I MET a former Member of the House of Representatives about five weeks ago. He had established a huge institution with sprawling structures. He said as an Honourable he found himself receiving N7 million monthly. He quickly decided to establish the institution. So, monthly, he went to his home town and poured the funds into the project. By the time his tenure came to an end, he had all that was necessary in place.

The Honourable’s revelation was a well guarded secret as Nigerians are not supposed to know the income of their representatives in the National Assembly, NASS. This may be so because the figures are subversive of good governance.

However, his narration fitted into the revelation in March 2018 by Senator Shehu Sani that each Senator was being paid a monthly salary of N750,000 with allowances totalling N13.5 million. It meant that the then monthly package of each Distinguished Senator of the Federal Republic was N14.25 million monthly.

That was about $40,000 monthly or some $480,000 per annum. In comparison, Senators of the United States, the richest and most powerful country on earth, were each earning $174,000 per annum.

There was an uproar. Senator Sani was criticised by his colleagues not because he told a lie against them. Rather, the issue was that he revealed a tightly guarded secret that could lead to incitement.

This revelation led to three suits being filed. Justice Chuka Obiozor of the Federal High Court in consolidating the suits, on June 4, 2021 ruled that the remuneration was illegal as the NASS has no power whatsoever to fix its salaries and allowances. He ordered a downward review of the legislators income.

It was assumed that the law makers would obey the Constitution, the laws of the land and the court judgement.

However, in the last one month, former President Olusegun Obasanjo revealed that the NASS was still fixing its own emoluments and paying itself bogus allowances.

The Senate came after Obasanjo, guns blazing. It characterised his accusation as “uncharitable and satanic”.

The Red Chamber Spokesman, Senator Yemi Adaramodu, Ekiti South, accused the former President of attempting to “crucify the legislature by the centurions of political hypocrisy”. I am still in search of the Distinguished to explain if this is English language, a literary translation of Ekiti dialect, or parliamentary privilege that grants him immunity to fire nuclear-guided grammatical missiles from the sanctuary of the hallowed chambers.

Then Senator Sani threw a bombshell; rather than reduce their emoluments as ordered by the courts three years ago, the Distinguished Senators of the Federal Republic had actually ballooned them from N14.5 million to N21 million monthly!

He was presented as a blatant liar by no less a dignitary than the Chairman of the Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission, RMAFC, Mohammed .B. Shehu, a recipient of the Order of the Federal Republic, OFR, the third highest national honour in the country. He is, indeed, the highest authority in the land on the salaries and emoluments of public office holders as he presides over the agency responsible for the revenues accruing to and disbursement of such funds from the Federal Account.

The Chairman claimed that “each Senator collects a monthly salary and allowances of the sum of N1,063,860:00…” He then mumbled that “some allowances are regular while others are non-regular”. That is not the issue, rather, it is what are the monthly emoluments paid a Nigerian Senator?

So, do we believe this RMAFC Chairman or serving Senator Sumaila Kawu, Kano South, who on August 14, 2024 responded on BBC radio: “My monthly salary is less than N1 million (but) in the Senate, each Senator gets N21 million every month as running cost.”

Does the Commission Chairman expect anybody to believe him that the total monthly entitlement which accrues to a Senator is N1,063,860 when we are all witnesses to the fact that each legislator was allocated a Toyota SUV with a minimum N130 million price tag?

If all a Senator takes is a monthly N22 million, the cries from the public might not have been so strident. But the truth is that the legislators take far more than that from the national purse. For instance, the NASS annually pads the national budget.

Then President Muhammadu Buhari accused the National Assembly of padding the 2018 Budget by introducing 6,403 projects of their own, amounting to N578 billion. He also claimed legislators smuggled 6,576 new projects into the 2022 Budget.

When Senator Abdul Ningi of PDP Bauchi, claimed the NASS padded the 2024 Budget by N3.7 trillion or over 10 per cent of the N28.78 trillion budget, he was hounded out of the Senate and suspended on March 12, 2024. He was recalled after ten weeks based on pleadings that he had learnt his lessons.

Also, legislators were allocated constituency projects with some individuals netting billions of Naira. The process is so opaque that, until now, the precise amount allocated each constituency has not been made public.

The question is: must democracy be so costly that we virtually have to empty the Central Bank to pay the emoluments of political office holders?

If the basic duties of the NASS are law making, representation and oversight, is that arm of government not overpriced? Doubtlessly, if we scrap either the Senate or the House of Representatives, the quality of legislation we are getting will not reduce.

But does high cost translate to quality service? A comparison between the Cuban Senate and the Nigerian Senate puts a lie to this. Senators in the former do not get paid for their legislative work which is considered as patriotic service to the country. If a Cuban Senator wants to research a matter, he asks a university to do it for him. Yet, the quality of legislative work by the Cubans is not inferior to that of the Nigerians.

So, while the Cuban is freely voted for, the Nigerian Senator virtually pays the electorate to vote for him. The amount of funds available to the Nigerian parliamentarian is so much that in many cases, mini wars are waged to get elected.

The legal and ‘cornered’ funds flowing freely in the NASS may also be why governors find it one of the best places to retire after their tenure in office.

We cannot continue like this without endangering the democratic project and instigating the populace to insurrection.

The immediate step the NASS can take is to reduce parliamentarian emoluments and allowances to legal and constitutional levels. The second, is to stop corruption-inducing programmes like ‘constituency projects’ and the tradition of budget padding which, to me, is a crime. By the way, who says parliament should not be part-time as it is in practice? The ‘Ayes’ have it!

France held the Russian-born founder of Telegram Pavel Durov in custody for a second day of questioning on Monday over alleged offences related to the popular but controversial messaging app, which insisted he had “nothing to hide”.

His arrest after flying into the Le Bourget airport outside Paris late Saturday is the latest extraordinary twist in the career of one of the world’s most influential tech icons.

The detention of Durov, 39, was extended beyond Sunday night by the investigating magistrate who is handling the case, according to a source close to the investigation. This initial period of detention for questioning can last up to a maximum of 96 hours.

When this phase of detention ends, the judge can then decide to free Durov, whose fortune is estimated by Forbes magazine at $15.5 billion, or press charges and remand him in further custody.

Russia has accused France of “refusing to cooperate” while fellow tech mogul Elon Musk swept to Durov’s defence and called for his release. Durov holds a French passport in addition to other nationalities.

Durov had arrived in Paris from Baku, Azerbaijan, and was planning to have dinner in the French capital, a source close to the case said.

He was accompanied by a bodyguard and a personal assistant who always accompany him, added the source, asking not to be named.

France’s OFMIN, an office tasked with preventing violence against minors, had issued an arrest warrant for Durov in a preliminary investigation into alleged offences including fraud, drug trafficking, cyberbullying, organised crime and promotion of terrorism, another source said.

