If care is not taken, hungry people who are everywhere in the North will start breaking into homes and looting properties of innocent citizens. The other danger is that innocent citizens going about their normal businesses could be attacked on the streets by hungry people. Regrettably, all we do as politicians is to go about doing things the old way and most times promoting the primordial sentiment around ethnicity and religion as reasons for our failings. The truth is that Northern politicians are the problem of the North and by extension the country. Certainly, Northern politicians hold the remote control for the explosive in the region.

Until the North wake up and get its politicians organised, united and committed to providing the needed leadership to resolve the challenges of the region, the explosive, which the region has become may go off anytime soon. It may go off largely because of the default mindset of an average Northern politician of today’s generation who only think about himself/herself alone. Any other thing, including public service and responding to societal challenges is not his/her business. For the North to wake up and change this default mindset, conscious effort must be made to develop new frontiers of political organisation in the region and in the country. Such new frontier of political organisation must be strategically about building a formidable team of respected Nigerians who could deploy themselves within the structures of a political party based on the commitment of mobilising human and material resources to resolve challenges facing the North and by extension the country.

The mistake of the past, especially with reference to former President Buhari and now President Asiwaju Tinubu whereby frontiers of political organisation was development based on individual ambition to contest election must be avoided. Developing frontiers of political organisations based on the ambitions of former President Buhari and President Asiwaju Tinubu has only produced the current monstrous reality of electing emperors and overloads who are succeeding in disintegrating the foundation of Nigerian democracy.

As it is, there is now a prevailing atmosphere of fear among political leaders. Structures of virtually all the registered political parties have been demobilised. None of the parties is organising meetings and none is recruiting members. In fact, hardly any of the registered parties and its leaders are debating what is to be done to resolve our current national challenges, especially the explosive waiting to explode in the North. Most political leaders and parties are afraid of taking initiatives that could begin to mobilise Nigerians in a different direction. And as far as the APC and President Asiwaju Tinubu are concerned, they believed they could deploy the advantage of being the so-called ruling party to win the 2027 elections even as they have failed or are failing to respond to challenges facing the country.

Remarkably, this is a complete contrast of the records of President Asiwaju Tinubu in Lagos State. Some of us who supported the emergence of President Asiwaju Tinubu did so with reference to what he did in Lagos, notably being able to recruit generation of successive visionary leaders for the State and putting in place the development blueprint that gave birth to modern Lagos State. So far, the Lagos reality is no where near what is emerging under the Asiwaju Presidency. Given the absence of any plan, governance by impulse seems to be the order with wide range of speculations all over the political landscape.

Yet, Nigerians expect our democracy to perform miracles. So long as political leaders are not willing to take the needed responsibility to start organising the new frontier of political organisation, which can hold elected leaders accountable based on which they are able to respond to societal and national challenges, our democracy will continue to produce emperors and overloads and our challenges will continue to get worse. Worsening situation will continue to spread across every part of the country. Nigerians must be reminded that the crisis of insecurity in the country was predominantly located in the North-East and some parts of North-West in 2015. Sadly, it has now covered the whole of the nineteen Northern States, South-East and parts of South-West in different ways.

Above all, it has become an explosive in the whole North waiting to explode. If care is not taken, like the problem of insecurity, the explosive in the North, which is largely a product of hunger, unemployment and collapse of economic activities may spread to other parts of the country. It will be tragic if that is allowed to happen. Nigerian politicians must wake up and do the needful. Northern political leaders must make the needed sacrifices and begin to work for the detonation of the explosive in the North. Such sacrifices must be reflected in the willingness and commitment of leaders to participate in the development of new frontiers of political organisation in the country, which should subordinate elected leaders and make them accountable. Anything short of that could make the explosive in the North to explode and spread to other parts of the country.

May God Almighty touch the hearts of all our political leaders in the country. May He also strengthen the capacity, drive and wisdom of patriotic Nigerians across every part of Nigeria to unite and develop the vanguard for the formation of the new frontiers of political organisation in the country. May God Almighty make the new frontier of political organisation successful in Nigeria capable of reforming and transforming Nigerian political parties to produce new generation of accountable and responsive political leaders across every part of the country. And May He crown the new frontier with victory in 2027 and even before 2027 immediately detonate the explosive in North. Amin

The Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms, Taiwo Oyedele, has advocated for an hourly minimum wage for workers in the country.  

