The First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Senator Oluremi Tinubu says women must be seen at the forefront of the Food Security Campaign in the country.
She stated this at the State House Residence while unveiling her vegetable garden which she planted to encourage first time women farmers to join the ongoing Every Home A Garden Competition.

The First Lady who has planted Seven vegetables including spinach, water leaf, bitter leaf, Ewedu, lemon grass, scent leaf and Okro says a little effort on the part of every individual will go a long way in ameliorating food insufficiency.
“This little garden will be able to provide healthy vegetables enough for my house hold and I would definitely be able to let some of my staff have as well. The solution to any problem lies in everyone contributing their own quota to getting that solution. As a leader I must show example and plant my own garden”.

She encouraged first time women farmers all over the country to join the competition by planting a garden in their homes such as the produce will be sufficient to feed them and their neighbours.
“This will also enhance communal living and help drive the food security campaign of the Federal Government. The vegetables are medicinal and the garden is to lead by example for other women to embrace smart gardening”.
She showed off the garden to the Wife of Imo State governor, Chioma Uzodinma and Wife of the Minister of State for Defence Mrs Aisha Matawale.

The Every Home A Garden Competition is open to first time women farmers all over Nigeria. Entries are to be submitted to the Office of the Wives of the State Government of the competitors in the format of a 30 seconds short video with the details of the competitor by the close of work on September 25,2024. The winner would get N25 million naira.

SIGNED
Busola Kukoyi
SSA Media to the First Lady of the Federal Republic of Nigeria

See Photo Below:

The over 920,000 shareholders of Access Holdings Plc are excited that the banking group’s rights issue will soon open today, providing another opportunity to expand their stakes in Nigeria’s biggest financial company by assets. Barring any unforeseen development, Access Holdings rights issue to raise N351.09 billion will open on today, July 8 and close on Thursday, August 8. It is one of the largest capital raising programmes in the nation’s capital market in recent years, instigated largely by the Central Bank’s upward review of the minimum share capital for banks. International banks, of which Access is one of the few, are expected to grow their capital base to a minimum of N500 billion, according to a CBN policy announced last March by Governor Yemi Cardoso. With the additional N351 billion, Access will easily surpass the target, becoming one of Nigeria’s biggest financial services company by shareholders’ funds. It already occupies the top spot by assets and number of customers.  

Recently, Access Holdings held a formal signing ceremony with key participants in the offer as part of the arrangements to raise the funds. The money would be deployed to enhance its working capital requirements, and this includes organic growth funding for its banking and non-banking subsidiaries. Simply put, Access Holdings will use part of the N351 billion to acquire other banks and non-bank businesses across the world. Opting for solely a rights issue instead of combining it with a public offer as done by other banks is a deliberate attempt to protect the retail shareholders from dilution. ‘’In 2002 when we took over Access Bank, we had promised the existing shareholders that they would always be carried along as we grow. This rights issue is one example of our commitment to that pledge,” says Access Holdings Chairman Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede.

 It is a vow that resonates with the shareholders. Says Chief Sunny Nwosu, a well-known investor in the banking industry and an important player in the capital market, ‘’Access Holdings’ stocks are easily some of the best investment options in the country. I am sure that this offer will be oversubscribed, especially with the array of well-heeled foreign investors in its books’’. Another shareholder, Mrs Bisi Bakare puts it more succinctly, ‘’the quality of management of Access Holdings; its resilience; time-tested traditions of integrity and transparency endear the bank to the investing public. Consistently, we have seen our investments grow and we are happy.”

 The signing ceremony with respect to the Offer was held at Access Tower, the corporate office of Access Holdings in Lagos. Access Holdings’ shareholders had at its 2nd Annual General Meeting (AGM) on Friday, April 19, unanimously backed its plan to execute a Capital Raising Programme of about US$1.5 billion as well as the subset initiative to raise capital through a Rights Issue of ordinary shares to its shareholders. Under the Rights Issue, the bank will offer 17.7 billion ordinary shares of N0.50 each at N19.75 per share on the basis of one new ordinary share for every two existing ordinary shares held as of Friday, June 7, 2024. “The Rights Issue is a significant step in delivering our 2023-2027 strategic plan. The additional capital will enable us to maximise emerging opportunities and deliver long-term value to our shareholders’’, enthused Bolaji Agbede, acting Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer of Access Holdings at the signing event.

The offer is opening at a moment of great buoyancy for the bank, coming after winning a series of awards in the last few months. Just last week, Access Holdings was named the leading Tier-1Bank in the 2024 Proshare Bank Strength Index (PBSI) report. The PBSI evaluates banks based on a comprehensive set of financial metrics derived from audited financial statements for the Financial Year 202. This award therefore, underscores Access Holdings’ significant strides in the banking sector. Proshare’s latest report places Access Holdings at the forefront, alongside other prominent institutions like Zenith Bank, FBNH, Ecobank, UBA and GTCO.

As the Nigerian banking sector evolves, Access Holdings stands out for its proactive approach to addressing macro and microeconomic risks. The report draws parallels to the challenges faced by United States banks where some banks like Silicon Valley, First Republic and Signature Banks, failed in 2023 due to poor asset and liability management (ALM). With the CBN’s recapitalisation programme, the report highlights the importance of investment in financial technology, customer service scalability and digital asset engineering between 2024 and 2026. The analysts emphasise that, “With higher capital levels, banks must use the larger amounts of cash available to improve shareholder returns and customer service experiences. Many banks will get cut at the knees by lacking a deliberate strategy to transition from cash flow to value creation.”

