Bello Matawalle, minister of state for defence, says many African countries now purchase arms and ammunition from the Defence Industries Corporation of Nigeria (DICON).

Matawalle spoke on Monday in Abuja during the 60th anniversary of DICON and launch of the maiden Africa defence industries conference.

In November, President Bola Tinubu assented to the DICON Bill, 2023.

DICON was founded in 1964 to enhance national security by reducing dependence on foreign arms.

Matawalle said despite industry challenges, DICON is committed to independence and has the capacity to produce military vehicles and artilleries.

“DICON’s journey began with a modest start, focusing on the production of small arms and ammunition,” he said.

“Over the years, DICON has expanded its capabilities, venturing into the manufacture of military vehicles, artillery, and other defence equipment.

“Despite facing challenges, DICON persevered, driven by its commitment to self-reliance and national security.

“DICON’s 60-year journey is a testament to Nigeria’s commitment to self-reliance in defence production.

“But we assure you that we have the capacity, we can produce, and as you know, many countries, many African countries now are coming to DICON for the procurement of arms and ammunition.”

Ibrahim Kana, permanent secretary in the ministry of defence, said it is now compulsory for all security agencies to procure their arms and ammunition from DICON.

Kana said in the next two years, Nigeria will no longer import certain types of ammunition.

“I can assure each and every one of us, in the next two years, Nigeria will not buy 7.62mm calibre ammunition again,” he said.

“The Public Procurement Act also supports local production, not only military-industrial companies but any goods that are produced in Nigeria.

“All procuring entities in the country have been mandated to put it as a first line before importation.

“The law now makes it mandatory for us in the ministry of defence, the national security advisers office, ministry of interior, police affairs and all other security organisations in Nigeria… if you are procuring any arms or ammunitions using government funds, you have no rights to go and procure abroad unless we did not have any money in Nigeria.”

[TheCable]

International Breweries Plc, an alcoholic beverage maker in Nigeria, has appointed Chijioke Nkechinyere Ugochukwu as its new Independent non-executive director, effective July 25, 2024.

According to a recent statement, Ugochukwu is a Chartered Director and Fellow of the Institute of Directors (IoD), United Kingdom, and of the CIoD Nigeria as well as a Fellow of the Chartered Institute of Bankers Nigeria (CIBN).

“She has spent 34 years in the Board room and is presently an Independent Director with Access Pensions Limited and with Consolidated Hallmark Holdings Plc as well as a NonExecutive Director with Chams Holdings Plc and Card Centre Nigeria Limited,” the statement said.

In addition, she serves on several committees and councils of the CIoD Nigeria, the CIBN, and the Lagos Business School (LBS) and is a member of the Board of Governors of the Babington Macaulay Seminary.

Ugochukwu was the executive director of shared services & products and chief information officer at Fidelity Bank Plc. She holds a Bachelor of Laws (LL.B Hons.) degree from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, and a Barrister at Law (BL) from the Nigerian Law School.

“She also holds a Master of Business Administration degree from IESE/University de Navarre, Barcelona,” it added.

The new non-executive director has attended several Executive Education programs globally at the Institute of Directors UK, the Institute of Management Development (IMD), Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), Harvard Business School, Stanford Graduate School of Business, Oxford Said Business School, The Wharton School and Columbia Business School amongst others. She also facilitates Business Ethics and Women in Leadership classes at the Lagos Business School.

[Businessday]

Key Points

• Owen Omogiafo, 44, is President and Group CEO of Transcorp Group, holding a $4 million stake in Transcorp Power Plc.
• Under Omogiafo’s leadership, Transcorp Group’s revenue surged 114% YoY in H1 2024, reaching $110 million.
• Omogiafo is recognized as one of Africa’s top 100 women in leadership, influencing various sectors beyond corporate success.

Nigerian business executive, Owen Omogiafo, exemplifies exceptional leadership. She has not only shattered glass ceilings and accumulated significant wealth but also reshaped the narrative of leadership and success for women in Africa.

At 44, Omogiafo is the President and Group CEO of Transcorp Group and holds a stake worth over $4 million in Transcorp Power Plc, a company she has played a crucial role in steering toward remarkable growth.