Oyedele shared this information during an interview with Channels TV on Friday in Abuja.  

He suggested rethinking the structure of the minimum wage, proposing that it should be calculated based on hourly work. 

Oyedele also mentioned that civil servants should be allowed to engage in other types of work, except farming, while working for the government, as long as it does not conflict with their government duties. 

“My view is that we need to use this opportunity of minimum wage to have a rethink about our minimum wage structure.  

“First and foremost, I do think it should be calculated per hour. And we need to relax some of the rules about civil services and what they can do. It should not just be limited to farming.  

“You should be able to do more than one job provided that there’s no conflict and you can give the minimum hours to the government,” Oyedele said. 

Wages to be linked to productivity 

Speaking further, Oyedele believes that the minimum wage should be linked to worker productivity.  

According to him, without productivity and output, even a N1 million minimum wage would soon lose value and be equivalent to N30,000.  

He emphasized the need for measurable productivity standards for workers, which would help boost government revenue overall. 

“There should also be conversations around measurable productivity. Imagine for instance if you’re able to measure the productivity of civil servants on behalf of government.  

“And we have a structure that says the government cannot pay you a minimum wage that is less than the productivity that you have. What that will do for all of us is that civil servants will then start focusing on productivity because it drives their minimum wage.  

“And otherwise, at the end of the day, it doesn’t matter how much we pay, even if it’s N1 million per month, if it’s not supported by productivity and output, give it about 2 months, the N1 million will look exactly like N30,000 today,” Oyedele added. 

What you should know 

The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) have repeatedly demanded an increase in the minimum wage from N30,000 over the past year.  

The labour unions proposed a minimum wage of N459,000, citing this amount as necessary for a worker’s survival given the current economic realities of the country.  

However, the federal government stated that it could not sustain this demand, saying it was unsustainable and would result in N9.5 trillion annually.  

Meanwhile, after much negotiation, labour settled for a N250,000 proposal while the federal government said it would pay the sum of N62,000. 

[Nairametrics]

The Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (MACBAN) has frowned at the reported plot by the Sokoto Government to dethrone the Sultan of Sokoto, Muhammadu Sa’ad Abubakar.

Naija News reports that there has been a series of mixed reactions on and off the media after reports emerged that the Sokoto government, led by Governor Ahmad Aliyu Sokoto, is plotting to dethrone the revered traditional ruler.

In a statement issued in Abuja on Saturday, the National President of MACBAN, Baba Othman-Ngelzarma, warned the government to ‘tread softly’, emphasizing the need for the protection and preservation of the institution of the Sultanate in the country.

Othman-Ngelzarma expressed that the establishment of the Sultanate, which has a history extending back two centuries, should not be manipulated by politicians who were expected to be directing their efforts towards fostering effective governance.

He criticized the supposed indirect attempts to weaken the esteemed Sultan, representing the emblem of Islamic power in Nigeria.

He said, “We believe protecting and preserving the institution of the Sultanate is a cardinal responsibility of every right-thinking personality in the country.

“We call upon the Sokoto State Government, especially the legislature, to tread softly and do all that is necessary to preserve and protect the institution that represents an all-important ideology that created it.

“Miyetti Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria is worried by the media reports alleging that the Sokoto Government intends to whittle down the powers of his Eminence the Sultan, Alhaji Saad Abubakar III.”

Othman-Ngelzarma said MACBAN stood firmly with the Sultan, adding, “because we believe he deserves better as he has shown the capacity to uphold justice and equity in all his dealings.

“This is evident in his efforts to propagate religious and ethnic tolerance in Nigeria among diverse groups.

“His background as a military man, his resoluteness to speak the truth and his standing for the poor and underprivileged despite being an aristocrat makes him a model for leaders to emulate.”

