S&P Global tours Dangote Refinery, says it can solve Nigeria’s forex problems; catalyse economic devt

… As Dangote reassures on the commencement of petrol production this July

International financial analytics corporation, S&P Global, has described the 650,000 barrels per day (bpd) Dangote Oil Refinery and Petrochemicals company as capable of resolving Nigeria’s foreign exchange (forex) issue and its huge pressure on the local Naira currency, while also catalysing the country’s economic development. 

S&P Global, headquartered in Manhattan, New York City, disclosed this during an onsite visit to the Dangote Refinery at Ibeju-Lekki, Lagos as part of its sovereign credit ratings assessment of Nigeria. The team from the international rating agency were accompanied by officials from the Federal Ministry of Finance.

S&P noted that the largest single-train refinery complex in the world would bolster Nigeria's oil sector and, more importantly, also have a positive impact on its growing economy. 

Director and Lead Analyst, Sovereign and International Public Finance Ratings, S&P Global Ratings, Ravi Bhatia, who led the delegation to Lagos, said Dangote refinery would transform Nigeria into a net exporter of petroleum products. He added that this transformation is expected to boost revenue generation and alleviate the current pressure on the country’s foreign exchange reserves.  

“It is a very impressive facility, able to process 650,000 barrels a day, when in full capacity. It is the largest single-train refinery complex in the world. It came out quite quickly. Nigeria is a big exporter of crude but has issues with importing refined fuels. So, there is a gap in the market where crude can be refined in Nigeria, save money that way, and potentially save some foreign exchange. This will be positive for the economy in the medium term. It looks positive from our assessment,” Bhatia said after an over four-hour tour of the facility. 

Also, in a chat with the media, Vice President of Oil and Gas at Dangote Industries Limited (DIL), Devakumar Edwin, who led the team during the tour of the facility, reiterated that by harnessing Africa’s abundant crude oil resources to produce refined products locally, the company aims to catalyse a virtuous cycle of industrial development, job creation, and economic prosperity.  He also revealed that, as earlier promised, the company will start the production of premium motor spirit (PMS), this month (July). 

Noting that products from the $20 billion facility are of high quality and meet international standards, Edwin said it can meet 100 per cent of Nigeria's demand for petrol, diesel, kerosene, and aviation Jet, with surpluses available for export. 

The S&P team commended the President of Dangote Industries Limited, Aliko Dangote, for integrating advanced technologies and quality control measures, including a state-of-the-art Central Control Unit ensuring smooth automation of operations. 

Other members of the team of the international rating agency include the Associate Director, Sovereign Ratings, Maxmillian McGraw; Director, Corporate Ratings, Omegu Collocott; Senior Analyst, Bank Ratings, Charlotte Masvongo, and Director, Financial Services, Samira Mensah. 

Currently operating at 350,000 barrels per day capacity, Edwin said the refinery is slated to scale up to at least 500,000 barrels per day capacity by July/August, commencing the refining of petrol and ultra-low sulphur diesel. 

He noted that the refinery, designed to process a wide range of crudes including various African and Middle Eastern crudes, as well as US Light Oil, conforms to Euro V specifications. In addition, it is designed to comply with US EPA, European Union (EU) emission norms, the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) emission/effluent norms, and the African Refiners and Distribution Association (ARDA) standards.  

While noting that most refineries were built by foreign companies, he said it is a thing of pride that a Nigerian company designed and built the world’s largest single-train refinery complex while acting directly as its own Engineering, Procurement, and Construction (EPC) contractor. The refinery also incorporates a self-sufficient marine facility capable of handling the world's largest vessels. 

“The refinery can produce the best quality products in the world, Euro V grade. It is one of the energy-efficient refineries and it is highly environmentally friendly. It is sophisticated with a high level of automation. The largest single train refinery in the world is 100 per cent designed, engineered, and constructed by a Nigerian company as EPC contractor,” he said. 

Nigeria, one of the world’s leading oil-producing countries, exports all its crude oil for refining and subsequently imports refined products due to a lack of operational refineries. It is estimated that Nigeria imports at least 50 million litres of petrol per day to meet domestic demand. 

According to data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) in its Foreign Trade Statistics for the Fourth Quarter of 2023, Nigeria spent approximately N12 trillion on the importation of petroleum products in 2023, including premium motor spirit (PMS), commonly known as petrol. This figure marks an 18.68% increase compared to the N10 trillion spent on fuel imports in 2022.

Associate Director, Sovereign Ratings, S&P Global Rating, Maxmillian McGraw; Senior Analyst, Bank Ratings, Charlotte Masvongo, Vice President of Oil and Gas at Dangote Industries Limited (DIL), Devakumar Edwin; Director and Lead Analyst, Sovereign and International Public Finance Ratings, Ravi Bhatia, and Director, Corporate Ratings, Omegu Collocott during S&P Global Ratings' site visit to the Dangote Refinery as part of its sovereign credit ratings assessment of Nigeria at the weekend

 Associate Director, Sovereign Ratings, S&P Global Rating, Maxmillian McGraw; Senior Analyst, Bank Ratings, Charlotte Masvongo, Vice President of Oil and Gas at Dangote Industries Limited (DIL), Devakumar Edwin; Director and Lead Analyst, Sovereign and International Public Finance Ratings, Ravi Bhatia, and Director, Corporate Ratings, Omegu Collocott during S&P Global Ratings' site visit to the Dangote Refinery as part of its sovereign credit ratings assessment of Nigeria at the weekend

Members of S&P Global Rating delegation at one of the laboratories during S&P Global Ratings' site visit to the Dangote Refinery as part of its sovereign credit ratings assessment of Nigeria at the weekend

2nd from right: Director, Corporate Ratings, S&P Global Ratings, Omegu Collocott; Associate Director, Sovereign Ratings, Maxmillian McGraw; Senior Analyst, Bank Ratings, Charlotte Masvongo; Director and Lead Analyst, Sovereign and International Public Finance Ratings, Ravi Bhatia, and Vice President of Oil and Gas at Dangote Industries Limited (DIL), Devakumar Edwin in a group photograph with staff of the laboratories of Dangote Refinery during S&P Global Ratings' site visit to the Dangote Refinery as part of its sovereign credit ratings assessment of Nigeria at the weekend

In pursuit of national development, effective project management is a critical success factor. According to the Project Management Institute ‘” Project management is the application of knowledge, skills, tools, and techniques to project activities to meet project requirements. It’s the practice of planning, organizing, and executing the tasks needed to turn a brilliant idea into a tangible product, service, or deliverable.”. Developed countries increasingly acknowledge the pivotal role of project management, reflected in the competitive compensation of professional project managers.

According to the Project Management Institute,’ A project is a temporary endeavor undertaken to create unique products, services, or result. It can involve anything from the glamorous events of Fashion Week to humanitarian aid efforts overseas. More specifically, a project is a series of structured tasks, activities, and deliverables that are carefully executed to achieve a desired outcome.’’