The report further highlighted Nigeria’s economic trajectory, noting, “Nigeria’s GDP in 2005 was N38.78trillion and rose to N77.94trillion, roughly two times in 2023, suggesting an average annual growth rate of 3.55 per cent in the last two decades. However, between 2000 and 2005, bank equity sizes grew over ten times or by 1,150 per cent from N2billion to N25billion. In other words, for a decade and a half, banks have used ten times more equity in their businesses than before 2005, yet the country’s GDP growth has been modest.”

The report, however, clarifies that simply raising Nigerian banks’ equity base is not a guarantee for economic growth and development. “Transforming bank equity into drivers of economic growth requires more than money; it requires a coordinated public and private sector plan, with what Proshare analysts have repeatedly called a whole-of-government approach to policies, programmes, and processes.” Reviewing bank performances in 2023, Proshare analysts observed that banks were pursuing increasingly aggressive approaches to acquiring digital market share while supporting lower operating costs (lower cost-to-income ratios (CIRs).

In May, Aig-Imoukhuede was honoured with the prestigious African Banker Lifetime Achievement Award at a gala in Nairobi during the Annual General Meeting of the African Development Bank. About the same time, the banking conglomerate also won the top spot in the Brand Finance’s Top 500 Banking Brands for the third consecutive year.

The Certified True Copy (CTC) of the ruling by Hon. Justice Inyang Ekwo of the Abuja Federal High Court in Suit No FHC/ABJ/CS/165/2024 has revealed that the Hon. Judge gave an order for the inclusion of 378 delegates as part of the 3 Ad-Hoc Ward Delegates to participate in the February 22 Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) primary election.

The Judge made no pronouncement on the validity or otherwise of the candidature of the PDP, Dr. Asue Ighodalo and his running mate, Osarodion Ogie Esq, as against media reports which misled the public on the validity of the primary election.

The CTC document puts to rest the confusion that had emanated from the judgment delivered by Hon. Justice Inyang Ekwo, clearing all misinterpretations of the ruling.

In his ruling as seen from the CTC document, the judge declared that “the Plaintiffs and the other 378 delegates, whose names and election results appear on Exhibits BID 8A to 8L were elected and to allow the Plaintiffs and the 375 other lawfully elected delegates participate in the primary election of February 22, 2024.”

According to him, “A Declaration is hereby made that by virtue of the provisions of Article 50 (3) of the Constitution of the 2nd Defendant (as amended in 2017), the Plaintiffs together with the other lawfully elected delegates, whose names and election results appear on Exhibits BID 8A to 8L herein, are the lawfully elected Ward Congress Delegates in their respective wards and by virtue of which the Defendants cannot exclude them from participating as 3 Ad-Hoc Ward Delegates at the Governorship primary election of Edo State slated for the 22nd of February, 2024 or any other date.”

He continued: “An Order is hereby made directing the Defendants who are bound by the provisions of Section 82 of the Electoral Act, 2022 and Article 50 (3) of the 2nd Defendant's Constitution (as amended in 2017) to abide by the outcome of the 3 Ad-Hoc Delegates Ward Congress of February 4, 2024, at which the Plaintiffs and the other 378 delegates, whose names and election results appear on Exhibits BID 8A to 8L were elected and to allow the Plaintiffs and the 375 other lawfully elected delegates participate in the primary election of February 22, 2024.

The Judge added: “An Order of Mandatory Injunction is hereby made restraining the 1st, 2nd and 3rd Defendants from unlawfully excluding the Plaintiffs and the other lawfully elected delegates whose names and election results appear on Exhibits BID 8A to 8L herein, from participating as 3 Ad-Hoc Ward Delegates in the Governorship election primaries of the 2nd Defendant slated for the 22nd of February, 2024 or any other date.”

On 22nd June, 2024, at a sporting event organized for civil servants as part of activities to mark the 2024 Civil Service Week, the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF), Dr. Folasade Yemi-Esan, made a fundamental claim about the status of the Nigerian Civil Service. At that event, the HCSF commended the hardworking and intelligent civil and public servants, and noted that Nigeria has the best civil service in the world. That was a most fundamental statement coming from such a significant personality in the civil service hierarchy. That statement has sufficient weight and implications as to defy the gravity of silence. And it was only just to be expected that this would not just be brought to my notice, but that I would be asked by many, including a few revered global scholars that I cannot ignore, to make a statement about it. The HCSF and I occupy positions that are key in the chain of structural and institutional integrity of the civil service system in Nigeria. We are both aware of the internal working and potentials of the civil service system. But more than this, we both are sensitive to the public service value of esprit de corps, that unwritten rule about our collective responsibility and loyalty to the institutional well-being of this great institution that is responsible for transforming the lives of Nigerians as the engine room and brain box of government.

But there is no doubt that such a statement would generate some forms of reactions from Nigerians. There would be some that would simply wave it aside as a mere statement that does not deserve a response. But, as Simon Kolawole has exemplified, there are those who take the statement with deep umbrage given that it does not represent their felt perception of the efficiency level and the image that the civil service has earned for itself within the context of Nigeria’s democratic governance. But I will go beyond these two kinds of reaction to the statement of the HCSF to articulate a more nuanced understanding of how the statement should be interrogated but without the benefits of a rebuttal or a critique, the reason that this essay is deliberately made somewhat academic. Like the HCSF, I am an insider who have a sense of the struggles and laudable visions of the HCSF and could spin her sense of the heights the civil service system needs to attain.  