[NaijaNews]

Foreign aid has long been hailed as a vital tool for combating poverty in developing nations, according to the United Nations (UN). Over the decades, billions of dollars have been channelled from wealthier nations to poorer ones in the hope of fostering economic development, improving healthcare, and alleviating poverty.

However, upon closer examination of the outcomes, a complex and often disappointing reality emerges: despite these efforts, many developing countries, including those in Sub-Saharan Africa, continue to grapple with staggering levels of poverty.

Generously, the intention of the intention of foreign aid is to provide financial and technical assistance to developing countries, thereby fostering economic growth, improving infrastructure, and enhancing the quality of life for their citizens.

“When countries rely heavily on external assistance, they may lose the drive to develop self-sustaining policies and institutions.”

Aid in this context can be categorised into several types: humanitarian assistance, which addresses immediate needs during crises; development aid, aimed at long-term economic growth; and military aid, which focuses on security.

Here, both humanitarian and development aid are considered. However, while proponents of foreign aid, such as the United Nations, argue that foreign aid is key to alleviating poverty by bridging the gap between rich and poor nations, supporting critical infrastructure projects, and enhancing human capital through investments in education and healthcare, others disagree.

Despite the noble intentions, the practical outcomes of foreign aid often fall short of expectations. Several factors contribute to this discrepancy: one major criticism of foreign aid is its potential to foster dependency syndrome. When countries rely heavily on external assistance, they may lose the drive to develop self-sustaining policies and institutions.

This dependency syndrome has persistently plagued Nigeria and other third-world nations, stifling their economic autonomy and perpetuating structural deficiencies.

Recent studies highlighted in the Nile Journal of Political Science emphasise how this dependency has entrenched itself across various sectors of Nigerian society. It has led to an economy structurally reliant on foreign powers, lacking regional and sectoral complementarity, and failing to achieve auto-centric development.

Corruption is a significant barrier to the effective use of foreign aid. In many cases, aid funds are syphoned off by corrupt officials, leading to misallocation of resources. This not only reduces the intended impact of the aid but also erodes public trust.

Poor management and a lack of proper oversight can result in the inefficient use of aid. Projects might be poorly implemented, with funds being spent on non-priority areas or administrative overheads rather than on direct poverty alleviation.

Large inflows of foreign aid can distort local economies. For example, an influx of aid can appreciate the local currency, making exports less competitive and hurting local industries. Moreover, massive aid inflows can lead to inflationary pressures, reducing the purchasing power of the local population and potentially exacerbating poverty.

Often, aid is tied to the strategic interests of donor countries rather than the needs of the recipient country. Aid may come with conditions that align with the donor’s political or economic objectives, which may not necessarily benefit the recipient’s population.

Furthermore, the conditions attached to aid, such as economic policy changes, can sometimes be detrimental. These conditions might prioritise macroeconomic stability over poverty reduction, leading to austerity measures that hurt the poorest.

Sub-Saharan Africa, despite being a major recipient of aid, continues to grapple with pervasive poverty and economic instability. Despite receiving $36 billion annually in aid, Sub-Saharan Africa remains the poorest region globally.

Official Development Assistance (ODA) provides $134.38 billion in aid globally, with the largest portion going to Sub-Saharan Africa. Despite this substantial aid, half of the countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have poverty rates over 35 percent, and 18 of the top 20 economies with the highest poverty rates are in this region, according to the World Bank.

The case of Nigeria

In 1999, Nigeria found itself at a crossroads. The country had just emerged from decades of military rule and was taking its first steps towards democratic governance. As the new administration took office, one of the most pressing issues was the crippling national debt.

This financial burden severely limited the government’s ability to invest in critical infrastructure and social services, leaving millions of Nigerians in poverty.

The international community recognised the dire situation. The Paris Club, a group of major creditor countries, stepped in with a significant debt relief package for Nigeria. This move was seen as a beacon of hope.

The agreement provided Nigeria with the financial breathing room it desperately needed, allowing the government to redirect funds previously earmarked for debt servicing towards essential development projects.

In 2005, Nigeria received another substantial boost. The Paris Club agreed to an unprecedented debt relief package amounting to approximately $18 billion, according to internetgeography.net.