Abandoned projects in Nigeria have not only led to financial losses but also represent missed opportunities for societal advancement and economic growth. This can be prevented by projects being managed by professional project managers. Whether in construction, healthcare, or social interventions, rigorous project management practices ensure that projects stay on track, delivering intended benefits to communities.

The definition of project scope involves comprehensive requirement gathering to outline what needs to be achieved. By establishing a precise scope from the outset, project managers can mitigate scope creep—uncontrolled changes in a project's scope. This clarity helps in setting realistic expectations and provides a roadmap for project execution.

Task scheduling and time management are prioritized in project management. Tools like critical Path Analysis (CPA) and Gantt charts are essential in this regard. CPA helps identify the sequence of critical tasks that determine the minimum project duration, while Gantt charts provide a visual timeline of the project schedule. Using these tools, project managers can allocate resources efficiently, identify potential bottlenecks, and ensure adherence to timelines, thereby avoiding unnecessary delays.

Project managers employ robust cost management strategies to monitor expenditures and prevent budget overruns. Quality assurance measures are implemented to guarantee that deliverables meet predefined standards. This dual focus on cost and quality enhances stakeholder satisfaction and trust, ensuring that projects deliver value.

Project managers facilitate open channels of communication among team members and stakeholders, ensuring transparency and alignment of expectations. Effective stakeholder engagement fosters collaboration, secures buy-in, and minimizes conflicts. Regular updates, feedback sessions, and stakeholder meetings are crucial for maintaining engagement and addressing concerns promptly, thus enhancing project outcomes and sustainability.

Efficient resource management is critical in optimizing project performance. This involves the strategic acquisition, allocation, and utilization of resources—whether human, financial, or material. Effective resource management ensures that resources are used responsibly and efficiently, minimizing waste and maximizing productivity. Furthermore, effective procurement practices ensure that goods and services are acquired at the right time, cost, and quality, contributing to overall project efficiency.

Project management integrates proactive risk management strategies to anticipate, assess, and mitigate potential threats. By identifying risks early in the project lifecycle, managers can implement contingency plans and safeguards to protect project objectives and minimize disruptions. Risk management involves continuous monitoring and adaptation to changing circumstances, ensuring that potential issues are addressed before they escalate.

The Government should establish dedicated project management offices (PMOs) within government agencies to standardize project oversight, enhance accountability, and optimize resource utilization. By institutionalizing project management practices, governments can mitigate the risks of project failure, promote sustainable development, and maximize socio-economic impact.

Project Management remains key to National Development. . Project management principles offer a structured approach to addressing the challenges of abandoned projects and inefficiencies. By institutionalizing these practices, fostering stakeholder collaboration, and prioritizing efficient resource management, Nigeria can ensure that projects deliver their intended benefits, driving national development and improving the quality of life for its citizens

Kenechukwu Aguolu   FCA, PMP, CBAP

Abuja, Nigeria

With pain, I have changed my mind: I ask you, President Biden, to think again and please decide to pass the torch to your vice president, Kamala Harris. Friday night’s George Stephanopoulos interview changed my mind. 

Last week, I wrote a column in this space:  

Mr. President, to repeat: I am not asking you to withdraw. I am asking you to be a lawyer and look at the evidence, test yourself as to whether you can defeat Donald Trump and do the job for the next four years, and then – make the right decision for yourself, for your family, and most importantly, for your country. I know you well enough to be confident, and to trust you to make the right decision. 

Mr. President: Now that I have seen your interview on Friday night, I cannot honestly say that I trust you to make the right decision. There were four answers to George’s questions that led me to that extremely painful conclusion.

First and probably most important to me, you were asked what your reaction would be if you ended up being defeated by Donald Trump. Your response was: “I’ll feel as long as I gave it my all and I did the goodest job as I know I can do, that’s what this is about.”

With all due respect, Mr. President: No, you’re doing the “goodest job” is not what “this is about.” What this election should be about for you is saving us from a man whom everyone in the Democratic Party – our political party, sir – believes poses a grave threat to the country and the Constitution. 

Second, I worry that many of your words during the interview seemed to deny political realities, reinforcing the worry about your mental condition. For example, George said to you: “I’ve never seen a president with 36% approval get reelected.” And you responded: “Well, I don’t believe that’s my approval rating. That’s not what our polls show.”

Mr. President, yes, of course individual or small numbers of polls can be incorrect snapshots of a moving picture. But to disbelieve sites aggregating all polls with job approval average percentages in the mid-30s – such as  RealClearPolitics – is to deny facts, to deny realities. That is worrisome. It circles back to the troubling impression you left during your debate, which was an inability to recall, appreciate, and articulate facts. 

Third, you repeatedly ducked George’s question about taking a cognitive test, and you never explained why you were refusing to take one. That left an unavoidable impression you feared the results, which reinforced the impression, wrongly or not, that what happened at the first debate, as Nancy Pelosi said, was not just an “episode” but a “condition.”

And fourth was your answer to George’s question about whether you watched last week’s debate. Your response was: “I don’t think I did, no.” 

This one tipped the scales for me to write this column. You couldn’t even recall for certain if you had watched the debate that brought all this to a head – a debate that took place eight days earlier? Mr. President, how could you not be certain whether or not you watched the debate? And more important: Why didn’t you watch the debate – not once, but again and again and again? To be able to do what I wrote in my column last week that I expected you would do, as a great lawyer and politician – to gather the evidence of your capabilities as a candidate to beat Donald Trump – or not. 

Finally, it is not correct that if you withdraw, that must mean a divided Democratic Party that would make Donald Trump’s election even more likely. History and the evidence are to the contrary.

Kamala Harris was your pick to succeed you if anything happened to you. She still should be. She won five out of five elections in California, including two terms as attorney general and then as a U.S. senator, succeeding the great Barbara Boxer. According to the most recent CNN “A-rated” poll, she is in a dead heat with Donald Trump now – stronger than you or any other Democrat by a good margin. Other polls back that up.

I know – there are some who think her performance in 2020 shows she is not a good candidate – plus there are negative perceptions of her as VP.  

That is BS – and I can’t believe the same would be said if she were white and male. If you give her the nod, there will be a unified convention and she will inherit all the funds you and she have already raised together. No other candidate can legally do that. 

Then, at the convention, you, Barack Obama, and Bill Clinton will introduce her. And finally, she and her running mate – perhaps selected by an open convention vote, as occurred in 1956, when John F. Kennedy sought the VP nomination and lost in a contested vote to Tennessee Sen. Estes Kefauver. And the nominated vice president will probably be one of the half dozen or more outstanding Democratic sitting governors with proven records of executive leadership and accomplishment, such as Illinois’ JB Pritzker, Kentucky’s Andy Beshear, or California’s Gavin Newsom – who will receive an enthusiastic standing ovation by a united Democratic Party. And as in 1992, the profile of the ticket first published in media across the nation will mark the turning of a new generation of leadership for the Democratic Party.