So, I think I understand where the HCSF is coming from when she made the statement. My first instinct on reading the submission of the HCSF is to imagine that a similar statement had been made in a conference of public administration experts, scholars and professionals. One methodological approach of a response to this statement—suggested by my research and comparative inclinations—would be to situate the HCSF’s confidence within the historical trajectory of the civil service in Nigeria. There are two significant administrative moments in the evolution of the civil service history in Nigeria that foretell its immense possibilities. The first is the immense administrative achievements of the old western region civil service, one regional administrative success story that I had studied and publish on. Within the context of the Awolowo-Adebo governance collaborative paradigm therefore, the civil service in Nigeria in the ‘60s became renown as one of the best in the Commonwealth community of practice. The second was the critical and outstanding performance of the General Yakubu Gowon’s super-permanent secretaries before, during and after the Nigerian civil war. But then, despite having the credentials to lay claims to being one of the best civil service systems at those moments, such a statement was never made. The nuance in the story is to know why. To say a civil service system is the best in the world demands that certain administrative minimum and maximum be already in place. Indeed, such a statement would have already found the country backstopped by civil service system on top of many human development indices and ISO certification to boot.

Even though the grammatical form of what the HCSF said does not support my next claim, one could think that the statement was actually meant to be taken in aspirational terms. In other words, given the dedication, intelligence, patriotism and credentials of the crop of civil and public servants Nigeria is blessed with (who are unarguably a minority), as well as the quantum of reform efforts that had been sowed, the civil service has the real potential to become one of the best administrative systems in the world. It would be unfair to the HCSF to imagine that those who are grinding within the civil service system do not have a sense of how crippling the dysfunction of the system is. And yet, they keep toiling to keep afloat a system that was once one of the best and that keep standing staunchly as the engine room for making Nigeria’s democratic governance work. And I can make a parallel claim that Nigerian civil servants are among the best I have met anywhere in the world, as I had observed for decades how they keep toiling in an impossible administrative system, and finding it hard to understand why they are being derided by everyone in spite of their best effort. But who has the responsibility to fix that system but the civil service profession itself?

Taking the HCSF’s statement as an aspirational one implies grounding it within a context of to-do policy initiatives that take institutional reforms seriously (what I am sure the HCSF is aware of but is not at liberty to disclose at the occasion). In other words, what would such a civil service system like Nigeria’s do to live out the dream of being the best in the world? This question is highlighted by the governance performance of the Asian Tigers, a performance that is founded on their developmental value orientation and capable state model. A significant form of aspirational policy design is already captured in the 2007 National Strategy on Public Service Reform (NSPSR) that has the vision of facilitating the emergence of “A world-class public service delivering government policies and programmes with professionalism, excellence and passion.” One must concede that the series of reform efforts of consecutive Nigerian governments from 1999 to date have been geared towards the fulfilment of this institutional aspiration.

The crucial issue is to decisively deal with the bureaucratic culture that is already consolidating the failure of the civil service system to become efficient. Bureaucracies across the world, by their very nature, are complex and multi-layered organizations designed to backstop the processes of democratic governance through the values of impartiality, uniformity, neutrality, fairness through the enforcement of governance codes in the interest of the public good. However, these bureaucracies that are supposed to complement democracy have become hindered by three structural matters. The first is that they have become so dedicated to their internal processes and mechanism that they have become closed systems—self-protecting and anti-intellectual. They are therefore incapable of taking full advantage of the seminal culture of cross-fertilization of ideas that enables the flow of ideas from the local and global (glo(cal) knowledge and information networks, and hence too rigid to be significantly innovative. The heavy reliance on administrative precedence and models that worked very well in the past implies that the civil service system becomes backward-looking and resistance to reform and change. And this automatically puts the civil service in a significant conflict with the private sector since it now begins to prioritize rules, regulations and procedures over and above efficiency, effectiveness, performance and productivity.

The second structural matter that hinders the Nigerian civil service system is the fact that it operates within the constraints created by Nigeria’s political culture that politicizes everything. The fundamental problem therefore becomes that rather than aiding the successes of institutional reforms for high-performance of the system, the reformer has to keep overcompensating for distortionary politics. The third structural issue has to do with the ways past reforms of the system have been carried out. The passion the reforms generated have not been founded on adequate knowledge, and so this keeps occasioning a huge gap between the conception of the reform initiatives and the reality of dysfunction. For instance, there has always been a heavy reliance on external expertise in ways that is devoid of internal validation and buy-in.     

The goal of the institutional reform of the Nigerian civil service system is to create a strong, capable, value-based, efficient, flexible, technology-enabled, performance-focused, transparent, intelligent, professional(ized), entrepreneurial and accountable system. Indeed, any contender for the space of the best civil service systems in the world must demonstrate verifiable evidences that play out in terms of policy intelligence, administrative efficiency, service delivery standards, and the productivity paradigm it facilitates. There are several reform initiatives that have the possibilities of concretizing the fundamental significance of the Nigerian civil service as the backbone of an emerging developmental state in Nigeria.