This decision was monumental, as it marked one of the largest debt relief efforts in history. For Nigeria, this meant a substantial reduction in its external debt and the opportunity to reallocate resources towards development initiatives aimed at improving the lives of its citizens.

The impact of this financial reprieve was immediately felt across the country. Schools that had long been neglected saw renovations and expansions. Healthcare facilities received much-needed upgrades, and new economic initiatives were launched to foster growth and reduce unemployment.

The debt relief was not just about numbers; it was about giving Nigeria a fighting chance to rebuild and prosper.

Fast forward to 2014, and Nigeria continued to benefit from international support. The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) provided over $700 million in aid, focusing on critical areas such as health, education, and economic development.

This assistance was crucial in addressing the country’s most pressing challenges. It helped improve literacy rates, combat diseases, and support economic diversification efforts, laying the foundation for a more resilient and inclusive economy.

From 2015 to 2020, Nigeria’s reliance on foreign aid persisted, highlighting the ongoing need for international support. In 2020, the World Bank approved a $3 billion loan to help Nigeria address the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic.

This aid was vital in sustaining social programmes and stabilising the economy during an unprecedented global crisis.

Despite these substantial efforts and financial inflows, the journey towards poverty reduction and sustainable development in Nigeria remains arduous. The country’s struggle with poverty and underdevelopment continues to be a complex issue, influenced by various factors including governance, corruption, and infrastructure deficits.

Beyond Nigeria

Surprisingly, many of the poorest countries in 2024—BBurundi, the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Madagascar, Somalia, and others—were also among the world’s poorest nations a quarter-century ago, according to a world population review.

These countries have consistently received substantial foreign aid, yet they remain entrenched in poverty. What is the problem? The answer often lies in corruption and mismanagement by African leaders, which hinder the effective use of aid and prevent meaningful development.

According to the World Bank, more than 48 percent of those living in sub-Saharan Africa live in poverty despite increased aid from donors.

Renowned economist William Easterly argued that decades of international aid initiatives were far better at feeding bureaucracies than alleviating poverty. One example Easterly cited was Tanzania, which received billions of dollars to improve its road system over a period of many years. Two decades later, Tanzania’s roads were still a disaster, but its bureaucracy had swelled.

“Tanzania produced more than 2,400 reports a year for its aid donors, who sent the beleaguered recipient 1,000 missions of donor officials per year,” Easterly wrote in his famous book “The White Man’s Burden: Why the West’s Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much I’ll and So Little Good.”.

Dambisa Moyo, a Zambian-born economist, noted in her book “Dead Aid” that the $1 trillion in aid African countries received from rich countries over the last half-century didn’t just fail to alleviate poverty in Africa; it exacerbated it.

“The notion that aid can alleviate systemic poverty and has done so is a myth,” Moyo said. “Millions in Africa are poorer today because of aid; misery and poverty have not ended but increased,” the now-member of the UK’s House of Lords wrote in her 2009 book.

To address these challenges, a paradigm shift in aid delivery and governance is imperative. Rather than perpetuating dependency, aid should prioritise capacity building, local ownership, and transparency.

Empowering local communities to drive their own development agenda and strengthening institutions can foster resilience and sustainable progress. Moreover, donor countries must align aid strategies with recipient countries’ long-term development priorities, ensuring that investments are targeted and sustainable.

Foreign aid undoubtedly plays a crucial role in addressing immediate humanitarian needs and supporting development initiatives in struggling economies. However, the notion that aid alone can lift countries out of poverty is overly simplistic and often unrealistic.

Without addressing systemic issues such as governance, accountability, and economic inclusivity, foreign aid runs the risk of perpetuating dependency rather than fostering sustainable development.

As the global community continues to grapple with these challenges, a nuanced approach that prioritises local empowerment and long-term resilience remains essential in the quest for poverty eradication.

In essence, while foreign aid can provide temporary relief and support, its transformative impact hinges on addressing underlying structural barriers and empowering communities to chart their own path towards prosperity.

