The Senate panel probing the N30tn Ways and Means loans secured from the Godwin Emefiele-led Central Bank of Nigeria by the Federal Government has received more documents from the Office of the Accountant General, The PUNCH has learnt.

As a result, the panel is set to resume physical sitting after studying the documents.

The panel had written to the OAGF seeking additional documents to deepen its prone of the controversial N30tn loan obtained by the President Muhammadu-led administration.

However, multiple sources who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorised to speak on the matter on Sunday, confirmed that the documents arrived at the National Assembly on Thursday.

“The documents from the Office of the Accountant General regarding the probe of the N30tn Ways and Means came on Thursday; the documents have been given to the chairman and the members of the panel,” one of the Senate sources told our correspondent.

Also confirming the development, the Chairman of the Panel, senator Isah Jibrin ( APC, Kogi East), said the AGF had sent the documents to the National Assembly.

He said, “ Yes, the documents have come from the AGF and have been distributed to all panel members. At the moment, we are all studying it and once that is concluded we will resume physical meetings hopefully by next week.”

He added, “Nigerians can be assured that we will ensure due diligence and see that we do not let them down.  Like I earlier said, we had never stopped working on the probe, we just needed more documents and now that we have them, nothing can hold us back.”

 On Tuesday, February 20, the Senate resolved to investigate the N30tn loan, citing that the alleged reckless spending of the overdraft from the CBN largely contributed to the current food and security crises in the country.

After its inauguration, the panel identified 13 infractions allegedly committed in the process of obtaining the loan from the CBN.

However, a media Report (Not PUNCH) had said that the committee had gone into limbo after finding out that the Ways and Means loans approved under Emefiele were about N7tn and not N30tn as claimed by the Senate.

Responding to the media report,  Jibrin clarified that the figures under investigation were not in dispute.

Showing proof of the letter sent to the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation, Jibrin had said, “We have not gone into limbo; we only needed additional documents from the Accountant-General’s office to continue the interface. The amount under probe is N30tn. I don’t know why people are spreading falsehood to achieve a selfish purpose.”

The letter dated June 19, 2024, and signed by Jibrin was titled: ‘Request for Submission of Additional Information’.

The PUNCH reports that during the Ninth Assembly, President Buhari, in a letter dated December 20, 2022, requested the restructuring of the accumulated N22.7 tn Ways and Means loans, alongside an additional N1 trillion primarily for funding the N819.5bn 2022 supplementary budget, totalling N23.7tn.

In his request, President Buhari explained, “The Ways and Means are advances from the Central Bank of Nigeria to the federal government for emergency funding due to delayed fiscal deficits. As of December 19, 2022, the balance of Ways and Means was N22.7tn.

“I have approved the securitisation of these balances under the following terms: Amount, N23.7tn; Tenure, 40 years; Moratorium on principal repayment, three years; Interest rate, 9 per cent. Your concurrence and approval are sought to allow for the implementation of the same.”

After the Ahmad-Lawan-led Ninth Senate passed the N23.7 trillion, the Tenth Senate, on December 30, 2023, also approved for President Bola Tinubu, the securitization of the outstanding debit balance of N7.3tn of the Ways and Means Advance in the Consolidated Revenue Fund of the Federal Government.

[Punch]

The family of the late former Chief Executive of e-commerce giant, Konga, Nick Imudia has debunked reports that the Group CEO of D.light International committed suicide.

It said that investigations were still ongoing on the cause of his death as suicide had been ruled out.

Refuting news reports that Imudia had called his brother and daughter with instructions before his death, the family, in a statement signed by Dr. Anthony N. Imudia, said reportage of the news of the one-time Konga CEO’s death whilst the family was in the hospital trying to resuscitate him was suspicious.

They said: “The family of Nick Imudia is unhappy with the unprofessional manner the media has wrongly characterised the reporting of Nick Imudia’s death as suicide. This is also supported by the Lagos State Commissioner of Police’s office that has vowed to investigate the sudden death of Nick. Neither did Nick call his brother in America with instructions on how to distribute his wealth, nor placed a call to his daughter with any instructions.

“How come the news was reported so hastilly (less than 3 hours from his death) before his family members even knew about it – and the medical team was still trying to resuscitate him at the hospital! The Imudia family wonders!”

Stating that the former Konga CEO comes from a close-knit family where support abounds, the family added, “Nick never showed any sign of stress and he was not diagnosed as depressed at any point. The thought of suicide in the manner portrayed and hastily reported by the news media is suspect.