Durov is accused of failing to take action to curb the criminal use of his platform.

Telegram said in response that “Durov has nothing to hide and travels frequently in Europe.”

“Telegram abides by EU laws, including the Digital Services Act — its moderation is within industry standards,” it added. “It is absurd to claim that a platform or its owner are responsible for abuse of that platform.”

– ‘Assault on basic human rights’ –

Durov founded Telegram in 2013 after his first project, the Russian social network VKontakte (VK), ran into ownership difficulties he blamed on the Kremlin. He left Russia in 2014.

Telegram has become hugely popular partly due to the ease of viewing and posting videos on its messaging “channels”.

But critics accuse it of hosting often illegal content ranging from extreme sexual imagery, disinformation and also services for buying drugs.

Russia’s embassy to Paris said it had demanded access to Durov but had had no response from France, saying “the French side is refusing to cooperate”.

Musk, who leads the Tesla car group and the X social media platform, formerly Twitter, posted the hashtag #FreePavel on X and commented in French, “Liberte Liberte! Liberte?” (Freedom Freedom! Freedom?).

US whistleblower Edward Snowden, who took asylum in Russia, blasted “an assault on the basic human rights of speech and association”, saying he was saddened Paris had “descended to the level of taking hostages as a means for gaining access to private communications.”

– ‘Express their freedoms’ –

One of the key questions is why Durov flew into France when he would have likely been aware he was wanted in the country. “Perhaps he had a feeling of impunity,” said a source close to the case, asking not to be named.

Telegram, an encrypted messaging app based in Dubai, has positioned itself as a “neutral” alternative to US-owned platforms, which have been criticised for their commercial exploitation of users’ personal data.

It also plays a key role in the war between Ukraine and Russia after Moscow’s invasion of its neighbour.

The app is used by Kyiv including President Volodymyr Zelensky in regular video statements to push Ukraine’s message across but also by the so-called Russian “Z-bloggers” who strongly back the war and report from the front.

In a rare interview given to right-wing talk show host Tucker Carlson in April, Durov predicted Telegram would have one billion users next year and insisted that despite his wealth his priority was to be “free”.

“My mission in life was to allow other people to also become free… and using the platforms that we created my hope was that they could express their freedoms. This is the mission of Telegram.”

[Vanguard]

Nigerians’ profound interest in US elections is no mere coincidence. The roots of this fascination lie deep in the historical and structural connections between the two countries’ political systems. Nigeria’s democracy, modelled closely after the US presidential-style system, naturally invites comparisons and draws parallels with American political practices. This connection is further deepened by the increasingly globalised nature of our world, where political developments in one nation can reverberate across continents, influencing governance, policies, and even public opinion in far-flung regions. In Nigeria, this is particularly evident as US political dynamics, especially in the current digital age where social media amplifies voices and ideas, significantly impact the local political landscape. 

The strong economic and diplomatic ties that bind Nigeria and the United States further underscore the importance of closely observing events like the Democratic National Convention (DNC) and its counterpart, the Republican National Convention (RNC). These events are not just spectacles of democracy; they are pivotal in shaping US foreign policy, which invariably has significant implications for Nigeria. As the US navigates its complex political terrain, the decisions and policies that emerge from these conventions often ripple through its foreign relations, including with nations like Nigeria. In this context, the lessons that Nigerian political parties can draw from the DNC are not just valuable, but they are essential for the maturation and evolution of Nigeria’s democratic processes. These lessons have the potential to reshape the political landscape and inspire positive change in Nigeria.

Political parties are the cornerstone of any functioning democracy. They serve as the vital platforms through which individual political aspirations are translated into collective action. This process is not just about enhancing electoral competitiveness, but also about ensuring that diverse interests within the society are represented and fostering a culture of political engagement among the populace. These functions are the bedrock upon which accountability and responsiveness in governance are built. For a developing democracy like Nigeria, where democratic institutions are still in the process of solidification, the institutionalisation of party structures is not just important—it is crucial.

However, Nigeria faces significant challenges in this regard. The political landscape is often marred by a lack of effective party structures, which hinder parties’ ability to stimulate meaningful public dialogue or empower citizens to participate actively in the political process. This shortfall weakens the democratic fabric of the nation, leading to a disconnection between the government and the governed and often resulting in unresponsive governance to the populace’s needs and aspirations. It is urgent that these challenges are addressed, and it is the responsibility of all stakeholders in Nigerian politics to work towards a more inclusive and responsive system.

Many Nigerians find themselves drawn to the Democratic Party of the United States for various reasons. These reasons range from the party’s historic nomination of a woman of colour, which resonates deeply in a country like Nigeria with its complex tapestry of ethnic and gender dynamics, to a general scepticism towards figures like Donald Trump, whose policies and rhetoric have often been perceived as divisive. There are also religious sentiments at play and an alignment with the broader policies and values that the Democratic Party espouses, particularly in areas such as social justice, healthcare, and immigration. This connection to the Democratic Party underscores why the DNC  is relevant to Nigeria’s political evolution. The convention is not merely a gathering of like-minded individuals; it is a platform where the party’s ideals, strategies, and future directions are showcased to the world. For Nigerian political parties, observing and learning from the DNC offers a unique opportunity to glean insights that can be adapted to strengthen their democratic processes.

One of the most remarkable moments of the DNC  was President Joe Biden’s decision to step aside in the 2024 race, passing the torch to Vice President Kamala Harris. This decision was not just a political manoeuvre but a powerful statement about leadership and prioritising national interest over personal ambition. This act of selflessness and commitment to the greater good starkly contrasts the behaviour of much of Nigeria’s political elite, where prioritising personal and group interests over national ones is often the norm.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has been vocal in his criticism of Nigeria’s leadership, describing it as plagued by self-centeredness—a significant impediment to the nation’s development. In Nigeria, political elites often wield power through political patronage and economic dominance, manipulating public opinion to align their interests with those of the country. This manipulation creates a dangerous dynamic where policies reflect the interests of the elite rather than the nation’s true priorities, leading to a disconnect between the government and the people. In this context, few Nigerian political leaders are willing to sacrifice their ambitions, even when they conflict with the common good. Biden’s decision to step aside offers a powerful example of what it means to lead with integrity and a focus on the nation’s collective well-being.

The DNC  also highlighted the importance of unity and inclusivity in the political sphere. Despite internal differences and varying perspectives, all significant DNC members rallied behind Kamala Harris, presenting a united front. This unity was notable not just for its existence but for the way it transcended the divisions that often characterise political gatherings. There was no emphasis on Harris’s gender or race, no factionalism between “technocrats” and “professional” politicians, and no divisive rhetoric around religious affiliations. This starkly contrasts Nigeria’s political elite, who frequently exploit the country’s rich diversity; ethnic, religious, gender,  and social status—to advance their agendas. This exploitation often leads to feelings of exclusion and marginalisation among various groups, weakening the social fabric and undermining the potential for a unified nation.