And then, in front of more than one hundred million people, Kamala Harris will deliver a stirring acceptance speech reminiscent of Ronald Reagan: We can have “morning again in America,” without the darkness and division and carnage and chaos of the first Donald Trump term. We can feel good about America again – and know that we will be shoulder to shoulder with our European democratic allies, including helping the heroic Ukrainian people defend themselves from the man Donald Trump hero-worships, Vladimir Putin.

“Yes, we can,” as Barack Obama loved to remind us. The general election would be neatly framed between an optimistic future with new younger leaders vs. Donald Trump’s darkness, retribution, and feeding off lies and division. 

That is the frame that will almost certainly carry the Kamala Harris Democratic ticket to victory … and a promise by the vice president to build a bipartisan coalition composed of Democrats, Nikki Haley Republicans, and independents in her future Cabinet.  

We can be civil Americans again – learning how to disagree agreeably. And our long national nightmare of the dark and divisive Donald Trump will be over.

# # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # # #

Lanny Davis is the founder of the Washington, D.C., law firm Lanny J. Davis & Associates. He is co-chair of the global public affairs and strategic communications firm Actum LLC. From 2018-2024 Davis served as a legal advisor for Michael Cohen, but for the N.Y. DA trial Cohen is represented by experienced N.Y. counsel. Davis uniquely operates at the intersection of law, media, and politics to solve client problems. From 1996-98, Mr. Davis served as special White House counsel to President Bill Clinton. In 2006, he was appointed by his Yale College friend, President George W. Bush, to serve on a special post-9/11 White House panel to advise the president on privacy and civil liberties issues. He is the author of six books on politics, government, law, and crisis management. He has been writing his “Purple Nation” column since 2010

It is sad that the Tinubu government has resorted to intimidating, threatening, and blackmailing individuals and the media for exercising their constitutional right to freedom of expression by commenting on the Samoa LGBT Agreement, which Nigeria has unfortunately signed. The Tinubu government is reportedly either threatening to sue or has sued the Daily Trust Newspaper over its fair comment on the Samoa LGBT Agreement. Blinded by misplaced sycophancy, Doyin Okupe was quoted as saying that "deliberate misinformation" on the Samoa Agreement is treasonable. This is very childish. No reasonable Nigerian takes Doyin Okupe seriously. Mr. Okupe used to be the Labour Party spokesman, but now he is the spokesman of the ruling party simply because of money. He speaks from both sides of his mouth depending on where the money is coming from.

There is an ARISE TV video clip that has been trending on WhatsApp and social media platforms. It is the clip wherein Sonnie Ekwowusi, a lawyer and Chairman of the Human and Constitutional Rights Committee of the African Bar Association, explained the Samoa Agreement and the implications of Nigeria signing the Agreement. Commenting on this video clip, the government or its agents tried to blackmail Sonnie Ekwowusi by alleging that he is a member of the pro-Peter Obi campaign and that there is no provision for any LGBTQ rights in the Samoa Agreement.

This is untrue. I have just finished listening to a Channels TV video clip which is also circulating on social media. In the clip, Sonnie Ekwowusi explained the Samoa Agreement and the implications of Nigeria signing the Agreement. He stated that the Samoa LGBT Agreement contains Articles 2(5), 29(5), and 36(1)(2) promoting LGBT, Comprehensive Sexuality Education, abortion, and transgender issues, which violate Nigerian cultural and religious heritage and Chapter 2 of the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, and Articles 2, 8, 17, 18, 28, and 29 of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights, which are now part and parcel of Nigerian law. Barr. Ekwowusi also said that during the negotiation stages of the Agreement, which he attended, the European Union was requested to expunge the aforesaid offensive articles from the Agreement, but it refused. Instead of doing so, the European Union went about bribing different African government officials to sign the Agreement. He also mentioned that the Samoa Agreement has no glossary or interpretation section to define the words and phrases in the Agreement.

 He further said that the Agreement is like giving an open cheque to the European Union because, in the coming months and years, the European Union will be making dangerous decisions binding on Nigeria and other countries that signed the Agreement. He said that the European Union does not care about the ratification and domestication of the Samoa Agreement by Nigeria and that since Nigeria has signed the Agreement, the European Union will be sending their envoys to Nigeria for the implementation of the Agreement.

So, how can the Minister for Information and the Minister for Budget and Planning go about denying that the Agreement contains the aforesaid offensive provisions? He who asserts must prove. If the two Ministers are asserting that the copy of the Agreement signed by Nigeria does not contain the offensive provisions, they should make it available for the public to see. Merely blackmailing someone or threatening the Daily Trust for speaking the truth is in bad taste. The difference between our political officeholders and those abroad is that the latter admit the truth when they err. For example, look at the humble manner in which the British former Minister Rishi Sunak came out in public to apologize to the whole world for the failure of his government. Can this happen in Nigeria? No. Can any Nigerian political officeholder come out in public to admit failure? No. Most political officeholders in Nigeria are arrogant and proud. They want to always appear in a good light in public even when they are wrong.

By virtue of section 39 (1) and (2) of the 1999 Constitution, every person in Nigeria is entitled to freedom of expression, including the freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart ideas and information without interference. Since 1859, when Rev. Henry Townsend’s Iwe Irohin Yoruba (the first newspaper in Nigeria) made its debut, the print media has effectively performed its traditional function as a societal watchdog in Nigeria to the best of its ability. Given its role in constitutional democracy, the press is dubbed the Fourth Estate of the Realm, after the Legislature. In common parlance, the press is simply referred to as the watchdog of society. Therefore, the press is not a societal nuisance. Nigerian journalists come within the purview of the law, and their activities are governed by law.

Therefore, any individual in Nigeria can freely express his or her opinion in public. Under the law, he or she can freely criticize the government. Similarly, a newspaper or a publisher of a newspaper cannot be punished for commenting on matters of public interest. In Akinrinsola v. A.G. Anambra State (1980) 2NLR 17, the court held that a publication of a general comment on a matter related to a court proceeding presided over by a judge cannot be held to be contemptuous of the court. Remember the case of Tony Momoh? Tony Momoh, a lawyer, journalist, and Editor of the Daily Times from March 1976 to May 1980, ran a column in the Daily Times named "Grape Vine." On February 4, 1980, Momoh published in his column a story entitled "MPs, Senators, and Cards." In the story, Momoh insinuated that some members of the National Assembly were taking advantage of their privileged position as MPs to enter government offices and obtain contracts. The story caused a significant stir at the National Assembly. After exhaustively debating the matter, the Senate resolved to invite Momoh to come to the Senate and disclose what he knew about the members of the National Assembly who were abusing their privileges, as well as disclose the names of the legislators referred to in his "Grape Vine." On February 11, 1980, this resolution was communicated to Tony Momoh.