“Nick Imudia, until his death was the Group CEO of D.light International with Headquarters in Nairobi, Kenya, where he was residing. He managed the company’s worldwide operations from Nairobi. Nick was full of life and people that worked closely with him or met him in the last hours prior to the incident surrounding his death were shocked with the media attributing his death to ‘suicide’.

“He was on a short visit to Lagos after a brief trip to the Netherlands and was to return to Nairobi a day after his sudden death. Nick made his initial career mark with Nokia, the Finnish based Telecommunication Company before he was transferred from Helsinki to manage Nokia Asia operations in Singapore.

“Later in his career with Nokia, he was appointed as the Managing Director of Nokia – West and Central Africa. When Microsoft bought Nokia, he opted to leave the company. Looking for a new challenge, he became the CEO of Konga Nigeria where he reengineered the company’s operation.

“At his prime age and the level of his achievements, people who knew Nick well are all shocked and do not accept the characterization of his death as suicide. Members of Nick’s family do request the media and the general public to allow them to grief their loved one without any unfounded rumour of the circumstances surrounding his death.”

When historians write about the exploits of great men, they are always careful about the details, ensuring to capture the elements that define a person’s epocal milestones. Most times, the stories are told of their triumph and victories, other times, of their frailties. But ultimately, these tales speak to the essence of a person’s greatest battles and how they overcome them and chart a new, definitive course.

When the story of Godwin Obaseki, who today turns 67, is told, it will feature a rich chapter dedicated to his triumphant foray into public service, with numerous pages preoccupied with showcasing his bold, courageous and eventful stay in office, where he wrestled principalities and laid the foundations to restore Edo’s glory – somewhat like a renaissance era in the 21st century.

Obaseki, no doubt, had an eventful career as an investment banker. His exploits are the stuff of legend in corporate Nigeria, where he strode like a colossus, amassing a dashing profile as an investment banker, helping companies raise capital, taking Nigerian businesses to the global stage and contributing to industry-wide reforms that continue to reverberate in the larger economy.

However, serving as Governor of Edo State, Obaseki showcased an unbridled appetite for development and progress. Apparently, a personal trait that many may have missed in their study of Obaseki’s character is an uncanny focus on delivering results. This much was apparent in the manner in which he administered the State.

In a careful analysis of his campaign promises, manifesto and policy documents placed side by side with his developmental strides, one sees an emphasis on ensuring that targets are met with clinical precision. It is as if one needs a particular angle of vision to truly appreciate his genius – a birds-eye view of the somewhat disarticulated activities on the ground level that ultimately leads to all pieces properly aligning to deliver the best of outcomes. In different spheres of development in the State, this eagle-eye view is apparent.

As a governor, he is not one given to noise, grandstanding or frivolous talks. He fought back and challenged ideas and personalities headlong. Even when many wonder what is driving his quest, they only come to appreciate his concerns when reality kicks in years after. Case in point is Nigeria’s current economic impasse occasioned by years of reckless economic mismanagement, which Obaseki warned about years ago.

As a governor, he pursued aggressive reforms. He also worked tirelessly to deliver on key policy changes that led to catalytic progress – from education to healthcare to agriculture and environmental sustainability, among others. Above all, what is incontrovertible about the governor is his stubborn belief in what is right and proper.

The governor will be completing his eight-year stint at Dennis Osadebe Avenue, in Benin City, on November 12, 2024. But what would be running through the minds of many is the legacy he would be leaving behind – what has defined his stay in government and what the generality of the people will remember him for. Such posers are expected given that he led the state through a period of transitions, from a point when the world was transiting to new modes of living and working to an era characterised by global upheavals with a slew of wars, climate concerns and economic instability.

Did Obaseki give a good account of himself? What would historians write in his own chapter in the annals of Edo history? Do Edo people really sit back to appreciate the extent of his reforms in changing the State’s development trajectory? Will he be celebrated after he leaves office?

First, it would be said that as Governor, Obaseki fought many battles. In many of these battles, he came tops. The harder question would be if the battles were necessary or if he should have taken a less confrontational or diplomatic path. In his reading, the governor has volunteered that he believes there was no other way to instill the kind of changes he has engendered. Many would defer. But that remains for posterity to unravel, especially given the peculiar nature of Nigeria’s political space.

Edo’s economy has grown by almost 150% in the last seven and half years since 2017, with the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) now in the region of $25bn. This can be attributed to concerted efforts to open up the economy and transit from a ‘civil service’ state to an industrialised economy. Some of the pieces that many have not taken into account in this puzzle is how fast it will grow in coming years on account of Obaseki’s reforms.