Another critical lesson from the DNC convention is the importance of consistency in policy positions. Vice President Kamala , in her address, clearly articulated her stance on a range of issues, including healthcare, housing, abortion rights, foreign policy, and the economy. The Party’s leading figures maintained a consistent and coordinated stance on these issues, united by a shared vision and policy goals. This consistency is crucial in a functioning democracy, as it provides voters with a clear understanding of what the party stands for and what they can expect if it comes into power.

In stark contrast, Nigerian political parties often lack well-defined ideological beliefs and are instead defined by the personalities that dominate them. This absence of a coherent philosophy leads to frequent shifts in party allegiance, resulting in internal conflicts and inefficiencies in governance. Rather than focusing on meaningful policy dialogue, Nigerian political parties often operate within a patron-client framework, where loyalty is bought and sold and where policies are shaped not by the needs of the people but by the whims of influential individuals. This system stifles democratic processes and undermines effective governance, making it difficult for the country to move forward in a cohesive and coordinated manner.

The DNC and RNC conventions also underscored the importance of respecting past leaders and celebrating the nation’s history and heroes. Both conventions paid homage to past presidents, civil rights leaders, and other figures who have shaped American history. This respect for tradition and the achievements of those who came before is a hallmark of a mature democracy. It reflects a commitment to continuity and recognition that the past provides a foundation for the future.

In Nigeria, however, the narrative is often quite different. Successive leaders frequently seek to undermine their predecessors, showing little respect for the accomplishments of those who came before them. This attitude weakens the nation’s institutional memory and hampers efforts to build on previous successes. Current Nigerian political leaders often want to be seen and treated as demigods, believing their contributions are unparalleled and their legacies should overshadow those of their predecessors. This mindset stifles political progress and continuity, as each new administration needs to start from scratch rather than build on previous governments’ work.

Finally, the DNC convention showcased a strong commitment to the peaceful power transfer to a new and younger generation of leaders. This was not just a rhetorical commitment; it was evident in how the convention provided a platform for young leaders to speak, presenting themselves as the party’s future. This is reminiscent of Obama’s 2004 DNC speech, which propelled him to national prominence and made his candidacy viable. The DNC’s approach to leadership transition reflects an understanding that the nation’s future depends on empowering the next generation and providing them with the tools and opportunities they need to lead.

In Nigeria, however, the situation is quite different. Despite a youthful electorate, older politicians continue to dominate the major political parties. Patronage systems, which fuel entrenched interests, control these parties, preventing young people from playing significant roles beyond being tools for violence during elections. The failure to meaningfully involve young people in the political process deprives the country of fresh ideas and energy and perpetuates a cycle of stagnation and underdevelopment.

Ultimately , the DNC offers a wealth of lessons that Nigerian political parties would do well to heed. These lessons are not merely theoretical; they are practical steps that, if implemented, could lead to a more vibrant, responsive, and effective political system in Nigeria. By adopting these practices, Nigerian political parties can play a pivotal role in the consolidation of democracy, ensuring that the nation’s political system is not only resilient but also reflective of the will and aspirations of its people.

The recent wave of kidnappings and security challenges in Nigeria has once again brought to the forefront the urgent need for a comprehensive overhaul of the country’s security apparatus. The reunion of twenty medical and dental students with their families, as well as the release of corps members held captive by Boko Haram for a year, while positive developments, underscore the severity of the security crisis facing Nigeria.

One of the most glaring issues is the apparent inability of Nigeria’s intelligence and telecommunications agencies to effectively track and intercept communications between kidnappers and their victims’ families. This failure is particularly concerning given the technological advancements available in the modern era. The Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, Bosun Tijani, despite being touted as a tech expert, has yet to demonstrate significant progress in addressing this critical gap in our national security infrastructure.

The resignation of Ahmed Rufai Abubakar as the Director-General of the National Intelligence Agency (NIA) raises questions about the effectiveness of our foreign intelligence service. While the NIA should ideally function as Nigeria’s equivalent to the CIA, its performance has been lackluster compared to other security agencies like the Military and the DSS actively dealing with national issues.

The frequent use of the phrase “no ransom was paid” in official statements following the release of kidnap victims has become a predictable script, raising doubts about the transparency of these operations and the government’s strategies in dealing with kidnappers.

It is imperative that President Bola Tinubu takes immediate and decisive action to address these security challenges:

1. Review and overhaul key appointments: The President should critically evaluate the performance of ministers and heads of agencies, particularly those in charge of security, intelligence, and telecommunications. Those who have failed to meet expectations should be replaced with competent individuals capable of delivering results.

2. Empower effective leaders: Identify and support officials who have shown promise and effectiveness in their roles, providing them with the necessary resources and authority to implement robust security measures.

3. Enhance technological capabilities: Invest in and deploy advanced tracking and surveillance technologies to support the efforts of security agencies in combating kidnapping and other criminal activities.

4. Improve inter-agency coordination: Foster better collaboration between various security and intelligence agencies to ensure a more cohesive and effective response to security threats.

5. Address root causes: Implement comprehensive policies to tackle the underlying socio-economic factors contributing to the rise in kidnapping and banditry.

6. Increase accountability: Establish clear performance metrics for security agencies and government officials, with regular public reporting on progress made in combating security challenges.

The time for half-measures and empty rhetoric has long passed. President Tinubu must demonstrate strong leadership by taking bold steps to arrest the tide of kidnapping and banditry, enhance the protection of lives and property, and restore the faith of Nigerians in their government’s ability to ensure their safety and security.

The Nigerian people deserve a government that can effectively utilize its resources to protect its citizens. It is time for action, accountability, and tangible results in the fight against insecurity in Nigeria.

Aledeh is a journalist and writes from Nigeria’s capital, Abuja.

It has been seven seasons now since banner headlines, “OAU TO GENERATE 8.03 MW OF ELECTRICITY”, announced to the world that Obafemi Awolowo University was poised to become the first university in Nigeria to generate its own power and, in addition, cater to the needs of its immediate neighbour, the Ile-Ife community. In the beginning was the promise and the promise was visionary but the promise has now been dashed.

In the place of round-the-clock provision of electricity leading to increased productivity, enhanced quality of research and improved health, the university now has an abandoned project with sundry installed equipment and facilities rotting away as yet another symbol of the Nigerian government’s corruption and medieval backwardness.