Career spanning over two decades

Omogiafo’s ascent to prominence reflects her extensive experience and expertise across diverse sectors, including financial services, hospitality, and energy.

With a solid educational foundation—earning a bachelor’s degree in Sociology and Anthropology from the University of Benin and a Master’s in Human Resource Management from the London School of Economics & Political Science—Omogiafo has shaped a distinguished career over the past two decades.

Her professional journey is highlighted by pivotal roles that paved the way for her current leadership position. She began her career at Accenture as an Organization and Human Performance Consultant, where she specialized in Change Management.

Omogiafo further refined her skills in human capital management while serving as the HR Advisor to the Group Managing Director at the United Bank for Africa Plc. She later assumed a leadership role as Director of Resources at Heirs Holdings, a Pan-African investment company, where she solidified her reputation as a strategic thinker and transformative leader.

Owen Omogiafo leads Transcorp Group to new heights

Owen Omogiafo’s rise to the helm of Transcorp Group—a diversified conglomerate with interests in hospitality, oil & gas, and power—has been truly groundbreaking. As both the first female and the youngest leader in the group’s history, her impact has been profound.

Under her leadership, Transcorp has not only grown but thrived, becoming the 18th most valuable listed company on the Nigerian Exchange (NGX) with a market capitalization of $283 million. The group’s total assets stand at $390 million, with retained earnings of $60 million as of June 30, 2024.

In H1 2024, the company’s revenue soared by 114 percent year-over-year, totaling $110 million and far exceeding investor expectations. This surge is largely driven by its energy unit’s exceptional performance, which has been a key factor in the group’s impressive financial results.

Owen Omogiafo’s $4 million stake in Transcorp Power revealed

One of Omogiafo’s standout achievements is her pivotal role in the spin-off and subsequent listing of Transcorp Power Plc, a key subsidiary of Transcorp Group. The decision to list Transcorp Power has proven exceptionally lucrative, with the company’s market capitalization soaring to $1.74 billion.

Since its debut on the NGX on Mar. 4, Transcorp Power’s share price has surged by more than 41 percent, underscoring robust investor confidence and the company’s impressive performance amidst a challenging economic landscape.

Demonstrating her confidence in the company’s future, Omogiafo holds a 0.23 percent stake in Transcorp Power, valued at over $4 million. This investment underscores her position as one of Nigeria’s wealthiest executives and one of the richest female leaders in the country.

Owen Omogiafo: Beyond corporate success

Beyond her corporate achievements, Owen Omogiafo’s influence extends to various boards and advisory roles. She serves on the boards of several notable companies, including Afriland Properties, Transcorp Power, TransAfam Power, and Abuja Electricity Distribution Company. Additionally, she plays a pivotal role on the Advisory Board of Heirs Academy and is the Vice President of the Lagos Business School Alumni Association.

Omogiafo’s leadership and achievements have not gone unnoticed. She has been recognized as one of Africa’s top 100 women in leadership and one of the 100 Most Influential African Women, highlighting her significant contributions to the business world and her role as a trailblazer for women across the continent.

[billionaires.africa]

Nations, diplomacy, and sports are interwoven. Sports persons and sports teams are, in a sense, representatives of and mirrors of their countries. It is no coincidence that most great nations are also leading sporting countries  because it is a significant tool of soft power projection. Nations demonstrate their might either through ‘Fight’ or ‘play’. The latter is the province of international sporting events like the Olympics. 

Sporting competitions, particularly at the elite level, have often been likened to modern-day wars. This metaphor draws on the intense rivalry, nationalistic fervour, and strategic and physical battles that characterize sports and warfare. However, unlike actual wars, which involve devastating loss of life and destruction, sports provide a controlled environment for channelling competitive instincts and resolving conflicts through non-violent means. Little wonder the famous author Goerge Orwell posits, “serious sport has nothing to do with fair play. It is bound up with hatred, jealousy, boastfulness, disregard of all rules, and sadistic pleasure in witnessing violence: in other words, it is war minus the shooting.” Modern states are not expected to wage war against each other for the fun of it or just sheer dominance; the only arena of legitimate dominance that elicits nationalism and patriotic fervour is international sports.