This is premised on a solid groundwork rooted in sound policies and programmes implemented in the last few years. Aside from providing quality education for over 400,000 pupils in schools and ensuring a pathway to sustain their current levels of literary and numeracy up till tertiary levels, the government has also set a template for driving productivity.

In boosting economic growth, the governor has fixed a crucial problem that plagues efforts at sparking industrial growth in developing countries, which is creating that essential link between producers of raw materials to processing business that need their inputs to produce finished and semi-finished goods.

So when allocating farm estates to interested businesses, the Edo State Oil Palm Programme (ESOPP) designed a model that would ensure that makers of Fast Moving Consumer Goods (FMCGs) got the land needed for their Backward Integration drive. As a result, some of the biggest FMCG brands in Nigeria are sourcing raw materials for their industrial plants from Edo State. Not only does this boost job creation and productive use of land that had been hitherto deforested due to years of encroachment on restricted forest reserves, the state is now better positioned to serve as a major source of raw material for local and international business concerns. The long term benefits of this scheme is that Edo would become the major supplier of raw materials and semi-finished goods.

The other critical investment is in the State’s digital infrastructure. Over 2000km of fibre optic cables have been laid across the State connected to healthcare, education and technology assets. This is strategic in positioning the state and its youths to take advantage of the Fourth Industrial Revolution. Already, the Edo Tech Park is training tech talent with youths getting upskilled and realising their goals of kicking off tech careers from Edo State. Investment in electricity and the rep operational modular refineries in the State also add colour to the firmament of industrial activities in the State.

This trend is replete in the other areas where Obaseki has made the most impact. The tradition of thinking of development in hubs is a peculiar feature of the Obaseki-led administration. There are at least six hubs that have been established in Edo cutting across Education, Health, Creative Economy, Agriculture, Technology, among others.

As he leaves office in November, the question remains: who will remember Obaseki’s legacy of excellence? Ask the 400,000 Edo children and their teachers who are covered in the Edo Basic Education Sector Transformation (EdoBEST) Programme. Ask investors and the several businesses along Sapele Road and other parts of Benin City who are hooked on Ossiomo Power. Ask pensioners and civil servants. Ask subscribers to the Edo Health Insurance Scheme. Ask the over 30,000 investors and citizens who have processed their Certificate-of-Occupancy (C-of-O).

It is undeniable that Obaseki is leaving Edo far better than he met it. What is even more enabling is that he has set in motion a 30-year development plan that would guide the state’s development trajectory. This speaks again to his unrivaled penchant to prioritise results and performance over rhetoric. He will remain, undoubtedly, as Edo’s most prolific reformers.

Osagie is the special adviser to Obaseki on media projects.

Former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar says the federal government should not allow the north-east region to slide back into terrorism and extreme violence.

In a post on his X Page on Sunday, Abubakar condemned the multiple suicide attacks on Saturday at various locations, including a wedding reception and a burial ceremony in Gwoza town, Borno state.

Seven people were reported killed and over 16 injured after two suspected suicide bombers attacked some wedding guests at Marrarraban Gwoza on Saturday.

The former vice-president said the upsurge in terrorist attacks was due to the government’s “lacklustre posture” to hold firmly on the frontlines.

“It is a sad development that the ugly incidents of terrorism are resurfacing and, indeed, metastasising in the North-East,” he wrote.

“The reported attack by suicide bombers at a wedding reception, funeral procession, and a hospital on Saturday stands condemned.

“It is unfortunate that much of the pushback that had been achieved against the Boko Haram terror sect is being cancelled, owing mainly to the government’s lacklustre posture to hold firmly on the frontline.

“It is thus important to call on the federal authorities to wake up to their responsibility and to make sure that the North-East does not slide back into a theatre of terrorism and extreme violence.

“My condolences go to the families of victims of these attacks, and it is my prayer that God grants a peaceful repose to the souls of the departed.”

In March 2024, two people were injured after an improvised explosive device (IED), strapped to a suspected suicide bomber, detonated near a mosque in Biu LGA of Borno state.

[TheCable]

Yemen, a West Asian country  in the Arabian Peninsula, reported one million cases of cholera in March 2018. The world shook. At that time, Yemen was in civil war, leading to the Stockholm Agreement between feuding parties. The cholera outbreak in Yemen was linked to conflict, lack of access to clean water, extreme poverty, and the collapse of the health system. An unholy marriage of a conflict and an infectious disease outbreak can render people and health systems powerless and defenseless. Compared to Yemen, Nigeria was recovering from COVID-19 in 2021 when it experienced cholera outbreaks in 29 out of 36 states, affecting 111,062 people. Key drivers of the 2021 cholera outbreak in Nigeria were flooding, poor health facilities, lack of access to clean water, reduced hygiene, and poverty, some of which are persistent challenges in Nigeria’s development equation.