[BusinessDay]

Murtala Muhammed Airport Terminal 2 (MMA2) in Lagos is set to host the country’s first-ever airport wedding.

The ceremony, which will take place at the MMA2 terminal’s ticketing hall, is set to hold this Saturday, June 29, 2024.

The soon-to-be-married couple, Alli Olamide Miracle and Agboola Abiodun Qudus, will exchange their vows amidst the backdrop of departing and arriving flights, surrounded by their families, friends, and well-wishers.

Dubbed ‘My Airport Wedding,’ the initiative aims not only to celebrate love but also to showcase MMA2 as more than just a terminal for flight operations.

According to Ajoke Yinka-Olawuyi, Head of Corporate Communications at Bi-Courtney Aviation Services Limited (BASL), the event promises to leave a lasting impression on the aviation and entertainment industries.

“We are thrilled to pioneer this unique event at MMA2,” Yinka-Olawuyi remarked. “It’s a testament to our commitment to innovation and creating memorable experiences for our passengers and terminal users.”

The ceremony is expected to draw attention from both local and international audiences, highlighting Nigeria’s growing prominence in the global aviation sector. Attendees, whether physically present or joining virtually through online platforms, are poised to witness a spectacle that blends romance with the dynamic atmosphere of an airport terminal.

“With our slogan ‘More than a terminal’, Bi-Courtney continues to redefine airport experiences,” Yinka-Olawuyi added. “This event underscores our dedication to offering more than just travel convenience.”

LEADERSHIP reports that MMA2 is Nigeria’s first and only privately-funded Airport, operated by Bi-Courtney Aviation Services Limited.

[Leadership]

Thursday’s decision of the two chambers of the National Assembly to extend the implementation of the capital components of the 2023 main and supplementary budgets to December 31, 2024 is raising questions.

The extension followed the request by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to both chambers of the National Assembly.

It would be recalled that the National Assembly, in December 2023, extended the implementation period of capital component of the budget for that fiscal year from December 31, 2023, to March 31, 2024. It similarly extended the lifespan of the N2.17 trillion 2023 Supplementary Budget, which was passed in November, 2023, following a request by President Tinubu.

Both the Senate and the House of Representatives further extended the implementation period for the budgetary appropriations from March 31, 2024, to June 30, 2024, on the 19th and the 20th March, this year, respectively, following another similar request from the president.

The request for another extension of the implementation of the capital component of the budget is coming a few days to the June 30 implementation deadline earlier approved by the National Assembly.

Again, the president is about to submit another supplementary budget to the parliament by next week.

Daily Trust Saturday reports that with the extension of the three other appropriation acts, Nigeria will have four budgets running concurrently.

Dust at House of Reps over multiple budgets

Unlike the seeming smooth sail at the Senate, which considered the president’s request after an executive session, Tinubu’s proposal caused a heated debate at the House of Representatives, forcing Speaker Abbas Tajudeen to move the House into an executive session before the lawmakers approved the request.

Earlier, the president’s letter requesting the extension of the implementation of the capital components of the budget was read by Speaker Tajudeen, after which the executive bills were introduced.

However, when the Leader of the House, Prof. Julius Ihonvbere moved for the second reading of the bills, the House Minority Leader, Kingsley Chinda, raised concerns over the request for extension of the two budgets.

Chinda, while voicing opposition against the request, said it will be morally wrong for the country to be running three to four budgets concurrently.

“We are aware of the importance of the implementation of capital projects and we know what capital projects can do in the lives of our people.

“But the application for extension of the 2023 Appropriation Act is also coming with the request to extend the life of the 2023 supplementary budget. We are also expecting the 2024 supplementary budget.

“A situation where we may have four budgets running concurrently is a bit of a problem. I will suggest that the House leader (Ihonvbere) step this bill down. Meanwhile, the projects that were not completed in the 2023 budgets can be transferred to the 2024 supplementary budget,” he said.

Former leader of the House, Alhassan Ado Doguwa, in his contribution, also supported the position of the minority leader, saying, while it may be legally right, it will be morally wrong to have three budgets running at the same.