One of the most critical issues to address in terms of reforming the civil service system in Nigeria stems from articulating its autonomy in ways that enhances its status as a vocation. And this can be done when the entry requirement into the profession is adequately monitored, capacitated and incentivized in ways that allow the civil service in Nigeria draws the best graduates the Nigerian tertiary education system can offer. Unfortunately due to adversarial unionism that renders the system over-bloated as the non-performers can hardly be exited, we still operate a personnel policy that supports the recruitment of 1000 mediocre to do work that can be better performed by 150 expert professionals that are adequately remunerated. The idea of public-spiritedness and professionalism, for example, would need to be stretched into a mechanism for professional progression and career pipelining that measures outstanding performances among staff, spiritual values (like integrity), knowledge, expertise and competences in assignments. This must then be complemented by regular cataloguing of benchmarked skills and competences matched with talent management protocols at every career professional level to pipeline officers for higher responsibilities.

Such professional gatekeeping must eventually devolve into a concern with workplace culture and public service values that must be cultivated to enable the rebranding of the civil service system. The administrative leadership, in this sense, will need to provide the means by which a critical mass of new public managers emerge—through the gatekeeping of the entry level requirements—as the clear exemplars of what the civil service stands for.  We also must not fail to add the urgency of a vibrant action research and analytic policy analysis—through the core competences approach—that must be deployed across all the MDAs as the modality for extrapolating detailed information and statistics that backstop policy design, evaluation and problem-solving mechanisms on a case study basis.  

Lastly, the civil service must instigate a fundamental level institutional openness to knowledge and innovation as well as peer review that enables continuous learning culture within which the system can validate its efficiency through corporate governance codes domesticated from global best practices and principles. Such an openness will facilitate a strong mechanism of intra- and inter-institutional professional relationship and partnerships in the form of the public-private partnership (PPP), global and local partnerships, policy and research nexus, inter-agency and inter-governmental collaborations, and so on.

The point therefore is that when the HCSF made the statement that the Nigerian civil service system is the best in the world, it was a critical statement that loads the dice in favour of the intelligent, smart, committed and patriotic Nigerian civil servants who are in the minority, but who have the capacity to make the system the best Nigeria needs to become capable in terms of democratic governance.  

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00pm

Guest: Bayo Onanuga
(Special Adviser, Information and Strategy)

Topic: "Controversial signing of the Samoa Agreement and LGBTQ issues."

Date: 6th July, 2024
                         
Join Zoom Meeting
https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09

Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732
Passcode: 600206

It is almost 54 years since then head of state of Nigeria, Col.Yakubu Gowon officially received the instrument of surrender from Philip Effiong, on behalf of the self-declared Republic of Biafra. It would be recalled that the war started on the 6th of July, 1967.

Effiong, who was the deputy to the Biafran leader, Col. Odumegwu Ojukwu, had assumed the position of acting head of state, after Ojukwu, the leader of the secession bid had abandoned the struggle and proceeded out of the country.

More than five decades after a bitter civil war which lasted for about 30 months was fought to stop the bid to carve the then Eastern region out of Nigeria, to form a separate country, agitations to balkanise the country, have resurfaced with various groups and sub-groups issuing threats.

This is despite the fact that the Nigerian government, over the years has deliberately taken various measures to unite the people.

The Yakubu Gowon administration for instance introduced the three Rs: Reconstruction, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation programme, to foster integration and understanding amongst the diverse groups in Nigeria and later pursued schemes such as the Unity Schools and the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC).

Various governments also created many states to give aggrieved ethnic nationalities a sense of belonging. Little wonder that more than two decades after the Eastern region was reabsorbed into Nigeria, the country became free of such agitations.

But by the mid 90s, the nation woke up to fresh agitations from the South-western part of the country.

The military regimes of Murtala Muhammed/Olusegun Obasanjo; the civilian administration of Shehu Shagari; right through the military regime of Ibrahim Babangida did not have to deal with such agitations.

It was not until the regime of General Sani Abacha, that the South-western part of the country, seething from the annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential elections, began to clamour for the validation of the mandate they insisted was won by Chief Moshood Abiola. They insisted that, that should be done or they would opt out of the Nigerian federation.

This has been followed by many other agitations with the most vociferous being the current campaign by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) led by Nnamdi Kanu, which started in the year 2012.

Investigations on why the clamour resurfaced have shown that the reasons vary with each agitation as well as the methods deployed.

More worrisome is the fact that the agitations have brought socio-economic hardships to the affected areas while pitting them against the government.

The return to democracy in 1999, however, saw more of such agitations; with the major ones being the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), the numerous skirmishes by aggrieved groups in the Niger Delta, the attempt by Sunday Igboho to expel herdsmen from Yorubaland and the IPOB.

The Boko Haram sect, which had its base in the North-east of Nigeria, also toyed with the idea of pulling certain local government areas out of Nigeria and even hoisted its flag in some.

What could be responsible for the rise in these agitations more than five decades after the first major attempt failed?

Feelers sourced by our correspondents indicate the fear of marginalisation and lack of social justice as major reasons.

Some sections of the country feel they are not being fairly treated and accuse the Nigerian state and the other parts of marginalising them. There are also those who demand better deal from Nigeria and are expressing same through such agitations.

These, according to our findings, are partly what have led to calls for restructuring of the country over the years as people see it as a way of addressing these perceived imbalances and giving all sections a sense of belonging.

Background to previous agitations

Incidentally, the fear of dominance by some sections of the country precedes even independence.

Historians trace such sentiments to when the demand for independence was made in 1953, when northern leaders initially declined support for independence when it was moved on grounds that the North was not ready, but later amended their support to ‘as soon as practicable’.

The reaction in the South, which portrayed them as opposed to freedom coupled with how the northern leaders were booed on their way back from Lagos, led to the first “Araba agitation”, which was the northern masses, way of objecting to the humiliation meted to their leaders, and saying they could not be in one country with the other parts of Nigeria.