The Power Project

In 2017, Obafemi Awolowo University entered into a working relationship with the Rural Electrification Agency (REA) to provide a gas-powered turbine that would produce the institution’s independent power needs. The project was to be delivered within two years.

When the project was launched amidst pomp and pageantry, the institution’s then Vice-Chancellor, Professor Eyitope Ogunbodede, revealed that with the coming to fruition of the project and consequent disengagement of OAU from the national grid, the institution would save between N35 million and N65 million monthly. He added that their daily energy requirement was below six megawatts. The gas-turbine-based system being installed was projected to produce eight megawatts daily, hence the assurance that the institution would be in a position to share the excess with neighbouring communities.

Seven other federal universities were also approved to self-generate electricity: Abubakar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi; Bayero University, Kano; Usmanu Danfodio University, Sokoto; Federal University of Agriculture, Makurdi; Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka; University of Lagos, Akoka; Federal University of Petroleum Resources, Warri; in the first phase of the federal intervention.

For OAU, trouble started in the form of what appeared like a personality clash on the surface but was actually the monster of corruption gripping the federal system under the Buhari administration. The Rural Electrification Agency was headed by Clara Ogunbiyi at the time. For some reason, there was no love lost between her and the newly appointed Minister of Power, Saleh Mamman. If you put your ears to the ground, you would hear that the lady was considered uncooperative with the various sleaze schemes brought to her table. Eventually, she left Nigeria to its peccadilloes and resumed a new job in a saner environment at a global agency.

Corruption Problems

She was replaced as managing director by Ahmad Salihijo, who did nothing to facilitate the completion of the Ife project but soon demonstrated that he had demons of his own to contend with. As soon as the Buhari administration expired, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), swooped in. Salihijo was suspended by the new Tinubu administration. Many eyes popped when the EFCC made public the kernel of its findings. One of the pegs of the investigation was the uncovering of 27 accounts linked with the suspended REA Managing Director.

The commission said, among other things, that about N1.2 billion, which immediately accounted for Ahmad’s suspension, had been wired into the accounts of eight staff members, including two directors. The allegations against the top officials of REA are criminal conspiracy, criminal breach of trust, misappropriation of public funds, procurement fraud and money laundering.

In announcing Salihijo’s suspension in a statement signed by Ajuri Ngelale, the presidency had said,
“In the light of new findings unearthed during a comprehensive investigation into the financial activities of the Rural Electrification Agency (REA), President Bola Tinubu has approved the indefinite suspension of the managing director/CEO of the Rural Electrification Agency (REA), Ahmad Salihijo Ahmad, alongside three executive directors of the agency, from office.

“Furthermore, President Tinubu has ordered a wider investigation into the conduct of the aforementioned officials in a fraudulent mis-expenditure amounting to over N1.2 billion over the past two years, some of which has already been recovered by anti-graft agencies”.

Cynical Nigerians said it would all end up as a game of musical chairs. Abba Abubakar Aliyu was appointed as the MD/CEO to replace Ahmad.; Ayoade Gboyega as executive director, corporate services; Umar Abdullahi Umar, executive director, technical services; Doris Uboh, executive director, rural electrification fund (REF); and Olufemi Akinyelure, head of project management unit, Nigeria electrification project.
Although Ngelale reiterated President Tinubu’s determination to elevate the yearnings of Nigerians for good governance and qualitative service delivery above the narrow interests of individuals who are entrusted to provide critical services to Nigerians the Ife power project stalls still.

Anxiety

The institution’s stakeholders who have been anxiously hoping that all encumbrances in the way of the completion of the project would immediately be removed were surprised that so far nothing concrete is happening. The Asian staff who came for the installation of the last set of equipment on site have since returned home. Then, some sources indicated that the Tinubu government wants to convert the project to a solar-powered facility instead of the gas originally designed and upon which the 75 percent completion already achieved is based.

There’s also talk of introducing a new player who had never been part of the project before. Nigeria!
Now, being a self confessed Engineering illiterate, I will refrain from laughing in vernacular or composing panegyrics concerning this project; neither is required, although this tragic stalling of a developmental project is both galling and dispiriting. For Goodness’ sake, how does corruption dog every attempt to gain an inch?

Rather than news about project completion, we have been regaled with tidings of a different kind. It will be recalled that throughout his tenure, President Buhari removed only two ministers. The man posted to the Ministry of Power was one of them, having been sacked for alleged corruption in September 2021.

Last July, hearing in his case was stalled because he was said to have suddenly taken ill outside the court premises and had to be sprinkled with water to revive him. While granting Saleh the benefit of the doubt, there have been too many incidents of government officials dramatising fainting spells or showing up in wheelchairs when dragged before the law. Those are mere distractions.

The buck stops at President Tinubu’s table. Will he allow the present scandalous situation regarding the OAU power project to continue, or will he direct the incumbent Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, to expeditiously resolve this matter to ensure that, for once, corruption is put to shame? When will Tinubu declare, “Let there be light?”

ASUU’s 21-Day Notice

Last week, the Academic Staff Union of Nigerian Universities issued a fresh 21-day ultimatum to the federal government to meet its demands. So far, I am not aware that any high profile ambassador of peace, cleric, traditional ruler, socio-cultural organisation, emergency NGO, concerned stakeholder or any of the usual interventionists who usually pop up once the strike takes effect — has waded in.

The Ministry of Education has probably reconciled itself to the notion that an ASUU strike must be a regular feature of their educational calendar. It’s the habitual fire brigade approach. In the next three weeks, they will roll out their fire trucks with neon lights and long convoys but, as always, the fire hydrants will be waterless.

You’ve got to feel sorry for our unborn tomorrows!

HAVE you ever read Heidi Holland’s Dinner With Mugabe? It was published in 2012 by a Zimbabwean journalist and columnist who worked with Illustrated Life Rhodesia magazine. The book is a very penetrating portraiture of Robert Mugabe. It is a psychobiography of a freedom fighter, liberal lawyer and revolutionary who later became, first Prime Minister and later, President of Zimbabwe. The book’s title was a product of a 1975 sudden call from a Holland friend. He wanted her to arrange dinner and meeting with a friend she had no idea who he was, in her home in Salisbury, now Harare. “It wasn’t until we stood under the veranda light and looked up as we greeted each other that I recognised him. It was Robert Mugabe,” she wrote in the Preface to the book.

Mugabe had a train to catch that night and intermittently looked at his wrist-watch. He had just come out of an eleven years prison and was about to escape through the border into Mozambique to begin war against white rule. Holland, who later became a leading authority on the enigmatic mind of Robert Mugabe, drove Bob that night to the railway station.