He said, “Whatever we are doing, we must be accountable to the people. Each and every member here is representing a community and when we are discussing matters of budget, we should call a spade a spade. I agree with the submission made by the minority leader.

“This has nothing to do with (being a member of) the (ruling) APC. It has never happened. When you have something coming unexpected like this, then we should expect that people will ask questions whether overtly or covertly.

“Even if it is legal, it is unexpected; we have two budgets and a supplementary budget. It is legal but that moral aspect, for us as a House, I will appeal we allow this to go for now but the message has to be sent that the government should do the needful”, Doguwa said emphatically.

Speaker Tajudeen, while intervening, appealed to members to support the extensions, saying most of the items on the supplementary budget were security related issues.

Despite his pleas, majority of the lawmakers appeared not comfortable with the request for extension of the budgets as they kept on shouting “No!”No!

Following that development, the Speaker asked that the House enter into an executive session for members to iron out issues before resuming consideration of the bills.

Arising from the executive session, the House dissolved into the Committee of Supply to debate the various clauses in the bills, all of which were carried.

Subsequently, the House reverted to plenary where the bills were read for the third time and passed.

Meanwhile, questions have continued to trail the running of multiple appropriation laws in the country.

It’s abnormal  – BudgIT

Commenting on the development, a civil society organisation known as BudgIT, whose primary goal is promoting transparency in governance and fostering active citizens engagement with institutional reforms and equitable society, condemned the plan by the federal government to concurrently implement four national budgets in 2024, as an “anomaly with no precedence”.

The organisation’s Country Director, Gabriel Okeowo, said this on Friday in a statement, faulting the proposed elongation of the implementation period for the 2023 approved Budget and 2023 Supplementary Budget from the proposed termination date of December 31, 2023, to December 31, 2024.

He recalled that the 2023 Approved Budget of N21.83 trillion, signed into law by President Muhammadu Buhari in January 2023, was designed to run for 12 calendar months from January to December, as is the practice globally.

The BudgIT boss said that in addition, while the 2024 Appropriation Bill was being drafted, the 2023 Supplementary Budget of N2.17 trillion was passed by the National Assembly, and assented to by President Tinubu, barely two months before the end of the 2023 fiscal year.

“For a brief period, Nigeria returned to the January-December budget calendar in 2019, but retrogressed from the 2020 fiscal year. From 2020 to date, the federal government has routinely extended the implementation period for the capital budgets beyond 12 calendar months, a practice that negates the principle of annuality of public budgets.

“The National Assembly had initially extended the implementation of the 2023 Approved Budget and 2023 Supplementary Budget to June 30, 2024, and now to December 31, 2024. If allowed to be implemented, the practice would convert Nigeria’s annual budget into a biennial one, a practice neither provided for by the 1999 Constitution, nor the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2007”, Okeowo said.

He said more worrisome is that the federal government is currently drafting another 2024 supplementary budget, which it intends to implement alongside the 2023 Approved Budget, 2023 Supplementary Budget and 2024 Approved Budget, thereby resulting in the simultaneous implementation of four budgets, an “anomaly with no precedence.”

He said, “Standard practice should be that projects not catered to within a fiscal year are rolled over to the budget of a new fiscal year. The concurrent implementation of four budgets will lead to severe budget credibility issues, as revenues projected in 2024 alone would most likely be used in implementing four different budgets, negatively impacting service delivery in critical social sectors and the provision of essential public infrastructure”.

He said BudgIT had identified many frivolous items in the 2023 Approved Budget and 2023 Supplementary Budget that would compete with essential projects in the 2024 Budget for the meagre resources available to the federal government.

“We call on the federal government and the National Assembly to amend the complications of this convoluted budgeting system and return to a disciplined January to December Budget Calendar.

“We also urge the federal government to identify and implement only the projects and programmes that align with Nigeria’s overarching development goals, reduce inequality, and improve the lives of citizens, the bulk of whom are multidimensionally poor,” he said.

Speaking on the development, Auwal Musa Rafsanjani, the Executive Director, Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), said that this is the first time Nigeria is going through this kind of “disturbing zero discipline, directionless and lack of public priorities and national interest budgeting, which rather creates opportunities for duplication, waste and corruption.”