By 1959, however, when all the regions finally agreed on independence, the mutual suspicion continued, but did not fester to the point of threatening to disintegrate the country.

The first major attempt to break out of Nigeria after independence was from the Niger Delta region led by a young Chemistry student of the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, Isaac Adaka Boro.

Boro, believing that his part of the country, where oil was being exploited should get more from the oil wealth, wanted his region, then comprising the present South-south geopolitical zone to pull out of Nigeria, so that it could have total control of its resources.

He made good his threat to actualise the plan by declaring the Niger Delta Republic on February 23, 1966, raising an army that fought the Nigerian forces for almost two weeks until the rebellion was crushed and he was subsequently arrested by then head of state, Aguiyi Ironsi, and sent to prison.

At about the same time, another ‘Araba’ agitation was reintroduced when the northerners began reacting to the January 1966 coup, which they viewed as lopsided and targeted at only political leaders from the region.

This was worsened after the promulgation of the Unification Decree No. 34 by the Aguiyi Ironsi regime as riots broke out in several cities in the north, mainly Kano, which quickly spread to other towns in the region.

The north was, however, persuaded to abandon the idea and remain with other regions in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, but it was when Gowon took over the reins of power from Ironsi that the northern agitation subsided.

But by then so much had happened  and Ojukwu had commenced the demand to pull his people out of Nigeria and subsequently declared the Eastern Region as Federal Republic of Biafra.

The manner the presidential elections of 1993 was handled by the military government of General Ibrahim Babangida, also gave impetus for secession agitations more than 23 years after Biafra failed.

The annulment of the election was perceived by the Yoruba as an attempt to deny them the right to the presidency of Nigeria.

This led to several protests in some most parts of the country, particularly in Lagos, which did not abate even after Babangida left government and handed over to Ernest Shonekan, and ultimately when General Sani Abacha took over.

The O’odua Peoples’ Congress (OPC) founded in 1994, and headed by Frederick Fasehun was restructured and the more militant wing led by Ganiu Adams entered the fray with the aim of either making the military hand over to Abiola or have the Yoruba pull out of Nigeria.

With the return of the country to democracy in 1999, another agitation by Ralph Uwazuruike started under the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), which he said was for the recreation of an independent state of Biafra through peaceful negotiations.

Why agitations persist

To many, the agitations by mainly ethnic nationalities and sub-regional groups to pull out of Nigeria to go their separate ways are fuelled by the fact that they see such threats as ways to bargain for a better deal within Nigeria.

Many point to the fact that past agitations, though did not succeed, were able to attract better deals for the agitating blocs.

It is for instance said that the concession to allow the Yoruba the presidency in 1999, was due to the pressure over the June 12, 1993 struggle and the threats by the region to carve out a separate country.

The attention the Niger Delta received leading to the creation of a ministry to cater for the region is also seen as one of the benefits of the restiveness and militancy by many groups in the zone.

President-General of Ohaneze Ndigbo, Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, attributes the problem from his region to perceived lack of equity in the country, insisting that the South-east has not been treated fairly.

“Even the call for Biafra is a protest against injustice. If you watch in Nigeria, Isaac Boro once demanded secession for the Niger Delta in 1966; in the North in 1953, they asked for Arewa Araba, in the South-west, there are calls for Oduduwa nation. All these are signs that there is a need to restructure the country.

“These are signs that all is not well with the federation and that is why we are asking for restructuring of the country so that things will start going very well. Some of these issues don’t require IMF, World Bank or UN intervention, but sincere leadership”, he said, in an interview with Weekend Trust.

Ganiyu Adams, who led a faction of the OPC, attributes the continuous agitation to what he calls the ‘over- centralisation of governance in Nigeria’, adding  that if the regions were allowed to operate with some level of autonomy, the situation would have been different.

He said: “In Nigeria here, everything is centralised and over-centralised. That is exactly the reason the country is not moving forward.”

Alhaji Murtala Aliyu, who is the Secretary General of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF), on his part believes the agitations are because Nigeria is yet to truly heal from the civil war.

He said this is because Nigerians have not made up their minds about building the country and that it is only when that is achieved that the country can be restructured according to how each section wants it to run.

Senator Femi Okurounmu, one of the leaders of the pan-Yoruba socio-political group, Afenifere, also blamed the perceived lack of equity as reason for the agitations.

“For instance, the agitation in Yorubaland is mostly from the annulment of the June 12, 1993 elections. Since then, the Yorubas have not regained complete confidence in one Nigeria. This is because the June 12 elections and all the events leading up to it, showed glaringly that there was a particular group or I will say a particular ethnic group in this country that wants to lord itself over the others”, he said.

He said when the June 12, 1993, elections were annulled, it got the Yorubas to the point where they believed their presence in one Nigeria was no longer respected.

He said though people from that region had been ruling and have had their turn, attacks on Yoruba communities by herdsmen have made the agitations to resurface.

“Even up till today, the radical Yoruba youths are still keen on having the Yoruba nation, because their faith in one Nigeria has been significantly dented. They don’t believe very much that one Nigeria is a realistic proposition,” he added.

Just as many have expressed concern over the agitations, many are equally hopeful that it is possible to calm down nerves for Nigeria to continue as one nation.

Chief Iwuanyanwu believes that if the Igbos are treated fairly they would not be agitating to move out of Nigeria.