As of 2023, Nigeria has reported over 60,000 suspected cholera cases, resulting in several hundred deaths. The outbreak has affected multiple states, with the North bearing the highest burden. By mid-2024, Nigeria is still grappling with cholera outbreaks. While Nigeria is not in a civil war like Yemen and is not experiencing flooding in 29 states, the country is dealing with cholera outbreaks of alarming proportions. Following a dynamic risk assessment, the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) has activated its emergency center as the death toll from the recent cholera outbreak, prevalent in 31 states, reached 53 nationwide. The situation is urgent and requires immediate attention.

Cholera is a severe diarrheal disease caused by the bacterium Vibrio cholerae, which can lead to dehydration and death if not promptly treated. Nigeria has faced recurring cholera outbreaks, often exacerbated by conflicts, displacement, and natural disasters. A multitude of factors contributes to the persistence and severity of these outbreaks.

Firstly, conflict and displacement exacerbate the issue. Ongoing conflicts, particularly in the Northeast region, have displaced millions. Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) camps often lack proper sanitation facilities and clean water, creating ideal conditions for cholera to spread. Secondly, the rainy season (usually from May to October) frequently leads to flooding, contaminating water sources and increasing the risk of cholera. Flood-prone areas and communities living along riverbanks are particularly vulnerable. Thirdly, while urban areas might have better healthcare infrastructure, rural communities often lack healthcare, clean water, and sanitation infrastructure. This disparity increases the disease’s impact in less accessible regions. Fourthly, Nigeria’s healthcare system faces significant challenges, including limited resources, inadequate infrastructure, and shortages of medical supplies and personnel. During outbreaks, these weaknesses hinder effective response and treatment.

The current cholera outbreak situation approaches emergency dimensions because the infection is spreading during an economically and socially challenging time for the nation. Hard times and infectious diseases are a devastating combination, making people more susceptible to infections. The poorest and most deprived are the most vulnerable. The challenge of hunger, malnutrition, lack of access to potable water, inability to pay for essential food items, and dearth of healthcare facilities is real in Nigeria. Unfortunately, our governors and federal government officials are engrossed in constructing roads and bridges that only the living can use. Somehow, we are deaf to the cries of poverty and hunger all around us. We only hear the sirens of politicians and the elite . Fighting epidemics like cholera and Lassa fever is not a priority.

NCDC has been outstanding in its work. The agency has consistently demonstrated what a proactive and functional government department can achieve. We are also fortunate to have two ministers of health who have the clarity and determination to tackle the most complex challenges. However, fighting an epidemic requires addressing the social conditions that make people vulnerable. Hunger and poverty are health hazards in themselves.

Current efforts in affected areas are primarily focused on seeking medical solutions rather than a combined approach. If people continue to consume unhygienic food and water, the risk of infections increasing to epidemic proportions and disease strains becoming more resistant is high. A combination of vaccination, access to potable water, food security, improved hygiene, enhanced nutritional value, and extensive public awareness is necessary. We must combat this cholera outbreak as if it were a war. Each of us has a role to play in this fight, from maintaining personal hygiene to advocating for better public health policies.

Some states have been proactive and exemplary. Under former Governor Dave Umahi, Ebonyi maintained a high vaccination rate, and the current Governor, Francis Nwifuru, has elevated vaccination efforts. States like Akwa Ibom, Enugu, Nasarawa, Niger, and Rivers have prioritized the health of their people over petty political considerations. Jigawa State, according to UNICEF and the Federal Ministry of Health, was declared the first open defecation-free state in Nigeria. This is a plus in the fight against cholera. Lagos has been exemplary in public health education . Their efforts are inspiring and demonstrate that change is possible. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) has also intervened significantly by providing cholera vaccines for nine states, in addition to offering free medical services in rural areas.

Vaccination offers immediate protection against cholera, reducing the likelihood of outbreaks and saving lives while also complementing long-term solutions. We must address the root causes of the issue—severe poverty, hunger, and the lack of clean water in 34 of Nigeria’s 36 states. These factors make people more susceptible to outbreaks like cholera. To break this cycle, we need targeted policies and initiatives to protect vulnerable populations while expanding health and social welfare services. It’s not just about treating the symptoms but addressing the underlying issues to prevent future outbreaks. It is also time we ramp up public health education as a crucial strategy for combating cholera. Apart from educating, it empowers people to take preventive measures and change behaviours that lead to a reduction in the spread of epidemics.