Rafsanjani said that the 2024 appropriation law and a number of supplementary budgets submitted to the National Assembly with unjustified borrowings for consumption and reckless spending on some public officials without tangible efforts to improve the nation’s economy and revenue for national development was “terrifying”, as Nigerians are suffering and poverty is on the increased.

“But at the same time, we are witnessing collapse of critical infrastructures and human capital development, poverty, unemployment and overwhelming insecurity in Nigeria with no capacity through budgetary system to address all these challenges.

“The current National Assembly members seem to be satisfied with only their constituencies’ projects, which are often personalised, with no “needs assessment” carried out or even consultation with the constituents they represent.

“As a result, they have decided to leave their fundamental job of checking that the federal government has a budget for national development. They don’t scrutinise the budget to ensure pro poor and national interest budgets for development. And if an individual member raises concerns, they will gang up against him/her like what happened to Senator (Abdul) Ningi. This is sad,” Rafsanjani said.

Also, the Executive Director, Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), Comrade Ibrahim Zikirullahi, said that the organisation had consistently emphasised that the Tinubu/APC-led administration lacked a clear agenda for governing the nation.

He said that it was perplexing, how a government could manage multiple budgets simultaneously and still expect accountability.

“Such confusion and lack of direction epitomise the current administration. This raises questions about the effectiveness of the government’s policies and programmes. And without a clear agenda and direction, it is challenging to assess the impact and success of this government.

“Overall, CHRICED’s criticism of the Tinubu/APC-led administration underscores the need for a more coherent and transparent approach to governance in Nigeria. We will continue to advocate for greater accountability and transparency in government actions, in order to ensure that the needs and interests of the Nigerian people are prioritised and addressed,” Zikirullahi said.

Tinubu responding to IMF dictates – Falana

When contacted, Human Rights Lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), said the amendment of the 2023 Appropriation Act was to accommodate the unpredictability of the market occasioned by the ruining of the economy through floating of the naira and removal of subsidies from petroleum products as well as electricity as dictated by the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

“The Bola Tinubu administration is responding to the crisis of peripheral capitalism,” he said.

According to him: “The crisis has been compounded by oil theft and smuggling of mineral resources and the revenue expected is not forthcoming”.

Presidency speaks

Speaking on the development, President Tinubu’s Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga said the budget cycle was extended to December to ensure that the capital projects contained in the appropriations were not abandoned.

“It is because it (the 2023 supplementary budget) is running simultaneously with the 2023 budget. There are some elements of that budget that were not implemented. That is why they are moving it forward to be implemented.

“They have already got the provisions meant for them. So, they are trying to make sure they implement them based on the provisions of that budget. It means the 2023 and 2024 budgets will run concurrently,” Onanuga said.

[DailyTrust]

No fewer than 47 suspects have been arrested by troops of 1 Division Nigerian Army Kaduna for allegedly vandalizing rail tracks.

In a statement posted on its official X handle on Saturday, the Nigerian Army Headquarters said the operation was carried out on June 26, 2024, during a routine patrol along Kakau Daji- Anguwan Ayaba.

The statement said the suspects, who had loaded two trucks with the vandalized rail tracks prior to their arrest, alleged that they were employed by one Alhaji Babawo.

According to the suspects, Alhaji Babawo who is currently at large, was to load the vandalized rail tracks and off-load them in a nearby bush along the road.

Parading the criminal elements during profiling at 312 Artillery Regiment Kaduna, the Acting Commander 1 Division Provost Group, Lt Col IY Rena stated that the suspects were profiled to ascertain their level of involvement during the preliminary investigation.

He further stated that the suspects were also individually interviewed and cross-examined while efforts were being made to arrest the gang leader who is on the run.

Lt Col Rena revealed that, on a visit to the crime scene, some of the vandalized rail tracks were found concealed in the nearby bushes waiting to be evacuated by the criminal syndicates.

The suspects were later handed over to the Authorities of the Nigeria Railway Corporation, Kaduna Station for further investigation and prosecution.

[DailyPost]