“If the Igbos are given additional slots in the current government and one additional state in the South-east, and Nnamdi Kanu is released we will say there is justice. Without truth and justice, there must be crisis,” he stated.

Ganiyu Adams on the other hand believes restructuring the country into regions is one of the best ways to reduce the burden of the federal government.

There are others who believe that with good leadership where all sections of the country are taken care of, such agitations would become history.

Alhaji Murtala Aliyu suggested that the government puts in place a mechanism to ensure good governance.

“If we have that, the agitations would die naturally. No region should feel that it is unfairly treated. The South-south agitation, for instance, was tackled by late President Umaru Yar’adua, as he initiated good empowerment programmes for them, including the amnesty initiative,” he stated.

[DailyTrust]

A growing trend among women is the switch from clothes, sanitary pads and tampons to menstrual cups.

While it offers numerous benefits, DAILY POST’s Gift Oba in this report brings to light the hidden facts and its potential implications for women’s health and environmental sustainability.

Over the years, women have had limited options to manage their menstrual flow, with many of them using thick cloth materials and sanitary pads as their go-to solutions.

However, with technological advancements and innovative ideas, the world of menstrual management has undergone a revolution.

Today, there’s a new kid on the block that’s taking the world by storm- the menstrual cup! To some, this innovative and sustainable solution is a complete game-changer, providing women with a more cost-effective and eco-friendly alternative that’s reusable for years on end.

Unlike traditional pads and tampons, menstrual cups are reusable so there is no need to worry about disposal or frequent purchases.

Screenshot

What is a menstrual cup?

Menstrual cups are a small, flexible funnel-shaped cup made of medical-grade silicone that is inserted into the vagina to catch and collect period fluid.

They come in various sizes to fit every anatomy making them more sustainable and convenient for women.

DAILY POST gathered that the cups which cost N5,000 (per cup) have several brands like the Anytime Menstrual Cup, Keeper Cup, Moon Cup, DivaCup, Lena Cup, and Lily Cup. There are also disposable menstrual cups available like the Instead Softcup.

According to research, these cups are reusable, budget-friendly, reduces the risk of getting Toxic Shock Syndrome (TSS), a rare bacterial infection associated with tampon use, holds more blood and can be used with an IUD (an intrauterine device- a form of birth control that is inserted into the uterus).

An anonymous source while sharing her experience said “I’ve been using menstrual cups for some years now and I have no leaks throughout the day. I bleed light to medium so I can go a whole day without cleaning it out.

“The container it comes with is very convenient as well. Although I still leak after I’ve laid down for a while, but I’ve always had that issue so it might just be my personal problem,”

They can be used for up to 10 years – Menstrual Cup Advocate

Speaking to DAILY POST, Tojah Omorogbe, a menstrual cup advocate and vendor explained that the medical grade silicone cup (meaning it has been tested medically to be suitable inside the body) can be used for up to 10 years.

She maintained that while there are no age limits as to who can use the cup, certain guidelines must be followed for safety.

“I teach all women I introduce to menstrual cups these guidelines and it’s up to them to use it safely.

“A cup can last at least 5 years, maximum 10 years, no age limits as long as no underlying health issue.

“The simple guideline is to sterilize before use for the month, wash with mild soap and clean water then insert and place the cup properly. Then wash hands before and after handling the menstrual cup,” she advised.

How to use

“Grease your hand with water or water-based lubricant then fold to insert inside the vagina.

“It is folded to make it smaller and then it is inserted into the vagina. While it is inside it will create a seal to prevent leakages, so while the menstrual fluids are coming out from inside the cervix, it will drop into the cup.

“The cup will hold it up to 12 hours but that doesn’t mean it applies to everybody, it depends on your flow. And all you need to do is bring out your cup, dispose of the fluid and wash with a mild soap and clean water and then reuse it,” she added.

She further advised that when attempting to remove the cup, you are not to pull by the tip, rather you may need to insert your fingers a bit into the vagina, capture the base of the cup and then squeeze and pull out.

It can weaken vaginal muscles, change ph level if not properly used-

While menstrual cups may be an affordable and environmentally friendly option, women still need to consider the potential implications for their health, Omorogbe disclosed.

According to her, the cup when not properly inserted can cause changes in ph level, yeast infection and weak vaginal muscles.

“There are guidelines that must be followed to avoid changes in ph level, yeast infection and weak vaginal muscles,” she noted.

DAILY POST also gathered that while some might find themselves in a place or position that makes it difficult to remove the cup which can lead to spill during the process, others find the insertion and removal of a menstrual cup uncomfortable or even painful.

Young ladies within the age of 19 to 25 are willing to try it-

When asked about the turnout in patronage, Omorogbe said although ladies aged 30 and above are skeptical about it, the younger generation aged 19 to 25 are curious and willing to try it.

“I’ll say it has not been much accepted in Nigeria. Young ladies within the age of 19 to 25 are more curious and willing to try it. While ladies that are 30s and above are skeptical about it, but the few that have taken that ‘risk’ have been satisfied and have never gone back to sanitary pads,” she stated.

Vagina is elastic, cannot be widened by the cup – Gynecologist

Speaking to some ladies in Abeokuta, Ogun State, on their perspective of using the cup, they expressed fear of having a wider or slacked vagina after using the cup.

This is as an anonymous source disclosed that she had sore around her vagina after using the cup.

However, Professor Ajenifuja Olusegun, Consultant Gynaecological Oncologist at the Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospital, Ile IFE, Osun State, explained that the cup lacks the tendency to expand the vagina.