On February 18, 1980, Momoh went to court to challenge his invitation by the Senate. His lawyer, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, argued that the invitation by the Senate was a complete violation of his fundamental rights, including the right to express his opinion. In his ruling, Justice Candidate Johnson (then Chief of Lagos State) granted Momoh’s prayer and agreed that the Senate's invitation violated Momoh’s right to freedom of expression. The judge also emphasized the importance of the freedom of the press in Nigeria. He stated that any attempt to force a person like Momoh, who disseminates information through the medium of a newspaper, to disclose the source of his information apparently given in confidence is an interference with the freedom of the press. The Senate got annoyed and appealed against the ruling. While ruling that the Senate had no power to invite Momoh, the Court of Appeal said that the Senate could only invite a member of the public to the Senate when they wanted to gather facts for the purpose of enabling them to make laws on a matter.

More importantly, the Freedom of Information Act is aimed at placing information in the public domain. The major value underlying freedom of information is society’s need for the maximum flow of information. It is the duty of the press to keep the citizens informed of the different opinions being expressed and what is happening in the seat of government so that the citizens will be able to make better political decisions. With the Freedom of Information Act, a journalist can walk into any government office and demand information or documents exposing any corrupt public servant.

What this translates to is that the people enjoy the freedom to express themselves as well as criticize the government in our constitutional democracy. A government that does not accept criticism or opposition is an irresponsible government. The Tinubu government must understand that the people are the sovereigns in our presidential democracy. Power belongs to the people. Our political office holders are mere servants of the people and should be accountable to the people for all their deeds and misdeeds.

Under the different military dictatorships and totalitarian regimes in Nigeria, the people and the Nigerian press suffered emasculation, intimidation, suppression, and proscriptions. However, with the restoration of democratic government in Nigeria since May 29, 1999, the fundamental human rights enshrined in sections 33-46 of the 1999 Constitution are enforceable. The 1999 Constitution is rooted in national ethos. The government cannot blackmail anybody or any media outlet for exercising their right to freedom of expression. Freedom of expression is not negotiable.

Mrs. Adebayo*, a criminologist, writes from Ogun State.

President Bola Tinubu condoles with the Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Dr. Doris Uzoka-Anite, over the passing of her beloved mother, Mrs. Victoria Immaculata Uzoka.

President Tinubu also commiserates with the entire family of the deceased, and extends his prayers and support to them at this difficult time.

While praying for the repose of the soul of the departed, the President urges the Minister and the Uzoka family to find strength in the peace, charity, and good deeds that the late matriarch's life was defined by.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

In the past ten years, the South-East and North-East geopolitical zones, more than other geopolitical zones, have been sites of experiments on insecurity and militia reign. Either terrorists, kidnappers, or militias were testing the will of the government to see how long it would take for a determined state to take charge, or it was just a playground of absurdity. The result is known. Political leadership and the elite failed the people irredeemably. Admittedly, insecurity on a national scale abhors partitioning. The factors at play in a place may owe their origins to factors emanating from a totally different region, but there is good reason to focus on the two zones.

In the two zones, the persistent violence had three distinct features: first, the impunity with which Boko Haram and its affiliates, and unknown gunmen have been allowed to operate; second, the helplessness of the residents; and third, the seeming indifference of the political elite. These defining features fuel existential anger among the people.

Somehow, lately, it appears governors from both regions have found their mojo and courage to rise to the challenge, and that deserves examination and commendation. The source of this new energy and focus is unknown. One thing is clear: the federal government has done its best to redeem the situation, but its best is not good enough. The federal government just did not know how to deal with the situation beyond a military-centric option, and the military deserves commendation for the successes they have recorded so far. Both regions have never been safe places for residents and businesses.

The connection between concrete development and the decimation of militia-led insecurity and related complications has long been established as a theoretical and practical fact. This has been lacking over the years in both regions. Save for a few cases, there has been a substantial disconnect between the people’s development aspirations and the area’s government. Actual development, especially education, helps fight violence, terrorism, and its like. Lately, we have begun to see development programs in a handful of states in both regions, which impacts insecurity in the area.

Besides, the people, too, are beginning to resist the domination of their areas by these non-state actors. Community leaders are now more involved in intelligence gathering. The locals have started organising themselves into quasi-security formations and are beginning to be the first resistance point even before the organised formal security apparatus of the state is involved. This calls for more synergy between the informal and formal security structures and systems in these areas for better operations.

Also, the people’s sensitisation to the fact that these non-state actors purportedly fighting for unknown causes are not doing so for the collective interest of the locals. Instead, the locals in their various communities are the casualties of the needless violence and murderous orgies meted out on them. This new consciousness must be harnessed efficiently to the advantage of the communities. The fight against insecurity is becoming local, and interestingly, the public sphere and media framing the conflicts as banditry and criminality rather than a fight for freedom, self-determination, or religious zealotry is helping matters. I sincerely think that even the perpetrators recognise the impact of this new approach and have turned to symbols of the state for their attacks to legitimise their acts as actions against the state when they are not.

There is a temptation to believe that the insecurity in the northeast and southeast is a scam and a cash cow for interested parties due to its persistence and nature. Additionally, there is a general belief that the security establishment deployed to secure the southeast has found collaboration with criminals and conflict merchants to exploit the separatist agitation. In the northeast, we also find that Sahelian jihadist insurgency had been increased by socioeconomic pressures from the most impoverished states in the nation.

The southeast represents a false agitation for self-determination, whereas the northeast’s insurgency is neither ideological nor religious. Both cases involve ordinary criminals acting as agitators and religious zealots. The criminal colonisation of both regions for an extended period is horrible and disastrous. The political and traditional establishments of both geopolitical zones, led by the governors and National Assembly members, must band together, seek support from wherever possible, and bring this tragedy, which is economically strangulating and socially demoralising, to a stop. Tomorrow is too late.

Recent attacks have shown the ruthlessness of these criminals and demonstrated unequivocally the need for exorcising this evil madness from our communities. A pattern is beginning to emerge: shoot-and-run attacks on soft targets and targeting military/police personnel to instill fear in the people. Unknown gunmen, who were said to have been enforcing the sit-at-home directive of the proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), on May 21st opened fire on a military checkpoint in Obikabia junction in Aba, killing five soldiers. The response of the state government was decisive. The least we expected from the federal security apparatus was to fish out these culprits and use them to demonstrate the new vigor of fighting criminality posing as agitators. We seem to have lost this opportunity to prove a point. This applies to the recent twin bombing in Gwoza, Borno state.

In Ebonyi state a few weeks ago, gunmen invaded Ishieke Divisional Police Headquarters and started firing sporadic shots. They killed and maimed people, although the report shows that five of the gunmen were killed. Hours before the attack in Ebonyi, gunmen wreaked havoc in Okigwe Local Government Area of Imo State where they killed six people. A few days later, gunmen killed two police operatives and injured two others in Aba, the commercial hub of Abia state. Between 22 and 26 May 2024, a non-state armed group attacked communities in Gujba local government area in Yobe State. The incident displaced 732 households and resulted in three fatalities and 12 injuries. Among the affected were 2,720 children, 1,038 women, and 976 men. These incidences are ongoing, and the casualties are increasing daily. There is a need to quickly optimise the power of collaborative strategy between the federal security apparatus, emerging regional architecture, state governments, and communities.