For over 30 years, Holland observed Bob morph from a guerrilla-leader-in-waiting into a sadistic and grotesque dictator. Page by page, the psychobiography uncovers how tyranny took hold of Mugabe and the roots of his ruthlessness. It gradually unfolds the horrific consequences of his presidency of Zimbabwe. In all this, Holland reveals that Mugabe had a more complicated persona than his fearsome image the world had.

Heidi’s psychobiography unwittingly shows that emergence of leaders is through two routes. First are the ones whose portraits are known, pre-power, ab-initio and without psychoanalysis. Such leaders the Yoruba call the e-ti- m’oko-l’óko-ikún-kí-e-tó-gbin-èpà-si type. Ikun, the land squirrel, is a rodent smaller than the widely known species called ọ̀kẹ́rẹ́. It lives on the ground as against trees that ọ̀kẹ́rẹ́ is known by. This rodent is renowned for its obsession with devouring nuts in a groundnut plantation. If a farmer knew that the plantation he was about to cultivate was in a squirrel-infested field, and, yet sowed his seeds in it, when he whimpers at its devastation by squirrels, Yoruba blame him for his stupidity. He should have known that a fatal failure awaited him; what the Yoruba, again, call “ofo l’ehin oja.”

The second kind of leadership is Mugabe’s, as profiled by Heidi. At the outset, they wear the garb of innocence. Suddenly, these leaders transmute into wearing the visage of Dracula. They then pounce on the people with their ferocious teeth.

When life is as sour as 2024 Nigeria, the Yoruba compare existence to the taste from licking the sour seed of Iyeye. Iyeye is however Janus. As sour as its seeds are, its generational benefits are legends of folklores. Botanically named spondias mombin, in English, Iyeye is the hog plum. In Igbo, it is Ijikara while Hausa call it Tsardar masar. Its seeds are sour-sweet but the medicinal barks and leaves are used for inducing labour in women. In those days in Iwo, old Oyo State, I picked two songs that still ring in my head till today. As pupils of Ajangbala D.C. Primary School, we sang, while marching from the “Assembly” to our classes, “Odíderé eye Ìwó, Àlùkò eye Òsà, Lékelèké eye Òsun, ìwà re wù mí, màá bá e lo…” (Parrot, the bird totem of Iwo people; Woodcock, bird of the Sea and Cattle egret, bird of the Osun River goddess, your characters fascinate me and I will go with you, wherever you go…).

The other was mostly sung by our mothers in eulogy to the Iyeye. They sang, “Ewé ìyeyè, igba ni o, owó tí mo ní, kò ‘ì tó o, omo tí mo ní, kò ì tó o, ewé ìyeyè igba ni” (as the leaves sprouting out of the Iyeye are two hundred-fold, (may) my wealth and the children I will birth be similar in number; the ones I have are not enough). While the Iyeye song espouses and extols the multiplicity of children that a good tree begets, the two songs, taken together, speak to character and pedigree. The first extols the desirability and aesthetics of character of birds. Odidere, for instance, also called Ayékòótó, (the world scoffs at the truth) is a friend of man and the Iwo. It is domesticated and is said to understand and speak the language of man. It mirrors the purity of mind that its trustworthiness connotes. Such trust is reflected in the deep Yoruba saying that, Odidere should remember the tenets of the agreement it entered into with its master (Odíderé, t’ó bá j’oungbé, má j’oùngbé o!). The birds’ sterling character binds, like a twine, a whole people in friendship with the Parrot, Woodcock and Cattle egret birds.

Unlike Iwo, Sea and Osun River’s friendship with the above birds, our land has always been unlucky to be in besotting friendship with the Abyssinian hornbill bird. Yoruba call this bird Àkàlàmàgbò or Àkàlà. Àkàlà is a bird in whose veins, metaphorically, blood does not flow. It is audaciously bold in doing the unthinkable. It enjoys eating sumptuous sacrifices, food of the gods. These sacrifices are products of the innermost recess of pains suffered by those who offer them. Àkàlà also feasts on carrion, corpses of human and carcasses of non-human beings.

How did Nigerians get here? It is as a result of the fatal consequences they always suffer due to their uncritical profiling and friendship with their leader-tormentors. They once wanted a man who didn’t have shoes while growing up… Again, they desired a Spartan. They got one whose brain was as vacant as a Venetian graveyard. Lastly, they mis-read, mis-profiled and mistook Akala for the Odidere, the latter a bird whose sense of character imposes remembrance of agreement. Have they forgotten that the Vulture comes from a family of sacrifice and cadaver eaters (ìran Igún níí je’bo, ìran Àkàlà a j›òkú)? Why did they think they could make the corpse walk, apologies to James Hadley Chase, by reshaping the fatal consequences of their own hypocritical estimation? They deified a Capon whose heart is as cold as mutton as a potential Messiah. Now, they are wailing. Right by their bedside is their choice, the one they knew so much about, yet so little of the fatal damage that his pedigree they knew so well could do on their lives.

On Thursday, as fuel was being funneled inside my car, I ‘prayed’ for everyone who brought this tragedy on Nigerians. To me, my blood was the petrol from the expensive nozzle majestically flowing into the car. It was N1,000 a liter! It is a very distressing time to be a Nigerian. I instantly remembered that, on October 10, 1998, almost 26 years ago, in Yaba, Lagos, with Nigeria locked in a similar chokehold of petrol scarcity, I asked today’s bird of carrion, who, pretending to be Odíderé, had just flown back to Iwo, what his impression of Nigeria was. In his usual cockney, he thundered: “Retrogression, rolling backwards, on reverse gear; that is my impression. Sad! That people are still queuing at the petrol stations, spend more productive hours at the petrol stations than in economic sector. It is a very sad story… You see poverty, glaringly on the faces of the people, in a nation that has so much resources to thrive on. It hurts.” I wrote this and more in my offering of December 10, 2023.

If poverty and suffering (glaring on the faces of the people) can be measured, I wonder which would be plentier – the ones now or the gnashing of teeth under the military in 1998? But, in unmistakable warnings, we foretold this tragedy. I did in a viral piece published on January 16, 2022. We were Heidi Holland and we literally had dinner with the harbingers of the present pains. Unlike Holland, whose portraiture of Mugabe was post-mortem, ours was ante-mortem. We were demonized as prophets of doom. Nigerians said they had discovered, right on their thumbnail, a great builder who could turn ruins to Ruby. His bio, they said, spoke volumes. Didn’t we know he built Òkun (the Sea) and Òsà (the Lagoon) from nothing and made both a glittering expanse of aquatic modern wonder?