Cholera has been a recurring problem in Nigeria for decades, with significant outbreaks recorded throughout the country’s history, often linked to poor sanitation, lack of clean water, and displacement due to conflict or natural disasters. Given its recurrence, Nigeria should have developed better ways to prevent or mitigate its impact. We should have learned numerous lessons from previous outbreaks that would position us well to tackle this epidemic. Unfortunately, this has not been the case. The factors contributing to these outbreaks persist, and little or nothing has been done about them.

We only react when faced with an outbreak. We implement immediate measures, and once the outbreak subsides, we revert to our old ways, neglecting the long-term actions necessary to prevent cholera outbreaks. How can many cities in Nigeria lack clean, safe pipe-borne water for public use?

Clean water is a luxury in Nigeria. The middle class can afford so-called “pure water” or bottled water that is anything but pure, given its sources and the poor hygienic conditions under which some of this “pure water” is produced. The working class and the poor still consume highly contaminated water, and many need to be educated on how to treat this contaminated water. The inevitable outcome is cholera outbreaks.

Many poor Nigerians cannot afford safe water. One liter of bottled water costs about N200. For a family of six, consuming at least three liters per day, the family would spend N3,600 per day and about N108,000 per month on drinking water alone. As of my last check, the minimum wage in this country is still N30,000, excluding the cost of cooking water and other uses. It’s no surprise that there is a persistent and recurring outbreak of waterborne diseases like cholera.

Addressing cholera in Nigeria requires a multifaceted approach that addresses both immediate needs during outbreaks and the underlying causes perpetuating the disease. The government must strengthen healthcare systems to improve outbreak response and treatment capabilities, enhance water and sanitation infrastructure (especially in rural and conflict-affected areas), increase community engagement and education to promote better hygiene practices, and tackle broader socio-economic issues such as hunger, poverty, and widespread illiteracy. We must decisively win the war against cholera once and for all.

In the Nigerian media space, the term "brown envelope" has become synonymous with corruption and unethical practices. It refers to the practice of journalists accepting bribes or "envelopes" filled with money or other incentives in exchange for favourable coverage or silence on certain issues. This culture of corruption has long been a stain on the reputation of the Nigerian media and has contributed to the loss of trust in the institution.

The history of the "brown envelope" culture in Nigeria can be traced back to the 1980s, during a time of political turmoil and economic instability. With limited resources and low salaries, many journalists turned to accept bribes as a means of supplementing their income. Over time, the practice became normalized and even expected in certain circles.

Despite efforts by media organizations and watchdog groups to stamp out this unethical behaviour, the "brown envelope" culture continues to thrive in the Nigerian media landscape. The consequences of this are far-reaching, as it undermines the credibility of the media and undermines its ability to hold those in power accountable.

Indeed, in media ethics, Brown Envelope Journalism (BEJ) is a term used to describe the practice of journalists accepting monetary or other incentives in exchange for favourable news coverage or the suppression of negative information. The phenomenon undermines journalistic integrity and the independence of the media, leading to biased reporting influenced by external interests. The practice is not limited to one country, rather it is observed in other African countries, namely Nigeria, Tanzania, and in Ghana where it is called soli and in Cameroon where it is known as gombo. The practice is also reported in Gulf countries such as Kuwait.

BEJ is often justified by journalists due to low salaries and inadequate compensation for work-related expenses. Brown Envelope Syndrome (BES) has remained a controversial issue in any debate centred on the Nigerian press, media professionalism, and media ethics. It is one of the major setbacks of media growth in Nigeria. BES is a system whereby journalists collect money or other material gifts from news sources, company executives, or event organizers to cover such events and probably give it the wildest publicity as the case may be.

In fact, this symbolizes the rot that has plagued the Nigerian media industry since the early 1980s to date. This paper therefore builds from an empirical study by the same authors, as well as literature materials to argue that media professionalism and the enforcement of the various ethical codes that preach professionalism are the practical ways to ensure ethical conduct and behaviour amongst journalists and other categories of media practitioners, especially in Nigeria where these are missing. This, according to the paper, is the missing link in the quest to rid the media industry in Nigeria from the monster called BES.

Brown envelope journalism is an unethical practice where journalists accept bribes or financial incentives, often concealed in envelopes to publish favourable stories or manipulate the news in favour of specific individuals, organizations, or businesses. The term “brown envelope” is used to represent the secretive nature of these bribes, as the money is typically handed over discreetly in a sealed envelope.