Like wars, sporting events, especially international competitions like the Olympics, become arenas where national pride and identity are fiercely defended and displayed. Athletes are often seen as warriors representing their nations, carrying the hopes and aspirations of their people. The victories and defeats in these arenas are celebrated or mourned, almost like battles won or lost on a battlefield. The spectacle of countries competing against each other in these global events can evoke strong emotions, much like the nationalism that fuels wars. Preparing for high-level sports competitions mirrors the strategic planning  capabilities seen in military campaigns. Coaches and athletes meticulously study their opponents, devise game plans, and adapt their strategies as the competition unfolds. This aspect of sports is comparable to the strategy  and tactics employed in warfare, where intelligence, preparation, and adaptability often determine the outcome. The intense focus on outmanoeuvring and outthinking the opponent in sports can be seen as a simulation of the strategic elements of warfare.

The Olympics are the highest arenas of sporting glory, where sporting artistry, creativity and skills are showcased to a global audience for fame, glory, prominence and recognition. Whatever happens there mirrors the relative might and priorities of the state. It significantly reflects the economic status of a state and the opportunities it offers. Better-organized societies and prosperous nations are more likely to achieve better results; the reverse is the opposite. Prosperous countries invest heavily in the sports industry and reap the reward in the country’s performance at these major sporting events. Historically, Africa and other third-world countries have won fewer sports awards in these competitions. Although this may have improved a little recently, the improvement is not significant.

The Paris Olympics is the latest iteration of great power competition in sports. So far, the  final medals table reaffirms the familiar order of precedence among sporting nations: the US, China, Australia, France, the UK, Japan etc, are the leaders. Despite our population and talent, Nigeria is nowhere represented in the medals table. Nigeria’s lacklustre performance at the Paris 2024 Olympics has shown our level of organizational tardiness, shabby preparation and short-term solutions for long-term challenges, poor incentive system, lack of patriotism, corruption and nepotism; low government and private sector investment.

Olympics success is a function of many factors- training and preparation, athlete commitment and level of patriotism, sports administration capabilities, investment in sporting infrastructure, funding and professionalism. The poor organizational capabilities of the Nigeria Olympic Committee (NOC) led to the non-registration of Favour  Ofili for a race in which she had a bright chance. This is not the first time NOC has displayed this level of negligence. Nigeria’s performance at the Paris Olympics mirrors the extent of our preparations, investment, and commitment. It is clear that we need a significant improvement in our sports administration to avert a more consequential crisis soon afterwards.

Our athletes do  not just  have potential, they are talented and capable. However, there is a lack of sufficient incentive and motivation for them to excel in the global international sporting arena. D’Tigress, Nigeria’s female basketball team, became the first African team (male or female) to reach the Olympic quarterfinals in Basketball. Favour Ofili became the first Nigerian in 28 years to reach the 200m finals. Chukwuebuka Enekwachi, in shotput, shone brightly even without a medal. Also, 18-year-old Samuel Ogazi became the first Nigerian man to reach the 400m final since 1988.  Ese Brume, Ruth Usoro, and Prestina Ochonogor  all secured spots in the final of the long jump event.

 These achievements are a testament to the potential of our athletes and should give us hope for the future of Nigerian sports.

The Honourable Minister of Sports, Senator John Owan Enoh, demonstrated exceptional organizational skills at the Summer Olympics. However, the limited timeframe was insufficient to fully impact the final medal table. This underscores the crucial role of possessing superior organizational capabilities and engaging in long-term planning in the success of our athletes and teams. It is imperative that we allow adequate time for preparations to manifest in tangible results, and this should be a key focus of our sports administration.

However, the trend of Nigerian athletes competing for other countries raises questions about our sports administration, nationalism, and reward systems. Annette Nneka Echikunwoke, who won silver for the USA in the hammer throw, was a victim of administrative incompetence in the 2020 Olympics and hence had to switch representation to another  country.  Salwa Naser took silver for Bahrain in the women’s 400m race.  Yemisi Ogunleye won gold in the women’s shot put for Germany. Tade Ojora and Victoria Ohuruogu competed for Britain, Rhasidat Adeleke for Ireland, Daisy Osakwe for Italy and Manuel Mordi for Germany, among others. This trend is a loss for Nigeria and must end. We must be ready as a country to harness the talents of all Nigerians and appreciate them, no matter where they are in the world. This will not only strengthen our sports teams but also promote a sense of national pride and unity. 