In their excitement, they even foretold life in abundance and plenty under the incoming builder. So they excitedly sang “L’áyé Olúgbọ́n…”, a historical song sung in the old Oyo Empire during the reign of Aláàfin Abíọ́dún. The song was to buttress their anger at what they called our  prophecy of doom. Indeed, during the reign of King Abiodun of Ọ̀yọ́-Ilé in the Empire, his government typified the height of an empathetic and benevolent administration. It prioritized the people’s welfare. There was plenty. There was peace, economic growth, prosperity and development. People praised and sang the goodness and huge financial stability that Oyo witnessed under him. So, women were renowned for singing this hate-laced, scurrilous attack song against the opposition to Abiodun: “During the reign of King Olugbon, we had such plenty that we bought and sewed seven exotic scarves; during the reign of King Aresa, we bought and sewed six scarves; during the reign of Abiodun, we bought and sewed velvet, silks and other pricey clothing materials…” (L’áyé Olúgbọ́n, mo dá’borùn méje, e ó maa ko yìi l’órin, l’áyé Arèsà, mo dá’borùn méfà, e ó maa kò yí l’órin, l’áyé Abíódún, mo ra kókò, mo rà’rán baba aso, e ó maa kò yí l’órin…” They ended their mockery-laced song by calling us lazy drones who only foretold hunger and pain. They asked us to carry our baggage and seek comfort in another land: “Àf’òle l’ó le pé ilè yìí ò dùn; eni bá pé ilè yìí ò dùn, k’ó yára k’érù s’ókò, k’ò gb’oko lo.”

We didn’t relent in telling them how wrong they were. We told the people that no one can build, nor renew any skyscraper of hope on a cracked pedigree. The “Oba Abiodun” they were bringing to sit on the Rock was actually Alaafin Aole. You can check who the original was. He would steal, plunder and despoil farmlands plus their future. He was a lover of the good things of life and would go on a saturnalia with your patrimony, we warned.

Today, the land tastes like a sour Iyeye fruit (Ìlú kan gógó). As our elders say when there is famine and maladministration, our birds chirp in awkward manner; our rats squeak in ways they had never done hitherto. Our situation is almost synonymous with the biblical Samaria where parents entered into consensus to eat their children. Hope is the scarcest on the horizon. The people suffer needlessly. They queue in serpentine, snake-like kilometers-length to buy fuel that oozes out of their own soil. Nothing seems to work. Yet, the people in power live recklessly the proverbial fàmílétèntutó life. They fly glittering jirigin sama, a $100m-worth ACJ330-200, VP-CAC (MSN 1053), while their people wallow in abject squalor and poverty. Those who daily eat eggs forget easily that the cock that lays the eggs suffer anal pains. In our face, they flaunt the latest Cadillac Escalade and tell us to go jump inside the lagoon. A country where the groaning of the people does not grate the ears of their leaders is gasping for breath. Being a Nigerian at this time is like wearing a thorn-filled crown and carrying the heavy biblical Jesus’ cross.

To worsen matters, subterfuge and a coterie of lies are official responses to our anger. When you are seen as one who heaves a tall ladder (àbà) to the furrows in order to climb a heap (ebè) you are an Alágàbàngebè – a serial liar – so say the Yoruba. A person or government which lives a life of decet; one who daily tells scores of lies, is labeled Ajíp’ogúnn’ró.

Jamaican reggae music sensation, Peter Tosh, was at the emotional crossroads we are today as Nigerians. A very religious Rastafarian, Tosh preached redemption through his songs for decades, yet none came. He was often brutalized by the police. So, in frustration, he asked a rhetorical question in the track, Jah Se No,“Must Rastas bear this cross alone and all the heathens go free?” No. There is redemption. History tells us so. To ram home the fact that no evil goes unpunished, the Yoruba say nemesis is next door for every enemy of the people, Ìtàdógún kù sí dèdè, ojó elésìín k’òla.

THE Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) is threatening to shut down the country’s economy if its president, Joe Ajaero, is arrested by the police. Ajaero has been invited for questioning by the police authorities over serious allegations that border on the security of the country and the wellbeing of Nigerians. That’s on one side. On the other side is the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) giving notification that it could soon resume its suspended eight-month strike action that crippled most federal and state universities and threw the entire university system into a tailspin that it is yet to recover from. According to Professor Ishaq Oloyede, the Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board’s Registrar, there are at the moment two or three sessions’ backlog of admission in these universities, with hundreds of thousands of admission-seekers – and their parents and wards – the victims. Another downing of tools by the eggheads will not only completely smash the system but will also totally demarket the Nigerian university system in the international community. Already, more and more foreign countries have stopped recognizing Nigerian university certificates – and the academicians themselves to boot – denying them the pride of place hitherto accorded them when our educational system was respected as one of the best not only on the continent of Africa but also all over the world.

Put mildly, these are not the best of times for both the NLC and ASUU to embark on another round of strike action, no matter their grievances. Our patriotic instincts should demand that all hands be on deck now to fight the Chinese threat to strip the country of its vital assets because of a contractual disagreement between a Chinese company and the government of Ogun State, one out of the 36 states that make up the Federation. In what appears as a calculated and orchestrated plot to embarrass the Nigerian government and people, Nigerian assets worth far more than the amount in dispute are being seized, not just in one country but in multiple countries in Europe and the Americas. This is sheer blackmail and a well-crafted plot to tarnish the image of every Nigerian. It is a design to give Nigeria and Nigerians a bad name and image. The negative backlash that this international conspiracy will hewn on every Nigerian is better imagined than felt. For a country already suffering one form of image problem or another, this is one scandal too many. Any Nigerian that does not see it this way should have their head examined.

This, however, is not to say that we should not apportion blame where it is due; be they individuals or corporate organisations. Anyone and everyone who has a hand in getting us into this mess must be uncovered and punished. This is one case that must not be swept under the carpet in the usual Nigerian style. But – and this is a big but – we must first drive away the fox before returning home to warn the hen not to wander too far away from its secured zone. For one, the assets being plundered are our assets; I mean, they are the assets of all Nigerians and we cannot say it serves President Bola Ahmed Tinubu right. We will be cutting our nose to spite our face if we reason that way. We should not even wash our hands off it and ask the Ogun State Government and\or its former and sitting governors to clean up the mess. It is only after we have risen like one man to call the bluff of the Chinese gold diggers that we can return to give due recompense to the culprits that got all of us into this sorry pass.