On the issue of historical injustices, especially in the southeast, unfortunately, the FGN since 2015 has not addressed the grievances; they just looked away. However, the elite of the southeast have realized that there is a need to change their strategy. One of the manifestations of this change in strategy is the resolution by South-East Governors, supported by members of the National Assembly from the zone, to approach the president to release Nnamdi Kanu. Governors of the South-East had earlier resolved to fight insecurity decisively in the region, individually and collectively, in partnership with the federal government of Nigeria and other stakeholders. Though the details of how they intend to fight insecurity are scanty, at least they have found their voice.

As Chief Security Officers of their respective states, governors must demonstrate significant commitment to confronting perpetrators of violence and resolving core causes of insecurity in their states and, by extension, the geopolitical zone. The sign that governors appreciate the enormity of the challenge is there. The next logical step is to confront the monster from its root. The battle is not just kinetic in nature. It is a battle to win the hearts and minds of people, both the perpetrators and their victims. The perpetrators of these heinous crimes are often community members and are known to the local people.

The ideological prism which has held many people hostage to support the call for Islamic militancy or Biafra romanticism resonates with people who are disenchanted or dissatisfied with the existing system. This is rooted in deep-seated anger against a system they feel is holding them hostage and from perceived development. I am sure that when we put good governance and leadership that brings dividends of democracy such as economic and infrastructural development, social justice, and the rule of law, the level of agitation will reduce, and people will have little reason to want to upturn the system.

It is time the states addressed the interconnected concerns such as unemployment, poverty, bad governance, injustices, resource competitiveness, and the development of an inclusive society. Effective governance at the state and grassroots levels is critical to resolving the issue of extreme violence and criminality. Regional cooperation among states and between states and the center is beginning to bear fruit, albeit only in terms of psychological effect and public perception.

We must all work together, irrespective of geopolitical zones, to create a better future for the affected communities, states, and regions. Conflicts have their place in the agitation for change. However, as we see in these and other regions, permanent conflict will only reduce the affected areas to barbarism and put them further away from modernity.

Airfares are soaring daily in the country as touts have taken over ticketing and flight booking in some airports.

LEADERSHIP reports that despite passengers paying a princely N250,000 for a one-hour flight, for instance, from Lagos to Abuja, fare hikes, flight delays, and cancellations continue unabated at the nation’s airports, especially Lagos and Abuja.

Stakeholders in the aviation sector have blamed the nuisance of racketeering on the reduction in the fleet of local airlines operating, which may have led to an increase in ticket prices and racketeering among airline staff and touts at the airports.

LEADERSHIP gathered that the reduction in local airlines’ fleets was due to an increase in the number of grounded aircraft of different operators due to volatility in the foreign exchange, as well as Dana Airline’s suspension by the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA).

According to experts, the number of airline passengers has remained the same in the last year, and airline seats have shrunk due to the challenges bedeviling the sector.

This development has further reduced the number of serviceable aircraft in the country, which has led to ticket racketeering as fewer seats are available for thousands of airline passengers across the country.

For instance, the Lagos-Abuja route has seen more passenger glut than others as airlines now charge as high as N250,000 or more for a 45-minute one-way economy ticket.

In the last year, 13 domestic airlines operated about 91 aircraft in the country, but now a half of the aircraft have been suspended due to maintenance checks and suspension by the civil aviation authorities, thereby putting pressure on the few available aircraft.

The airlines still in operation are Aero Contractor, Air Peace, Arik, Azman, Dana, Green Africa, Ibom Air, Max Air, NG Eagle, Overland, Rano Air, United Nigeria Airline and ValueJet.

But Dana Air, a low carrier airline, has six of its aircraft grounded by the NCAA after the minister of aviation, Festus Keyamo, recommended its suspension over a runway excursion it had recently.

Also, exchange rate volatility has trapped several aircraft on maintenance checks abroad.
Speaking to LEADERSHIP, travel expert and aviation commentator, Olumide Ohunayo, said only a few aircraft had been deployed to serve domestic route passengers as Nigerian airlines struggle with fleet reduction due to high maintenance cost.

According to Ohunayo, the reduction in fleet has been responsible for ticket racketeering among airlines’ ticketing staff, touts, and desperate passengers.

He also disclosed that airlines cash in on the rush of passengers by selling business class seats as economy seats.

“We have fewer seats chasing the same number of old passengers. Passengers haven’t increased, but the seats have been lowered by Dana Air, which was shut down by the NCAA, and other airlines have not been able to go for lease arrangements due to the foreign exchange crisis in the country. Also, airlines that have gone for maintenance haven’t returned, so lower aircraft seats are pursuing the same high numbers of passengers.

“Also, passengers won’t grow when fares are high, and when fares are high in Nigeria, official and unofficial racketeering comes into play. We will see touts conniving with airlines’ staff to block seats ahead only to sell at exorbitant prices for those who go to the counter to pick up their tickets. Anyone who goes to the counter to pick a ticket will pay higher,” Ohunayo stated.

He posited that to stop racketeering, more airlines should enter the sector with the approval of Airline Operating Certificates (AOC) and encourage the establishment of more Maintenance Repair and Operations (MROs) outfits in the country.

“Official racketeering is when airlines will sell first class or premium economy seats to you but, basically, it is economy you are purchasing. However, because the passengers are eager to travel, they board the flight. So, supply has dwindled, but demand has not increased. To have more seats, we should encourage those applying for new AOCs to come in and see how we can expedite the process of clearing aircraft parts brought in by operators and expedite support for those in the process of starting MROs and those presently operating.

“Also, we need to see how to support the operation of local airline operators with clean accounting books to get more facilities for their operations,” he said.
Ohunayo, who is also the director of research at Zenith Travels, said racketeering and high capacity were problems that currently occurred on routes where Dana operated.

“The withdrawal of Dana’s licence and the grounding of aircraft that can’t go on maintenance due to lack of foreign exchange have reduced fleet size.
“The grounding of Dana is a major problem. We need to find a way around this capacity problem and seat availability. The number of passengers has not increased, but aircraft have dwindled. The passengers are really suffering during this period,” he said.

On his part, the former Commandant of Murtala Muhammed Airport (MMA), Lagos, Capt. John Ojikutu (retd), said to stop touts from cashing in on passenger surge and engaging in racketeering at the airports, all local airline operators should process their passengers through Computer Assisted Pre-Passenger Screening (CAPPS).

Ojikutu, the chief executive officer of Centurion Aviation Security and Safety Consult, further stated that airlines should not sell tickets inside the passenger terminal where checking-in takes place, but outside.
“Who are those touting, and for which airlines? Were the tickets bought online or from whose tables or pockets and with which names?” he asked.

“It is not difficult to find out if each airline has CAPPS, which must be approved by the NCAA. Passengers not processed through CAPPS should not be allowed into the airport terminal buildings through the Access Control.

“Airlines should not sell tickets inside the passenger terminal where the checking-in occurs but outside. It is not new, and it was practised in the 80s when passengers would travel with tickets that bore other people’s names. The daughter of a former governor who died in the Nigeria Airways plane crash in Enugu was a victim of ticket racketeering,” Ojikutu, former general secretary of Aviation Round Table Initiative (ART), stated.