John F. Kennedy argued that “sports are a microcosm of society. They are a medium through which we convey our values and goals.” It has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire. It can unite people in a way that little else does. It speaks to young and old in a language they understand. It creates hope, whereas once, there was only despair. During this Olympics period, Nigerians feasted on the game, glued to their screens to cheer up their favourite athletes and inspire Nigerian athletes to sporting immortality. 

As the Olympic games were on, Nigerian youth embarked on the mother of all protest, where in the North, many lives and property were lost and damaged, and, in the South, a pervasive feeling of hopelessness was in the air. Whether there was any link between the competitive sports of the Olympics and the competition for state power by protesters is yet to be fathomed, but one thing is clear: there is a parallelism between competitive sports and competitive contest for influencing government power in a direction the protesters are clamouring for.  

The physicality of many sports, where athletes engage in direct, sometimes brutal, competition, also draws symbolism from physical combat. Sports like boxing, rugby, and American football, where physical dominance is crucial, can be seen as direct analogues to combat. Even in less physically confrontational sports, the psychological battles between competitors—where mental strength, resilience, and the will to win are paramount—resemble the psychological warfare between opposing forces in a conflict.

Sporting competitions as modern-day wars is a metaphor that captures the Olympics’ intensity, rivalry, and national significance. While most of the sorts share many characteristics with warfare—nationalism, strategy, physical and psychological battles—the critical difference lies in sports’ peaceful and constructive nature. Unlike wars, which bring destruction and suffering, sports unite people, offering a way to celebrate human achievement, resolve conflicts, and foster global unity. The contrast between the Russian-Ukraine conflicts, the Hamas brouhaha and the Paris Olympics is obvious. The Olympics are symbols of peace and prosperity. The insane, rootless fanaticism that drives a sports team is the same spirit that motivates patriotic people. Nigeria should use opportunities of future  Olympics to be counted among the respected  nations of the world. Let our future outing qualify us to  be regarded as a nation of serious minded people . 

rend is a loss for Nigeria and must end. We must be ready as a country to harness the talents of all Nigerians and appreciate them, no matter where they are in the world. This will not only strengthen our sports teams but also promote a sense of national pride and unity. 

John F. Kennedy argued that “sports are a microcosm of society. They are a medium through which we convey our values and goals.” It has the power to change the world. It has the power to inspire. It can unite people in a way that little else does. It speaks to young and old in a language they understand. It creates hope, whereas once, there was only despair. During this Olympics period, Nigerians feasted on the game, glued to their screens to cheer up their favourite athletes and inspire Nigerian athletes to sporting immortality. 

As the Olympic games were on, Nigerian youth embarked on the mother of all protest, where in the North, many lives and property were lost and damaged, and, in the South, a pervasive feeling of hopelessness was in the air. Whether there was any link between the competitive sports of the Olympics and the competition for state power by protesters is yet to be fathomed, but one thing is clear: there is a parallelism between competitive sports and competitive contest for influencing government power in a direction the protesters are clamouring for.  

The physicality of many sports, where athletes engage in direct, sometimes brutal, competition, also draws symbolism from physical combat. Sports like boxing, rugby, and American football, where physical dominance is crucial, can be seen as direct analogues to combat. Even in less physically confrontational sports, the psychological battles between competitors—where mental strength, resilience, and the will to win are paramount—resemble the psychological warfare between opposing forces in a conflict.

Sporting competitions as modern-day wars is a metaphor that captures the Olympics’ intensity, rivalry, and national significance. While most of the sorts share many characteristics with warfare—nationalism, strategy, physical and psychological battles—the critical difference lies in sports’ peaceful and constructive nature. Unlike wars, which bring destruction and suffering, sports unite people, offering a way to celebrate human achievement, resolve conflicts, and foster global unity. The contrast between the Russian-Ukraine conflicts, the Hamas brouhaha and the Paris Olympics is obvious. The Olympics are symbols of peace and prosperity. The insane, rootless fanaticism that drives a sports team is the same spirit that motivates patriotic people. Nigeria should use opportunities of future  Olympics to be counted among the respected  nations of the world. Let our future outing qualify us to  be regarded as a nation of serious minded people . 