That said, we must advise the government that if Nigerians are to rally round it to face the external aggression that the Chinese businessman’s action typifies, it cannot afford to fish in troubled waters. The police invitation to Ajaero appears one provocation too many. I hope the police authorities were not acting irresponsibly with its invitation to the NLC president because the allegations against him are very grievous – criminal conspiracy, terrorism financing, treasonable felony, subversion and cybercrime. None of the allegations is lightweight. If the police have evidence and can establish a prima facie case against Ajaero, then, the NLC president must face the music. No one is above the law. Put differently, the law is no respecter of persons. As our people will put it, it is the finger that offends the king (the law) that is cut off. If the police are able to prove their case against Ajaero, then, the NLC will be wrong to think of shielding him from having his day in court. The offences or crimes he is alleged to have committed is against all of us; it is against the Nigerian state; it is against present and future generations of Nigerians; it is against the wellbeing of every Nigerian, including the same NLC buffs threatening to shut down the economy just to protect their man, be he guilty, be he innocent. That, I dare to say, is irresponsible. What I expect of them is to insist that Ajaero must not be victimized or oppressed; that his rights must be respected and that he must have his day in court. That should have been the most reasonable path for them to tread.

I expect Ajaero to still insist on having his day in court. It will not be right if, after the NLC’s grandstanding, he hides in a corner and chooses not to clear his name of the damaging allegations leveled against him by the police. The police, too, if they fail to press their case against Ajaero, would have unimaginably dented their own image and destroyed whatever is left of their reputation. In addition, the Inspector-General of Police will have to resign. In addition, he will have to tender an unreserved apology to Ajaero and Nigerians. Ajaero will then also be at liberty to sue him for libel and defamation of character and demand hefty sums as compensation. If none of the two parties follow these recommendations, then, they have something to hide and are not serious-minded fellows. Their integrity becomes suspect.

Now to ASUU! It is too early for the university teachers to threaten to further disrupt an already-disrupted university calendar. No matter their grouse and no matter how long it takes for commonsense to prevail, another strike action should not be on the cards. If we have a sense of shame and responsibility, we must choose to suffer in silence rather than destroy the university system completely. It is like a man setting fire on the roof over his head simply because the landlord was tardy in effecting the repair of a leaking roof. At the recent stakeholders meeting of JAMB held in Abuja, the Minister of Education, Tahir Mamman, spoke eloquently of the benefits the ministry – and the country as a whole – has reaped from his new approach of encouraging dialogue among the various stakeholders in the country’s university system and the government. He admonished the university authorities to bend over backward to maintain peace on campus by toeing the line of dialogue. So, whatever happened to those homilies? Is he not practising what he preaches? The Federal Government must bend over backward to prevent another strike action by ASUU.

Now, if I may ask, what are the government’s excuses for not meeting ASUU’s demands? Is it that there is no money? A country that gifted N90 billion on Hajj subsidy (much of which was found to have ended in some individuals’ pockets); a country that spent billions renovating the vice-president’s quarters; a country that bought multi-million Naira bulletproof cars for its National Assembly members; that just purchased a customised private jet for its president, with a limo that will make the American president green with envy to boot; a country that is preparing for another earth summit jamboree; a country where senators go home with N21 million every month; and a country where the CBN top-wigs are reportedly revelling in the opulence reserved only for Arab oil sheiks  – such a country cannot, in good conscience, claim not to have the means to end the rot in our institutions of higher learning.

His Royal Highness, Alhaji Yunusa Muhammad Danyaya (OON), the Emir of Ningi in Bauchi State, has passed away.

The revered monarch was reported to have died in the early hours of Sunday in Kano, where he had been taken for medical attention due to age-related health issues.

The late Royal Father will be buried later on Sunday evening at 4pm following a funeral prayer to be held at the Emir’s Palace in Ningi.

The announcement of his death was conveyed by the Secretary of the Emirate, Alhaji Usman Sule, Magayakin Ningi, in a brief statement written in Hausa.

The statement reads, “Innalillahi Wa’innan Ilaihir Raji’un. Allah yayiwa mai Martaba Sarkin Ningi, Dr. Yunusa Muhammadu Dan Yaya (OON), rasuwa da asubahin yau, Lahadi a Kano

“IZa ayi jana’iza da karfe Hudu na yamma a kofar Fada. Sanarwa daga Sakataren Fada, Alhaji Usman Sule, Magayakin Ningi.”

His Royal Highness, Alhaji Yunusa Muhammad Danyaya, was a distinguished and highly respected first-class traditional ruler in the North East Geographical Zone.

As the Emir of Ningi in Bauchi State, he was adored by his subjects for his sense of justice, fairness, and equity. His tenure witnessed the rapid transformation of Ningi from a rural community into a fast-developing and modern town.

Born in Ningi in 1936, Alhaji Yunusa began his education at Ningi Elementary School between 1941 and 1946, and continued to Bauchi Middle School, completing his studies in 1951.

He later enrolled at the School of Hygiene, Kano, in 1951, and pursued further studies at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Zaria, where he completed a one-year course in Public Administration between 1956 and 1957. He also attended a course at the British Council, Kano, between 1959 and 1960, and earned a diploma in public administration from ABU Zaria between 1960 and 1962.

Alhaji Yunusa had a distinguished career in the Native Authority (NA) Administration, starting as a dispenser at Nasaru Dispensary, Ningi, from 1953 to 1958.

He served in various capacities, including as a member of the Ningi Emirate Council (1956-1960), Councilor of the Medical and Health Department (1958-1959), and District Head and Chiroman Ningi in 1959.

He later joined the Nigerian Tobacco Company, Zaria, in 1963 as a welfare officer and went on to work at the Northern Nigeria Marketing Board, where he held several managerial positions.

He was appointed Sub-Area Manager in charge of Gombe, Biu, and Kumo in 1970, and later became the Acting Area Manager in charge of the North Eastern States Marketing Board in 1976.

Alhaji Yunusa was crowned Emir of Ningi in 1978 and was elevated to first-class status in 1998. He played significant roles in various organizations, including Jama’atul Nasril Islam (JIN) and the National Council of States, representing Bauchi State Council of Chiefs from 1979 to 1983.

He also served as Acting Chairman, Board of Directors of Inland Bank Nigeria Plc, and Director of the Hadejia-Jama’are River Basin Development Authority.

His contributions to national development earned him numerous awards and honors, including the National Honours Award as “Officer of the Order of Niger (OON)” and various merit awards from different organizations.

Alhaji Yunusa traveled extensively to countries such as the United Kingdom, Germany, Canada, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Namibia, and other West African nations.

His hobbies included horse riding, farming, and traveling. He was happily married and blessed with twenty-four children.

“There are only two families in the world, my grandmother used to say, the haves and the have-nots” – Miguel de Cervantes, 1547-1616, VANGUARD BOOK OF QUOTATIONS, VBQ, p 87 – available online.

Once upon a time, there were three classes in Nigeria – the Upper Class, the Middle Class and the Lower Class. Only God knows how it happened. Under colonial rule, even those in the Lower Class still managed to eat three times a day. Extremely few Nigerians starved; and, even most of them were taken care of by the well-entrenched extended family network – until Herbert Macaulay, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello decided that the wicked Britons must go.