During Nigeria’s era of military rule, spanning from the early 1960s to the late 1990s, brown envelope journalism was prevalent. With the government under military control, the media encountered extensive restrictions and censorship. As a result, journalists and media outlets became susceptible to corruption, accepting bribes or inducements in the form of “brown envelopes” to favourably report on government officials and suppress dissenting voices. This compromised the integrity of the media and hindered the public’s access to unbiased information.

Thus, poor remuneration is a major contributing factor to brown envelope journalism. When journalists are not fairly compensated for their work and experience financial difficulties, they become susceptible to corruption and may accept bribes concealed in “brown envelopes.” This unethical practice compromises their journalistic integrity and impartiality.

When media outlets rely on financial support from the government, corporations, or other influential entities, journalists may encounter pressure to produce biased reporting or withhold crucial information in exchange for financial incentives. This compromises the integrity and objectivity of journalism, as reporters may prioritize the interests of those providing financial support over presenting truthful and unbiased information.

Media organizations heavily reliant on advertising revenue for financial support, journalists, and media outlets may experience pressure from advertisers to create content that favors their interests. Advertisers might use the threat of withdrawing financial backing to influence media organizations to produce favourable or biased content that aligns with their products, services, or agendas.

The lack of robust professional associations can contribute to brown envelope journalism. These associations play a vital role in maintaining ethical standards, offering guidance, and providing support to journalists. When these associations are weak or non-existent, journalists may face challenges in resisting pressures to participate in unethical practices.

This brown envelopes syndrome has also become norms among the media practitioners in the state of cradle of journalism, Abeokuta, the Ogun state capital, where the practice of 'O'sin be, O'bene' which means that You are not there, you can't benefit, with this syndrome, people now leave their place of work to appear or attend to guests invited for briefing or to account for his/her stewardship in some years back, all in the name of 'Brown Envelopes' everyone will be eargering to get their dough/monetary rebate at the end of the briefing by the guests or other political personalities, including Governor, Senators, Reps, Ministers and others, people will now storm the briefing venue, so as to have their share in the money given to them.

To eradicate unethical practices from the journalism profession, it is crucial for both private and government-owned media houses to prioritize providing journalists with fair and regular compensation. This step will create a conducive work environment, making journalists less vulnerable to engaging in unethical behaviour and allowing them to uphold the integrity of their profession.

Encouraging media independence is vital. Media outlets must aim for financial autonomy to avoid undue influence from external sources. Diversifying revenue sources can help decrease reliance on advertising revenue and other potentially compromising sources. This approach safeguards the integrity and impartiality of journalism.

To deter individuals from engaging in brown envelope journalism, it is pivotal to enforce stringent laws against bribery and corruption. Both journalists and those offering bribes must be held accountable for their actions. Legal enforcement serves as a strong deterrent, discouraging unethical practices and upholding the integrity of journalism.

Recognizing and appreciating ethical reporting serves as a potent weapon against brown envelope journalism. Publicly honouring journalists and media organizations that uphold strong ethical standards reinforces the significance of truthful and unbiased reporting.

Through awards, accolades, and recognition, ethical journalism becomes a source of positive motivation for reporters and media outlets. Providing stable employment contracts and job security can reduce the vulnerability of journalists to bribery and unethical practices stemming from the fear of losing their jobs.

Òrúnbon, an opinion writer, poet, journalist, and public affairs analyst, writes in from Federal Housing Estate, Olomore, Abeokuta, Ogun State.

On Thursday, July 4, 2024, the United Kingdom will hold elections for the 650 parliamentary seats in the House of Commons. It is one of the more than 80 countries where elections are being held this year, in a list that includes some of the world’s biggest democracies. Barring any major shock, the Labour Party, led by Sir Keir Starmer, is expected to grab a majority of the seats, making it the first Labour government in 14 years.

Nearly all the polls have placed the Tories behind the Labour Party. Research and data analytics firm YouGov, in its latest poll results, predicts the Tories are likely to slump to the lowest number of seats since the party was formed. The polls place Labour ahead of the Tories with an over 200-seat majority. Alternatives like the Liberal Democrats, led by Sir Ed Davey and Nigel Farage’s Reform Party, are also expected to benefit from the Tories setback.

The UK is currently where Nigeria was in 2015, when it was anything but the ruling party. While I don’t particularly agree with all the propositions by Labour, I think it is in the nature of humans to seek change, and this is why the election is already a fait accompli. In any case, the Tories misfortune was long foretold—14 years of chaos, which reached its height with the folly of Boris Johnson and the ineptitude of Liz Truss. Without attempting to exonerate Sunak for the near total chaos, it appears that by the time he took charge in October 2022, the die had long been cast, and there was only so much he could do to change the situation.