Some 200 years ago, someone could whimsically deport someone from a part of this country to another. It happened to Madam Efunroye Tinubu in 1856. She was given 24 hours to leave Lagos for her hometown, Abeokuta. This is 2024.

You can’t have tasty mutton-mushroom sauce without all the necessary elements. Any cook worth his or her name knows the culinary fact of the juice of one sweetening the whole. What makes Lagos Lagos is the rainbow colours of its population and the allure of its complexity. That is what Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu saved when he stepped in last week and disowned an insidious campaign by some people ordering certain people to leave Lagos.

Lagos is the Eden of the daring. It has always been. And if it is Eden, always know it won’t be short of snakes and temptations. That is why talks and threats of expulsion will always be in the air there. This particular expulsion is our local version of the far-right anti-immigrant rhetoric in the United Kingdom. The violence birthed by the extremists in that rainbow country has been wracking England and Northern Ireland since 30 July, 2024.

I know that no one keeps quiet when his farm is being turned into a footpath. Because of that, Lagos, since its beginning, has had this in-group/out-group issue. It assumed a dimension worse than bad during and after the 2023 elections. But it is an ill wind. The others-must-go campaigners forget that the alluvial richness of the Lagos dumpsite is because it takes all that come to it.

There are ethnic extremists everywhere we turn now. Because of that, I think I should also quietly shout a warning that no one should henceforth describe Lagos as a no-man’s land or behave as if there is no boundary between a father’s farm and that of his son.

The campaign and its timing I see as an enemy action. How could the city have combined the hardship protests of that week with an inter-ethnic chaos? An X (Twitter) post by someone who may themselves be an ‘alien’ triggered the panic. Governor Sanwo-Olu reacted by saying that he viewed the post as “not only reckless and divisive but an attempt to sow a seed of discord between the Yoruba in the Southwest and other tribes, especially those who have made Lagos their permanent place of abode.” It was timely water on a threatening blaze. There has been silence since.

I have read the other far-right saying Sanwo-Olu’s intervention came too little. They are wrong. Have they ever thought of checking the meaning of “many a little makes a mickle”? If such persons knew the history behind a-stich-in-time, they would appreciate the worth of half-words dropped in the nick of time. Besides here, in this clime, elders don’t say all they have to say. And, I don’t have to say it that a leader, no matter his age, is an elder.

The rhetoric of ‘Others Must Go’ (within a country) is an elite trick to mobilise for politics. Even people who are Yoruba but of non-Lagos origin are routinely reminded of their own alien status by idle minds who strut that landscape of hardtackle politics. Ironically, the ancestors of some of those who discriminate today were also classed as aliens in that city-state less than 150 years ago.

Kristin Mann in his ‘Marriage Choices among the Educated African Elite in Lagos Colony, 1880-1915’ published in 1981 says something about the composite that is called Lagos. After pouring through several records, Kristin writes: “In 1880 approximately 70 percent of the elite were Saro, but by 1915 the proportion had fallen to 60 percent. The remainder were (returnees) from Brazil, the West Indies, or North America; Yoruba from Lagos or the interior; or non-Yoruba from west or north of Yorubaland. Only four members of the educated elite belonged to families that had lived in Lagos more than three generations. The rest had migrated to the town or were the children or grandchildren of immigrants. The educated elite, then, did not belong to large, well-established Lagos lineages” (See page 205).

Expulsion of aliens is not new across countries in West Africa. But such always comes back to haunt the chasers. Margaret Peil has a list of such expulsions in her ‘Ghana Aliens’ (1974): “Ghanaian fishermen have been deported from Guinea, Ivory Coast and Nigeria; Nigerian traders have had to leave Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Ghana and Zaire; Dahomean civil servants have been deported from Ivory Coast and Niger; Togolese farmers and workmen have been expelled from Ghana and Ivory Coast. The largest case of expulsion of aliens was the result of the ‘Compliance Order’ issued in Ghana on November 18, 1969, which gave all aliens without residence permits two weeks to obtain them or leave the country.” It was the turn of Ghana to taste its own medicine when ‘Ghana Must Go’ happened in Nigeria in 1983.