Nigerians must rule themselves. If our so-called Founding Fathers could rise from their graves today, and tell the truth, they must admit that they committed a blunder. They rescued us from people chastising us with whips and handed us to Nigerians chastising us with king cobras. Never in the history of Nigeria has such a preponderant percentage of the citizenry been made so destitute and bereft of hope for tomorrow – not to talk of next week, next month, or next year. We are now in the vice grip of five councils – all literally choking us to death in their own way. Whether they enjoy the sadism is difficult to say; but, there is obviously no eagerness to stop killing us softly with their activities. Permit me to list them one by one.

COUNCIL OF STATE

“In every community, there is a class of people profoundly dangerous to the rest. I don’t mean the criminals. For them we have punitive sanctions. I mean the leaders. Invariably, the most dangerous people seek power” – Saul Bellow, 1915-2015, VBQ p 124. 

The NATION newspaper, on the day after the last Council of State meeting, published a picture on its front page. President Bola Tinubu was in the middle; flanked on the left and right by former Presidents Jonathan and Buhari. The paper, published by Tinubu, was too happy to inform the entire world that the Council of State passed a vote of confidence on Tinubu. A picture is always worth more than a thousand words – as advertising practitioners know too well.

Without realising it, if anybody were to be asked to point to how Nigeria found itself in this perilous situation, The NATION provided the shortest and most accurate answer. Nigeria’s last three Presidents, ably supported by Obasanjo and their appointees into various offices, led us into this economic and political quagmire from which escape is almost impossible without dire consequences. Permit me to start with shocking economic facts which even their most ardent supporters cannot refute in any language known to sane people anywhere.

When Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a former Minister of Finance, persuaded Jonathan that the Nigerian economy needed to be rebased, the two of them had more than economics on their minds. The 2015 Presidential Election was uppermost. To suddenly announce that the national Gross Domestic Product, GDP, had grown from USS270 billion to USS510 billion would certainly help win the election – never mind that Fellow Nigerians experienced no improvement in their welfare. As an added dividend from the meaningless exercise, Nigeria was pronounced the biggest economy in Africa – a claim which visits to South Africa and Egypt could easily reveal as fake news. 

For ten years, Nigeria had paraded itself in the borrowed robes of biggest economy in Africa. Irrespective of how long, every lie has an expiry date. Today, the estimated GDP for the top African countries are as follows:

*    South Africa      373.23

  *    Egypt                  347.59

 *    Algeria                266.78

 *    Nigeria                252.74

Three obvious facts stare Nigerians in the face. One, the nation’s GDP today is only 49.6 per cent of what it was in 2014 or approximately half. Two, our dear country is no longer the biggest economy in Africa; it is now number four. Three, Jonathan, Buhari and Tinubu brought us down to this level.

Two hidden facts which could not be deduced from the figures above are the following. First, in 2014, the population was about 65 per cent of what we have now. Second, with the disastrous decline in GDP, per capita income has gone steadily down; such that, today, poverty in Nigeria has exceeded anything experienced in our history. Third, none of the three leaders can claim to be poorer today than in 2014. Not even self-righteous Buhari. But, we are.

Right now, the three of them control the Council of State – a council of the overfed – who don’t really give a damn whether the rest of us starve to death or not. Deep in their hearts, they know that the palliative measures have failed; that they only opened another opportunity for party members and state officials. In order to protect themselves, the game of mutual back scratching has to be played in the open.

Who among them, as well as other members of the Council, actually believes that we will end this year in better condition than we started it?  “It requires wisdom to understand wisdom…” (Walter Lippmann, 1889-1974, VBQ p 275). How can two failures, as Presidents, know what good governance is? And, if Tinubu is basking in the endorsements by those losers, then we are in deeper trouble than we realise. Vote of confidence my foot.

COUNCIL OF ‘LEGISLATHIEF’ HOUSES

“My monthly salary is less than N1 million. After deductions, the figure comes down to a little over N600, 000. Given the increase in the Senate, each senator gets N21 million every month as running cost” – Senator Kawu Sumaila, NNDP, Kano South.

It is difficult to understand if an inadvertent slip of tongue was responsible for the distinguished senator’s disclosure while speaking on the BBC Hausa Service; but, it has shocked Nigerians normally docile to the marrows. Sunday, August 18, 2024 was unusual in the print media. Virtually every major newspaper had a report or columnist writing about the outrageous amount. One newspaper sympathetic to government had three entries – each adding additional information to what Kawu told us; and all leading to the same conclusion.

Nobody knows exactly how much federal legislators actually take from the national purse each month. But, it is far in excess of what the Revenue Mobilisation and Allocation Fiscal Commission, RMAFC, would lead us to believe. Indeed, if the entire take home pay of senators were to be N600, 000, few Nigerians would contest for the position. Those going there, irrespective of how rich before, still know that there is a pot of gold into which they can dip their fingers without questions asked.

However, those carpeting the federal lawmakers have ignored the same game being played in all the 36 states’ Houses of Assemblies; where a conspiracy of silence reigns. Instead of playing the constitutional roles assigned to them, the Speakers serve as arrowheads to negotiate with the Governors: “Pay us well and there will be no checks and balances”. Just as Ministers “bow and go” during screening in Abuja, Commissioners undergo the same ritual in the states. Thereafter, ‘executhief’ and ‘legislathief’ lawlessness prevails. Invariably, the Auditor General is drawn into the stratagem. His role is simple: “See no evil, write no evil and say no evil about the two branches of government.” To make sure that there is no leakage, the Auditors’ Reports are never read by anybody.

The Auditor General of the Federation’s Report from 2017 to 2021 already provided sufficient information to alert the National Assembly, NASS, to the fact that Buhari’s government was colluding with the Central Bank of Nigeria, CBN, to loot trillions from the bank under Ways and Means, W&M. But, the NASS, led by Saraki, 2015-2019, and Lawan, 2019-2023, was never interested in saving Nigeria from eventual calamity. Keeping the scheme going was more important than being patriotic. The CBN Governor would be called; and he would ignore the NASS; and Buhari would not call the Governor to order.

If Nigerians want to know how we tumbled from US$510 billion in 2014 to US$273 billion in 2024, all that is required is to look at the quality of leaders we have had since 1999.

COUNCIL OF UNJUST JUSTICES: THE WAY WE ARE

“The worst form of justice is pretended justice” – Plato, 427-347 BC.

Nobody raised objections when a recent report alleged that the Nigerian judiciary is among the most corrupt institutions in the country. That told us all we need to know about leadership in this country. Taking poor people accused of stealing goat before any of our corrupt judges is akin to asking a mass murderer to judge a wife-beater. Yet, the Nigerian bench is crawling with them…

To be continued next week…