When contacted about alleged racketeering in their terminal, Bi-Courtney Aviation Services Limited (BASL), the operator of Terminal 2, Murtala Muhammed Airport, dismissed reports that ticket racketeering and touting were occurring within the terminal.

A statement by Bi-Courtney’s head of corporate communications, Ajoke Yinka-Olawuyi, described the assertions as unfounded and lacking in credible evidence.
She added that their terminal security is strict and designed to combat any illegalities of such a pattern.

“MMA2 operates under stringent security and operational protocols designed to prevent such activities. Our internal monitoring systems have found no indications of intentional hoarding of air tickets or collusion between airline staff and touts to inflate ticket prices.

“The rumours further allege that touts within the terminal use private PoS machines to facilitate fraudulent payments. At MMA2, all ticket transactions are conducted at the airlines’ sales booth using their official means of payment provided by the airlines.”

Quoting the company’s airlines manager, Bisola Ademola-Davies, Yinka-Olawuyi said, “MMA2 is in continuous discussion with airlines to ensure that their processes and practices do not leave room for anything that could undermine a seamless passenger experience, which is what we pride ourselves on. Our collective efforts have significantly curtailed illegal activities, and we remain steadfast in our commitment to maintaining this progress.”

Bi-Courtney, however, vowed that anyone found engaging in illegal activities within the terminal would be blacklisted.

[Leadership]

“The parliament is supreme in the United Kingdom; in Nigeria, the president is the supremo before whom nothing existed and after whom nothing will. The heroes of the past didn’t bargain for this when they were fighting for independence for Nigeria and for democracy. We lost it, and it is sad. How easy is it now for our leper to pick up his slipped needle? (The Yoruba say abéré bó l’ówó adétè, ó d’ète). The British gave us a system designed to make it easy for us to live in peace, punish insults and reward good behaviour. They gave us a constitutional arrangement which allowed us to engage and to throw out our husbands when they went mad. We messed it up within five years of independence. In 1979, after 13 years in the wilderness of the military, we went for the most expensive of the systems in the books – presidential democracy. It may have worked in all other places, but, here, it has steadily evolved into a most fiendish monarchy – a kábíyèsí system where the legislature and the judiciary are the king’s phlegm eaters”.

The parliament is supreme in the United Kingdom; in Nigeria, the president is the supremo before whom nothing existed and after whom nothing will. The heroes of the past didn’t bargain for this when they were fighting for independence for Nigeria and for democracy. We lost it, and it is sad. How easy is it now for our leper to pick up his slipped needle? (The Yoruba say abéré bó l’ówó adétè, ó d’ète). The British gave us a system designed to make it easy for us to live in peace, punish insults and reward good behaviour. They gave us a constitutional arrangement which allowed us to engage and to throw out our husbands when they went mad. We messed it up within five years of independence. In 1979, after 13 years in the wilderness of the military, we went for the most expensive of the systems in the books – presidential democracy. It may have worked in all other places, but, here, it has steadily evolved into a most fiendish monarchy – a kábíyèsí system where the legislature and the judiciary are the king’s phlegm eaters.

Number 10, Downing Street has been home to Britain’s prime ministers since 1735 AD. Why would a hugely popular new prime minister move into a 289-year-old mansion without spending good pounds on it to buff it up to today’s taste? Keir Starmer, the new British prime minister, moved into that official residence soon after he was appointed last Friday. There was neither a renovation of the building nor a sanctification of the rooms by clerics and priests. Red candles, white tapers were not lit; neither was turari (incense) assigned a role.

“I’ll teach you differences,” Shakespeare wrote in King Lear. He also wrote about “sweet fool” and “bitter fool” and how they are not the same. Britain used the last election to teach us the difference between good and bad; sanity and madness. The British held their elections on Thursday, declaring neither a public holiday nor a restriction of movements. Schools opened, businesses flourished, votes were cast and counted, results were announced without shots fired and machetes wielded. There was no election tribunal, no lawyer to hire and no judge to bribe. Those who lost simply agreed they lost, offered thanks for past favours and apologies for failing their people. Wearing regrets as lapels, the defeated went quietly into the night counting their loss under the dim light of their mourning moon.

You would think that the British who always hailed the way we elected our leaders would copy our ways. This past weekend, the teacher didn’t do the nonsense they taught their students. Their dog refused to follow our monkey to do what locusts do to grain farms. They chose those they wanted as leaders without our usual fireworks and water cannons. For the winner, it was straight from the polling booth to the Government House; there was no interlude, no respite, no recess. There was even no transition committee; neither was there a budget for new furniture and new cars for the prime minister’s family. The Prime Minister took over almost immediately after the sun set for the man whose party lost in spectacular detail. Ministers were appointed the same day and portfolios assigned them on the spot, leaving us to wonder why the haste. We didn’t hear of the parliament grilling the appointees and asking them to sing ‘God save the King’ – their national anthem. Was the head of government even sworn in? Who did?

There is nothing they do in the husband’s bedroom that does not happen in the concubine’s bedchamber. We have rats here that eat vital documents and get presidents sick. The British have over there too. But the PM’s residence in London has a simple solution to the problem: a mouser, a celebrity cat is in firm control of the rodent issues there. The cat’s name is Larry; for the past 13 years, it has been helping heads of government in that country to fix what our cowardly presidents run away from here. We’ve not heard that Labour’s Starmer aims at sacking the cat from the residence because the conservatives took it there.

Since his appointment on Friday last week, Starmer, with his family, has settled in properly in 10 Downing Street.

Our own President Muhammadu Buhari moved into our Presidential Villa late in June 2015 – three weeks after he was sworn in. The old man needed to be sure that the residence was properly fumigated of the sacked party and be rid of rodents and cockroaches – visible and invisible. Despite all his carefulness, impudent rats still ran the ramrod General out of the building and out of the country. He was away in London for months suffering from what could be anything. He came back and, again, got run out of the office part of the building by the same rats. We forget things here. Seven years ago (August 2017), one of Buhari’s spokespersons announced (with uncommon sensation) that rodents had damaged furniture and air conditioning fittings in the president’s “official” office while he was in London receiving treatment. The gentleman said our leader wouldn’t, therefore, be seen working in the president’s office until the damage was undone. And that was it. The big boss stayed off work until the rats accepted his sacrifice and said he should come in.

In his own case, President Bola Tinubu has been more attentive to details. The Yoruba man is well acquainted with the functional relationship between the rolling eyes of the crab and its delicate head. He was sworn in on May 29, 2023, made a rash of careless policy pronouncements but was careful about where he would be accommodated. Unlike Starmer who rushed into the PM’s mansion like a hungry cat, Tinubu rushed nothing and overlooked nothing. Sixty-three days after he took over power, a reluctant Tinubu gingerly detoured into a villa building called the Glass House on Sunday, July 31, 2023. It was there he hibernated until the main residence begged him to come and occupy it. Perhaps because he is the Capone, we have not heard stories about ratty encounters in the nation’s most secure edifice.