Peace should be everyone’s agenda. Let farm hands stop planting cash crops; let no farm owner claim to be God. If you chase your late father’s debtors too hard, you will soon land in the hands of his creditors.

The king in pre-colonial Oyo had power over everything. He determined who lived and who died. At a point in time, there was this street drummer in Oyo metropolis who moved from one point of the town to the other plying his trade. And, he was a master of his art, great skill, vigorous activity. He would praise those he considered praiseworthy; he would deprecate the deplorable. The people enjoyed what he did as long as he did not make them the object of his pillory.
One day, the drummer got up early and woke up the town with a strange beat and a strange message:

Kòtò kan nbe n’íta oba,
Olórun ó mu
Kò ì yá ni

(Meaning: There is a pit in front of the king’s palace; God will catch him (the king) but it is not yet time).

What is he saying? Alarm bells rang in homes and across Oyo that a drummer was spreading a strange message against the king. Is it not said that a dog is allowed to run mad but its insanity notwithstanding, it is expected to know and avoid fire? B’ájá bá nsínwín sebí ó ye k’ó m’ojú iná. This particular dog had a madness that obviously knew no limits. He had added the king to his list of objects of scorn.

The message soon got to the King, the Alaafin. He sent for the drummer.
“Ngbó, what are you saying about me?” Kabiyesi asked him.
The drummer responded before Ikú Bàbá Yèyé with his drumbeat:

Kòtò kan nbe n’íta oba,
Olórun ó mu
Kò ì yá ni.

You would not be a Yoruba in those days if you did not understand the language of drums.
Everyone heard him loud and clear and gasped. This one should die! Ar’óbafín l’oba á pa. Palace guards moved to assault him; the king stopped them. Kabiyesi took a long look at the drummer, took a deep breath and told the man to go home. He even gave him money for his trouble. The drummer was equally stunned by the king’s verdict. He left.
The king looked round his chiefs, then turned to his people. “We must not touch him. Oba kìí mú akorin (The king does not arrest the bard).” He said and added, in very low tones that apart from the fact of a bard having immunity, touching him because of that particular message would set the town ablaze.
What is Kabiyesi saying? He and a few of his trusted aides understood clearly what the drummer was saying. There was truly a deep pit in front of the king’s palace. In that pit were the king’s deepest secrets. It was into that pit he threw the unfortunate heads of his enemies.

So, what happened thereafter? A contrite Aláàfin ordered the pit closed. He also stopped the serial murders he was committing.

Where did the above story come from? I got it from the late Aláàfin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi III. It was in his palace he told me a few months before he joined his ancestors in 2022. I was not there alone; my friend, Festus Adedayo, was also there.

With the oba, we had many deep discussions on the notions of rights and privileges in the context of Yoruba identity and cultural nuances. This was one of them. The Aláàfin stressed that the story was real. Kabiyesi said he also heard it from his fathers. He pointed at the probable site of the pit. We agreed that the drummer of that era would be today’s press.

I am writing on the spirit of protest and resistance – my focus is the Yoruba. My dictionary says the opposite of acquiescence is resistance. Anywhere you find the Yoruba and there is injustice or simple insult, do not think of acquiescence; think of the opposite. They value their girl’s idí bèbèrè but they don’t deck the voluptuous waist of a bad daughter with beads of stupid accommodation. They also do not make their hips available for dislocation by bumbling relations. To them, pimples find seats only on foolish faces. It makes very little difference whether the actors are men or they are women.

What we heard about the ancient time is what we read of more recent eras. Professor Ulli Beier lived in Yorubaland and patiently studied the Yoruba of the 1950s and the 1960s. He was in Ede, Osogbo, Ilobu, Okuku, Ibadan, etc. Ulli Beier witnessed resistant women bringing grasping men to their knees in Ede in 1955. He recollects this in his piece, ‘The Position of Yoruba Women’. Ulli Beier writes: “The women who sell ògì, a food prepared from ground maize, must bring their maize to the mill owners for grinding. These mill owners are men. Now the women began to complain that the charge of the men was too high to allow them sufficient profit on the sale of ògì. The Iyalode then made representations to the mill owners, demanding a lower price for the grinding. The men refused at first, then tried to bargain. The Iyalode, however, called out all ògì sellers on strike. The women then began to grind the corn by hand and after a week, the mill owners surrendered unconditionally” (Beier, 1955:40).