“The vagina is elastic and even after child birth it goes back to its normal size.

“Besides, the lady does not need to wear it everyday, only for the duration of the menstruation and once removed, the vaginal comes back to its normal shape,” he said.

While pointing out that while some people may be allergic to the material used to make the cup, he advised them to use one that is not too tight to avoid causing pressure to the vaginal walls.

“But some disadvantage of the cup is allergy to the components in the cup.

“It should also not be too tight so it doesn’t cause some pressure injury.

“So one must have the ability to take care of it very well, especially cleaning. The most important thing is not to introduce infection into the genital tracts,” he advised.

Measure the length of your cervix before using – Public health specialist

Tonia Shodunke, a public health specialist based in Ogun State recommended that women who are thinking about utilising the cup should measure the length of their cervix and refrain from pushing it too deep to the point of discomfort.

Advising on the insertion of the cup, she stated that it doesn’t need to get to the cervix.

‘It just needs to be well positioned to collect the blood, so once any pain is noticed it has been pushed too deep, all you need to do is pull it out a little.

“One thing you need to consider is your age and the length of your cervix; this can actually be ascertained by possibly inserting your finger in and then be conscious to know how much of that finger you need to insert and can actually touch the tip of cervix; you can bring it out and know precisely the length of your cervix,” she further stated.

On getting the right size, she said “consider whether or not the woman has given birth either virginally or through CS, because smaller cups are usually more recommended for women younger than 30 years or women who have actually never given birth through the vagina and when we’re looking at women who have given birth through the vagina, then we need to consider larger cups.”

However, Shodunke stressed that although this new trend may be the answer to period poverty, particularly in rural areas, hygiene was crucial.

“If you’re not a clean person, you may just end up infecting yourself,” she warned.

[DailyPost]

Sophia Momodu, the estranged lover of popular Afrobeat musician, David Adeleke a.k.a. Davido, has told the Lagos State High Court sitting in Yaba that the musician should not be granted custody of their daughter.

This, she said is because Davido is more interested in exploiting her sexually than catering for their daughter’s welfare.

“The applicant is not fit to be granted custody of our daughter because he is not available and does not possess the ability to dutifully care for her,” she stated in a counter-affidavit she filed in opposition to Davido’s suit seeking custody.

Contrary to Davido’s claim that he had consistently fulfilled his financial obligations towards his daughter, Ms. Momodu said the child was almost ejected from school because the artiste refused to pay tuition fees.

She stated that while their relationship lasted, Davido never showed true commitment or love for their daughter.

“He always used the condition of my making myself available for his sexual pleasures as a pre-condition to visit our daughter or show some fatherly love to her.

“The applicant, apart from his cravings for sex, only comes around to spend time with our daughter when he wants to use our daughter for his media stunts or promotions.

“The applicant has always been known to go away and stop communicating with our daughter, to stop making payment for school fees and/or payment of maintenance for our daughter whenever I refuse his sexual advances,” Ms Momodu stated.

The respondent stated that Davido once threw her and their daughter out of his home in Atlanta (USA) during a summer holiday in 2017, and they ended up squatting with a friend.

Ms. Momodu stated that she never denied Davido access to his daughter and that it was he who chose to be “an absentee father”.

She said she has been responsible for her accommodation, and that David always had access until he chose to abuse it by visiting at odd hours to demand sex.

“When I noticed that the intention of the applicant for coming late at night to my house was not to visit our daughter but to seek sexual favours even after our relationship had ended, I told him to desist from such late-night visits as our daughter who needed to be in school in the morning would have slept at the time of his late-night visits.

“It was when I refused the applicant ingress into my house at ungodly hours of the night on the pretext of visiting our daughter that he decided to stop visiting or calling our daughter, and this has been the pattern with the applicant all through his relationship with our daughter.

“Whenever I refused to be his sex slave, he would stop caring for his daughter and abandon her and use the fact of our daughter’s sadness due to his absence to force me to accede to his unwholesome demands.

“I have never stopped the applicant or his family members from coming to visit his daughter, calling or reconnecting with our daughter,” Ms. Momodu stated.

The respondent stated that contrary to Davido’s claim, he has not been faithful in paying their daughter’s school fees, having defaulted in 2021 and 2022, with the school writing to her in January 2023 over unpaid tuition.

“The school wrote via email notifying me that our daughter would not be allowed entry into the school except all outstanding fees from 2021 to 2023 were paid off,” she stated.

Ms. Momodu told the court that it was Davido’s father who intervened and paid the school fees.

She stated that contrary to Davido’s claim, she has been the one paying the rent of the apartment where she lives with her daughter, adding that Davido did not buy any house for them.

Ms. Momodu said she has been providing the best care for her daughter despite her father’s negligence and would continue to do so as a loving mother.

The respondent was represented at Friday’s proceedings before Justice A. J. Bashua by a legal team led by Chief (Dr) Anthony Idigbe (SAN) of Punuka Attorneys & Solicitors.

Chief Idigbe drew attention to the publication of a hearing notice in a national newspaper by Davido’s legal team, in which the name of his daughter was mentioned four times.

The judge agreed with Chief Idigbe that while the press was free to report, the child’s name ought not to be mentioned at all.

The judge then asked members of the press, litigants and all other counsel not involved in the case to leave the courtroom during the hearing.