In his inaugural speech, Starmer spoke of “the gap between the sacrifices made by the people” and “the service they receive from politicians.” He said when this grew “big,” the heart of the nation became infested with “weariness”. He spoke about that and about the “draining away of the hope, the spirit, the belief in a better future.” That is today’s Nigeria. To hope here is to be stupid – if not downright silly. Starmer could be speaking about this Nigeria where those who preach sacrifice overeat and belch, and the people hunger and yawn.

‘Equal distribution of pain’ is the title of a piece written by good old Nosa Igiebor in the January 13, 1986 issue of Newswatch magazine. It was his panting analysis of the 1986 budget of this country which required “Nigerians to live with less of everything.” Today is a degeneration of what was bad with us yesterday. Here, now, we not only roll in the mud of a regime of unequal distribution of pain; we are daily left to live with less of nothing.

A very senior professor sent to me a text two weeks ago: “Olagunju, I was granted permanent residency in the US in 2017. I have not taken it up. Most of my friends and colleagues believe I’m stupid. I keep hoping against hope that things cannot get worse here. I had my first offer of appointment after PhD in the UK in 1988. I declined because I didn’t apply. My supervisor was asked to source for a good candidate. He called me and told me of the offer. It was a guaranteed position. Instead, I chose to return to Nigeria. My friend, an Englishman who is now a professor at … University told me I was making a mistake returning to Nigeria. I said he was wrong. I did not realise he is the grandson of Nostradamus.” My prof is not the only one who now agrees that things can always get worse here.

The parliament is supreme in the United Kingdom; in Nigeria, the president is the supremo before whom nothing existed and after whom nothing will. The heroes of the past didn’t bargain for this when they were fighting for independence for Nigeria and for democracy. We lost it, and it is sad. How easy is it now for our leper to pick up his slipped needle? (The Yoruba say abéré bó l’ówó adétè, ó d’ète). The British gave us a system designed to make it easy for us to live in peace, punish insults and reward good behaviour. They gave us a constitutional arrangement which allowed us to engage and to throw out our husbands when they went mad. We messed it up within five years of independence. In 1979, after 13 years in the wilderness of the military, we went for the most expensive of the systems in the books – presidential democracy. It may have worked in all other places, but, here, it has steadily evolved into a most fiendish monarchy – a kábíyèsí system where the legislature and the judiciary are the king’s phlegm eaters.

In the opening lines of his ‘Two Thousand Seasons’, Ghanaian writer, Ayi Kwei Armah, warns our spring water to stop “flowing to the desert.” He says “there is no regeneration” where it flows. It is there in the Bible (and in the Quran) that the Lord restored Job’s fortunes only after he changed his course and did as he ought to do. “In fact, the Lord gave him twice as much as before” – Job: 42:10. The afflicted got reprieve because he cooperated with his Maker. Here, we cling to what will never work and pray for increased blessings. When we talk about restructuring of Nigeria, it is because we want Nigeria to regain what it lost to unitary presidentialism. We saw how simple the UK elections were last week. There was no movement of ballots across constituencies. The man who emerged as prime minister contested for votes only in his Holborn and St Pancras constituency. It was exactly like that with the December 1959 election which ushered us into independence in 1960. Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa did not have to break the bank to contest that election. His constituency was his Tafawa Balewa locality.

For 99 years (1861 – 1960), the British were officially here working hard on their broth of strange ingredients. With the magical deft and expertise of the enchanter, they came up with an arrangement that should work for the happiness of all. They gave each region a constitution and the country itself a super constitution. And, so, Nigeria started on a note of globally expressed optimism. At the British House of Lords on Thursday 28 July, 1960, while debating the bill that granted Nigeria independence, the then Earl of Swinton said “Nigeria has proved how diverse peoples can combine in successful union while maintaining their own individuality.” Indeed, the whole House – and the other one, the House of Commons – hailed our negotiated federalism and expressed confidence in our commitment to constitutional parliamentary democracy.

But, in less than six quick years of that constitutional arrangement, we tore it and plunged ourselves down beyond ground zero. Today, the country is centralized – unitarized – and atrophied. The central government owns and controls everything with an imperial presidency summoning governors to its presence for daily obeisance.

“It is easy to go down into Hell,” Virgil, Roman poet (70 BC – 19 BC), warned. He added that “night and day, the gates of dark Death stand wide; but to climb back again, to retrace one’s steps to the upper air – there’s the rub, the task.” We have a very complex structural issue which we have not managed well. We continually subvert our federalism because it is suicidally sweet to do so. But how long will the leaky titanic remain afloat? The way to regeneration is for our river to stop flowing towards the desert of unitarism. Nigeria is not irredeemable if it chooses redemption. Britain has as much complicated structure; but it is a delicate balance well managed. We read of a kingdom of four countries – England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland – and the kingdom is paradoxically a working democracy. We saw it last week.

Will democracy ever work for Nigeria? Or, will Nigeria ever allow democracy to work for Nigerians? Multi-genre performer, Tar Ukoh, was engaged at the Eagle Square in Abuja on 29 May, 1999 for the inauguration of President Olusegun Obasanjo. Everyone around him exuded joy at the dawn of that new day. They were sure the exit of the military after so many years meant the good times had come. Tar Ukoh was asked by The New York Times how he felt about Nigeria’s brand new democracy. He cautiously told the American newspaper that he feared that the joy of that moment might be misplaced or short lived. The New York Times still has the report of that encounter on its website. The man said: “I hope this event is not a re-awakening of illusions of freedom, or a Eureka, like we had during independence in my youth.” Tar Ukoh, who was 46 years old at that time, concluded that “having returned to civilian rule, we now have to fight for democracy.” Nothing can be truer than his fears and his conclusion. The “fight for democracy” entered its 25th year this year. It is still on. But, the battle will be lost unless we ‘borrow’ ourselves sense and go back to “the way.”

The federal government has categorised all electricity companies, including the Generation and Distribution Companies (GenCos and DisCos), as those exempted from the payment of Withholding Tax in the country.

This was contained in the new Withholding Tax regulation document signed by the Minister of Finance, Wale Edun, a copy of which was seen by our reporter.

The new Withholding Tax regulation was proposed by the Tax and Fiscal Policy Committee led by Taiwo Oyedele and took effect from July 1, 2024.

According to the document, the electricity and gas companies are categorised as “manufacturing” and “production” and therefore exempted from Withholding Tax.

According to the Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS), Withholding Tax (WHT) serves as a prepayment of Income Tax deducted at rates between 5 and 10 per cent depending on transaction.

Withholding Tax was introduced into Nigeria’s tax system in 1977 as an advance payment of Income Tax on specified transactions.

However, Oyedele said the tax system provided the government with a steady revenue stream and helped curb tax evasion, but that the regime had expanded over time, becoming increasingly complex and burdensome.

He said the complexity led to ambiguities regarding compliance, eligible transactions, applicable rates and the timing of remittance.