Since the austerity of 2010, Brexit, COVID-19, and the Russia-Ukraine crisis, it has been a long and hard 14 years of Tory leadership. In retrospect, I believe that leaving the European Union (EU) and losing access to the EU single market, which previously allowed the UK free movement of goods and services with other EU countries, has been at the centre of the chaos. The situation was also not helped by the COVID-19 pandemic, which struck around the same time, and a war in Ukraine, which led to sky-high inflation and an unprecedented cost of living crisis. In response, the Bank of England has had to raise interest rates, which has impacted the cost of borrowing and mortgages.

Despite these social, political, and economic challenges, the pre-election campaigns have managed to stand out, demonstrating what is possible and offering an important lesson for emerging democracies like Nigeria. Since the day the Prime Minister announced the date for the election, campaigns by the political parties have been dominated by real issues and big ideas on the economy, the cost-of-living crisis, the National Health Service (NHS), immigration, climate action, and deepening public trust. They have managed to offer a clear roadmap on how they intend to address these issues if they are elected.

Even in situations where the proposals are considered outlandish or simply unrealistic, the parties still attempt to explain their thinking and continue to engage the public with their proposals. This practice is quite different from what you would see in Nigeria, where campaigns are never about real issues or big ideas; they are always about simple considerations like religion and ethnicity. Where they are charitable enough, they make it about slogans and rhetoric, but never substance or the issues that matter.

Apart from running a completely issue-based campaign, the leaders of the political parties have also been accountable by staying engaged in public debates and engagements to sell their ideas. This is unlike Nigeria, where people could win elections without attending a single debate or media engagement. In the last 4 weeks, Rishi Sunak and Keir Starmer have featured in the ITV debate, the battle for number 10, a Sky News leaders special held in Grimsby, and a BBC question time leaders special at the University of York. If you have watched any of the public engagements, you would probably agree that they are unabashed and unsparing. I sometimes feel some sympathy for the political leaders when they are grilled like school boys, but this is the beauty of democracy and the power of democracy in action. I think this also highlights the frontline role of the media in setting agendas and shaping conversation.

Another important lesson for Nigeria is how campaign manifestos are fully costed and funded. The political parties provide a detailed cost implication of their proposals and highlight where the money would come from. They explain how the government intends to raise revenue for their ambitious plans, either through new borrowings or by raising taxes. This is different from the situation in Nigeria, where political parties present manifestos that are bland and scant on details. They also fail to provide the cost and funding for their plans, this should no longer be acceptable. Political parties must back their proposals with costs and funding details.

Whatever the outcome of the UK elections, it is certain that the elections have enriched public discourse and strengthened British democracy. Emerging democracies like Nigeria can adapt some of the key learnings from this election. Nigerian leaders must not only watch; they must also take along the positives from the UK election, especially those of accountability, big ideas, and empirical proposals.

Awogbenle, a development and public policy professional, writes from the UK. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

In the month since May 23, 2024, when –during hours reserved by nature entirely for meetings of witches and wizards– he began sitting as Kingmaker for the Emirate of Kano, Abdullahi Liman, a senior judge of Nigeria’s Federal High Court, has handed down at least five rulings. Defying settled Supreme Court jurisprudence, he has asserted federal jurisdiction to decide for the people of Kano who their Emir should be; proceeded unperturbed even after being shown that the subject matter of his proposed decision-making had entered the docket of the Court of Appeal; and ordered the government of Kano State not to implement state law which he is incapable of invalidating.

The scandal about the course that Abdullahi Liman has chosen in his self-designated role as Kano’s federally-appointed Kingmaker is not in what he has done, however. It lies in what he has failed to do. The most significant thing, in this case, is the near certainty that there was no lawful case on the docket when the judge purported to remotely issue a night-time order on May 23, 2024, requiring the parties to “maintain status quo ante the passage and assent of the bill into law.” A more serious judicial scandal would be difficult to invent. It is, therefore, important to consider the facts that show that what has occurred in the court of Abdullahi Liman is judicial misconduct of the most spectacular kind.

Abdullahi Liman has been a lawyer for four decades and a judge for nearly a quarter of a century. Born February 11, 1959, he became a lawyer in 1984 and was in private legal practice in his home state, Nasarawa, and neighbouring Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory, until he was appointed a judge at 42 on July 27, 2000. He is presently the fourth senior-most judge of the Federal High Court. The week preceding his assumption of office as Kano’s sole Kingmaker, the National Judicial Council recommended Abdullahi Liman at the head of a list of 22 judges for elevation to the Court of Appeal. Whatever anyone may say of his work, judicial inexperience is not a charge that can be sustained against him.