Before they left, Chief Idigbe, with the court’s permission, drew the pressmen’s attention to Section 143 of the Child’s Right Law of Lagos State 2015, which provides in a case involving a minor: “No person must be allowed to attend court other than the members and officers of the court, the parties to the case, their solicitors and counsel, parents and guardians of the child and other persons directly concerned in the case.”

Chief Idigbe also referred to Section 144 of the Law, which prohibits the publication of a child’s name.

The section reads: “No person must publish the name, address, school, photograph, or anything likely to lead to the identification of a child in a matter before the court, except as required by the provisions of this law.”

The SAN further referred to Section 145 of the Child Rights Law, which provides: “The proceedings in the court must be conducive to the best interest of the child and must be conducted in an atmosphere of understanding, allowing the child to express himself and participate in the proceedings.”

Ms. Momodu, in the counter-affidavit, also faulted the publication of the suit in a national newspaper.

“The applicant (Davido) in publishing this suit in a national newspaper has exposed our daughter to great danger.

“I would have to implement extra security measures to ensure the continued safety of our daughter in school,” she stated.

At the end of the proceedings, it was learnt that the court referred the case for possible settlement by the alternative dispute resolution (ADR) section of the court during Settlement Week.

[TheNation]

The United Nations recognizes 180 currencies worldwide as legal tender, though the popularity and usage of a currency do not necessarily reflect its economic value or strength, which is determined by its purchasing power in transactions involving goods, services, or other currencies.

Currencies play a crucial role in the global economy, symbolizing the strength and stability of their countries. They serve not just as instruments for international trade and finance, but also as indicators of a nation’s economic well-being and governance.

As highlighted by Forbes, here are the top 10 strongest currencies in the world.

Kuwaiti dinar

The Kuwaiti dinar holds the title of the world’s strongest currency, with 1 dinar equivalent to 3.26 dollars, or conversely, $1 being equal to 0.31 Kuwaiti dinar.

Introduced in 1961, the Kuwaiti dinar, bolstered by the country’s substantial oil reserves, which it derives from its strategic location on the Persian Gulf between Saudi Arabia and Iraq, contributes significantly to its economic strength.

Bahraini Dinar (BHD)

The Bahraini dinar is another prominent currency globally, supported by Bahrain’s diversified economy, which includes oil and gas as well as finance and tourism sectors, contributing to its robustness.

The Bahraini dinar, introduced in 1965, holds a strong position, with 1 dinar equaling 2.65 dollars, or alternatively, 0.38 Bahraini dinar per dollar.

Omani Rial (OMR)

The Omani rial (OMR) is another of the world’s strongest currencies. Located on the southeastern coast of the Arabian Peninsula, Oman’s economy is largely dependent on its oil reserves.

The Omani rial was introduced in the 1970s, with 1 rial equivalent to 2.60 dollars, or $1 equaling 0.38 Omani rial.

Jordanian Dinar (JOD)

The Jordanian dinar ranks as the fourth-strongest currency globally, where 1 dinar is valued at 1.41 dollars, or $1 equals 0.71 Jordanian dinar.

Since its introduction in 1950, the Jordanian dinar has sustained a robust value, bolstered by Jordan’s careful fiscal policies and a diverse economy encompassing tourism, banking, and pharmaceutical sectors.

British Pound (GBP)

The British pound ranks as the fifth-strongest currency globally, with 1 pound valued at 1.22 dollars, or $1 equaling 0.82 British pounds.

According to the World Bank, Britain boasts the world’s sixth-largest economy by gross domestic product (GDP). The pound, first introduced in the 1400s and decimalized in 1971, operates as a free-floating currency, independent of pegs to other currencies.

Cayman Islands Dollar (KYD)

The Cayman Islands dollar (KYD) is the 6th most valuable currency in the world. It’s used in the Cayman Islands, which is a British territory in the Caribbean known for being a popular tax haven for rich people and big companies.

Caymans Island depends on sectors like tourism and real estates, with 1 Cayman dollar buying 1.20 dollars (or $1 equals 0.83 Cayman Islands dollar).

Gibraltar Pound (GIP)

The Gibraltar pound holds the seventh position among the world’s strongest currencies, with 1 pound valued at 1.22 dollars, or $1 equaling 0.82 Gibraltar pounds.

Covering only 2.6 square miles at the southern tip of Spain, Gibraltar is an official British territory. The Gibraltar pound was introduced in the 1920s and is pegged at par with the British pound, meaning one GIP equals one GBP.

Swiss Franc (CHF)

The Swiss franc holds the 8th position among the world’s strongest currencies and serves as Switzerland’s official currency. Its value surged against the euro and US dollar due to the European debt crisis and US monetary policy changes.

The Swiss franc, introduced in 1850, was briefly pegged to the euro before transitioning to a free-floating exchange rate. Currently, 1 franc is valued at 1.08 dollars ($1 equals 0.92 Swiss francs).

Euro (EUR)

The euro holds the ninth position among the world’s strongest currencies, with 1 euro valued at 1.08 dollars, or $1 equivalent to 0.93 euros.

The euro serves as the official currency in 20 out of the 27 countries comprising the European Union. Introduced with coins and banknotes in 2002, the currency operates on a free-floating exchange rate.

U.S. Dollar (USD)

The US dollar is used in the United States and many other countries. It’s the main currency kept by central banks and commercial banks globally. Because it’s so widely used, the US dollar is involved in about 88.3% of daily trades in the foreign exchange market.

The US dollar holds several top positions, such as being the currency of the richest country in the world, but it ranks only 10th among the world’s strongest currencies.

 [Vanguard]