Ahead of the 2025 governorship election in Anambra State, the All Progressives Congress, APC, walks a tightrope.

Anambra has an unwritten zoning arrangement for the governorship position, which rotates between the three senatorial zones in the state.

The arrangement became more pronounced in 2012 during the twilight of the administration of then governor, Mr Peter Obi.

Obi had insisted on the then ruling party, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) producing a candidate from Anambra North as a way to make for balance, after Mbadinuju from the South had finished a four-year-term, and himself from the central senatorial zone finished eight years term.

Before then, Ngige who held sway for three years was also from central.

This prompted Obi to insist on the North, which is perceived as a minority zone in the state, to produce the next governor on the basis of equity, as it was believed that if the contest was declared open to all zones, they may never be able to have a shot at the position.

Obiano’s emergence from the North then sealed the zoning agreement and left it standing.

As Prof Chukwuma Soludo rounds off his first tenure, the clamour for governorship has heightened.

But contrary to claims of zoning, the APC seems to want to scuttle the arrangement, by insisting on throwing open the contest to all interested.

In June, a group of elders from the party under the aegis of All Progressives Congress (APC) Elders Forum, led by Chief Innocent Obi, met and reinforced the Anambra zoning formula.

The group said that if the APC would upstage the ruling party in the 2025 governorship election, it must field a southern candidate in line with the zoning agreement.

Obi said: “For me, an agreement is an agreement whether written or not. There’s a system already at work in Anambra State. Anybody who denies that is not saying the truth. As elders, we should say it the way it is.

“An arrangement is on the ground. During the 2022 election, the party that pretended that zoning is nonsense suffered for it. They suffered because someone who contested under their platform did not come from where that post should go.

“Whatever decision our party comes up with, the elders must go with them because we’re under them.

“The elders will be pleased if the candidate comes from the South. If you ask me, the South has done four years and the South has four extra years.”

There have been various positions on the matter too.

A chieftain of the party, Mr Pope Amaefuna in a recent opinion piece insisted that any attempt by the party not to field a candidate from the South, and a popular one at that, would cost the party victory.

He said: “The politics of Anambra State has enjoyed relative stability, equity and fairness, thanks to the adoption of the zoning principle.

“Major political parties acknowledged the power rotation formula as reflected by the choice of candidates paraded in Anambra elections in the past decade.

“In reality, APC can no longer afford to continue playing opposition politics in Anambra State and all hands must be on deck to ensure a power shift in the 2025 governorship election.

“Considering the disposition of the Anambra electorate, if the APC makes the mistake of failing to field a strong and popular candidate from Anambra South in favour of parading a candidate from any other zone, then it is safe to kiss the governorship aspirations of the party goodbye as the move would truncate the remaining four years tenure of Anambra South.

“The implication is that a new candidate from any other zone might tentatively lay claims to an eight year tenure instead of four and that is the last thing any right thinking Anambra wants at this epoch.

“Very importantly, the proponents and advocates of no zoning should be wary of what they preach as they risk swallowing their own vomit.”

“Considering the political culture of Anambra State today, any party that does not abide by the zoning formula adopted by stakeholders in rotation of the governorship seat of the state stands no chance of winning the forthcoming guber poll and historical indices support this position.

“Any APC member who is currently crusading for no zoning has been compromised and commissioned to work against the party and such a character should be considered an enemy of the party who are actively working against the party interests,” Amaefuna stated.

Meanwhile, another group within the party, under the aegis of APC Progressives Media in a press release argued that the zoning arguments were aimed at misleading the Anambra APC into falling into a political trap designed to annihilate the party’s gubernatorial chances in 2025.

The group said: “After careful examination, we have confirmed that the authors of these articles are unknown to the Anambra APC and are neither card-carrying members of the party nor affiliated with it in any way. Therefore, we can understand their ignorance about the traditions of the APC in Anambra State.

“The APC in Anambra State has no history of zoning the gubernatorial election.

“Instead, every candidate who has contested under the umbrella of the APC since its formation has done so on the strength of their popularity and acceptance within the party fold and that of the voting public.

“For instance, in 2013, when the APGA zoned its candidate to Anambra North, the APC chose its candidate from Anambra Central, with aspirants from all zones contesting in the primaries.

“Similarly, in 2017, the APC candidate won based on his popularity within the party and not due to zoning. Aspirants from all political zones contested in that primary, just like in 2013 and 2021.”

In what looked like support for the Progressives Media, the APC, Anambra State Chapter, says the party is not in for any zoning arrangement.

In a release signed by the party’s State Publicity Secretary, Dr. Valentine Iyke-Oliobi, the party dismissed those clamouring for zoning.

It brushed aside both the elders forum and Amaefuna who had previously spoken in favour of zoning, describing them as unknown to the party.

It said: “The Anambra State Chapter of the All Progressives Congress (APC) wants to categorically state that our party has no zoning arrangements whatsoever.

“Also, APC as a party was not involved in any agreement with any political party or parties as regards to zoning as being falsely peddled by the group in their publications.

“The APC has always provided a level playing field for all governorship aspirants under the platform of the party to participate irrespective of their Senatorial zones.

“This practice has not changed. We, therefore, call on well meaning members of our party to disregard the said publication insinuating any existing zoning arrangement by the APC.”

As the back and forth on zoning continues, political analysts have predicted that the party may shoot itself in the leg by attempting to scuttle the existing zoning arrangement that has run smoothly.

Mr Chijioke Eze, a political Analyst said: “I have read the press release by both the party and the Progressives Media, and I feel compelled to say that APC in Anambra cannot be doing the same thing all over again, and expect a different result.

“They keep saying the contest has always been free to all, and each time they run, they always lose, and every four years they come back again with the same formula.

“I think it is either the party with the change mantra is not ready to change, or they are not desirous of producing a governor here.”

Also, another respondent, Dr Justin Ogoo Nwankwo said Anambra South is the beautiful bride in the 2025 governorship election in the state, and that APC must shun rhetorics and keep their eyes on equity and capacity.

Nwankwo argued that if APC must perform creditably in the election, it must field a candidate from the southern zone who can battle Soludo, and also ensure to pick a popular candidate who has the capacity to upstage the current governor.

“The fact is that the APC as a party has not won the governorship election in the state before, but evidence and data available suggest that with the right choice and strategy, the party can win Anambra State Governorship election.

“It is therefore very urgent to remind Ndi Anambra from this point of departure and especially members of our great party, APC that as a party, the APC is not rejected in Anambra State.

“This is a party that with the right motivation and balance, has always done well in gubernatorial elections.

“It is rather, the lack of circumspect by some party leaders or of the basic principles of power sharing by the stakeholders that continually places the fate of the party in oblivion.

“We therefore call for APC Anambra to project two key indicators heading into the most important election in the life of the party, which are Equity and Capacity,” he added.

So far, two members of the party have indicated their interests in vying for the ticket.

They include Senator Andy Ubah, a serving senator of the party who hails from Anambra South, and Mr Paul Chukwuma, a former National Auditor of the party from Anambra North zone.

[DailyPost]