The evidence of judicial malpractice in this case is compelling. Let’s begin from the beginning. On Thursday, June 20, 2024, Abdullahi Liman delivered a 22-page ruling precluding the substantive dispute before any opportunity to consider it. The ruling, which purports to nullify “every step taken” by the Kano State government under the Kano State Emirate Council (Repeal) Law assented to by the Governor on May 23, 2024, began as follows: “This Court on the 23^rd of May, 2024, made an order via virtual proceedings, which was enrolled on the same date.” Notably, the judge failed to say when the case was filed. His anger and the entire basis of his orders, as Abdullahi Liman claimed in his ruling, was that the Government of Kano “defiantly went ahead to implement the law that is sought to be struck down.”

It is standard practice for judges in Nigeria to begin their judgments and rulings by clearly reciting details of when the case was filed that they are called upon to decide. As Kano’s Kingmaker, Abdullahi Liman cannot be bothered with such routines. For context, a claimant who wishes to file a case will usually take the relevant papers to the court registry. There, registry staff will assess the necessary fees, which the person filing the case must pay. Upon payment, a Remita electronic payment record is generated as proof of payment and of the amount paid, together with a timestamp of when the payment occurred.

The working hours of Court registries in Nigeria are well known. On May 23, 2024, the Governor of Kano State assented to the law at 5:10 pm or 17:10 hours. At that time of day, the registry of the Federal High Court in Kano had long closed for the week. So, no case could have been filed thereafter on that day to challenge the law. The only other possibility was that the filing happened before the Governor indicated his assent. If so, that filing could not have provided any basis for Abdullahi Liman’s peregrinations later that night in a judicial coven.

The only basis on which he could have issued the orders that he did on May 23, therefore, must be that the case was filed after the Governor’s assent. As a matter of law, that is impossible in the absence of a record of a prior decision by the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court extending the opening hours of the registry. As a practical matter, the staff of the Federal High Court in Kano do not have any record of any such filing. Off record, some people close to the bench suggest unconvincingly that a Remita record for the filing exists at the Federal High Court Registry in Lagos. If so, no one has found it. Lagos and Kano are not in different time zones and the rules governing office hours for the Federal High Court in Lagos are presumably not different from those applicable in Kano.

Three weeks after his first order, on June 13, Abdullahi Liman finally ruled to claim jurisdiction over Kano’s Emirate tussle. In doing so, he considered the Supreme Court’s 1988 decision concerning the deposition of the Emir of Muri but dismissed it as “distinguishable with the facts of the instant case and, therefore, inapplicable.” He failed to say how or why.

One week later, when he ruled to nullify everything done by the Kano State Government since his implausible order of May 23, Abdullahi Liman clarified the basis of the case as concerning “traditional and cultural rights which are vested rights and which are penumbral to …fundamental rights.” He alone could understand this verbiage because the fundamental rights guaranteed by Nigeria’s constitution do not include any “traditional and cultural” or “penumbral” rights, whatever those may mean.

There is no human right in Nigeria to be a Kingmaker or a King. At best, a claim for such could be made by way of judicial review, not as a fundamental rights claim. But to concede that would be to admit that Abdullahi Liman lacked jurisdiction over the matter. That was not his brief.

The scandal in this case goes beyond the fact that there is no filing record to foreground or precede the order of May 23, 2024, around which Abdullahi Liman affects judicial hyperventilation; or his invention of enforcement for rights that don’t exist in Nigeria’s constitution. According to his claim, the hearing that preceded his order of  May 23 was remote or virtual. He also says he “enrolled” the order on the same day.

It is indeed the case that the Rules of Court in Nigeria were adapted in the aftermath of COVID-19 to allow for remote proceedings in certain cases. However, there has to be a valid case filed to begin with. It is also not clear from where Abdullahi Liman procured for himself the power to extend remote hearings to include remote enrolment of court orders.

Reminded that his order of May 23 was not served on the Government of Kano State until May 27, four days later, Abdullahi Liman cited a 2002 decision of the Court of Appeal saying that “anyone who is served with or becomes aware of a valid order of court should ensure that he obeys it in full.” The underlining here is his not mine.

Disregarding the word “valid”, however, he proceeded to claim on 20 June that the question was whether the Government of Kano State knew of the order before May 27. For proof, he said his order was everywhere on social media. This was rank duplicity from a man who, only the previous week, on 14 June, refused to credit evidence that the Court of Appeal had entered an appeal against his assertion of jurisdiction, preferring instead to hurtle with malice aforethought towards a pre-determined outcome. Once he had procured that on 20 June, he adjourned the case indefinitely.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.