Women in any Yoruba society would do exactly what those who have long departed did in Ede in 1955.

Ilorin Dadakuada musician, Odolaye Aremu, in his album, Olówe Mòwe, characterised the immediate past Iyalode of Ibadan, Alhaja Aminatu Abiodun, as a man: “Wón pè é l’óbìnrin ní/ohun t’ólókó nse ló nse (They call her a woman but she does what those who have penises do).” Long before Abiodun, there was Madam Efunroye Tinubu whose activism straddled business and politics in Lagos, Badagry and Abeokuta. In Lagos of the early mid-1880s, she was with Oba Adele I whom she married and lived with. Then Adele died, there was a problem in Lagos, she went on exile to Badagry. From exile in Badagry, she led the push that ousted Oba Kosoko and re-installed Adele’s younger brother, Akintoye, and reigned with him. She shared the throne with Oba Dosumu, Akintoye’s first son, and with it ruled the business world of Lagos.

While doing all these, Madam Tinubu ensured that her activism broth had a large dose of nationalist condiments. Oladipo Yemitan wrote Efunroye’s biography and gave it the title: ‘Madam Tinubu: Merchant and Kingmaker’. In that book, the biographer notes that though Tinubu was overbearing in her dealings with Dosumu, one of the obas she dealt with in Lagos, “her pre-emptory orders had a nationalistic undertone: She did not want the oba to be dominated by foreigners” (Yemitan, 1987:38). Madam Tinubu organised resistant actions against Europeans in Lagos seeking their expulsion from the land. On one occasion, a major uprising against foreign ‘rule’ ensued under her instigation. “Several meetings were held in her house by the dissidents. So efficient was her organizing machinery that this uprising nearly succeeded…”, Yemitan wrote. At a point, the white man felt her cup was full. She was deported back to her hometown, Abeokuta.

The zenith of Madam Tinubu’s activism was her becoming the Iyalode of Egba, the number one woman in Abeokuta. In Abeokuta, she remained a major force in politics and business. Marjorie Mclntosh in her ‘Yoruba Women, Work and Social Change’ (2009: 137) wrote that when the Dahomeys attacked Abeokuta in 1864, Efunroye Tinubu “was a key figure in organizing the defence of Egbaland and securing the enemies’ defeat.” Her biographer, Yemitan (page 47) wrote: “The women’s war-cry – ‘Elele-múlele’ – meaning: let everyone reach for his machete – was a slogan coined by Madam Tinubu on that occasion. She moved from quarter to quarter in Abeokuta rousing up women for concerted action.”

On that incident, Saburi Biobaku, in his ‘Egba and Their Neighbours’ (1957: 38) wrote about Tinubu: “Her compound was converted into a veritable arsenal from which arms and ammunition were issued to the Egba forces on their way to the front: Then she took up a position at Aro gate, nearer the front, at which the wounded were nursed by her and her female associates, where soldiers whose powder had exhausted in battle replenished their store and from which any would-be deserters were sent back with a renewed determination to fight the Dahomey and save the Egba metropolis from destruction.”

At about the time Madam Tinubu reigned in Lagos, in Badagry and, later, in Abeokuta, another Egba woman activist was in charge in Ibadan putting the men there in their proper place. She was Madam Efunsetan Aniwura (c. 1790-1874). Like Tinubu, Madam Aniwura was the Iyalode of Ibadan. Historians credit her with uncommon entrepreneurial ability, enormous wealth and man-like bravery. Efunsetan’s activism saw her challenging the power structure of Ibadan which was effectively in the firm grips of her male counterparts. She was assertive and daring, and would be called, in today’s parlance, a feminist who queried lords and troops and the incessant disruptive wars they fought, hurtful to women and their trade, injurious to children and their growth.

Akinwumi Ishola, who wrote ‘Efunsetan Aniwura: Iyalode Ibadan’ (1981), a very negative play on this woman, would later describe her as a positive force in the evolution of Ibadan as a metropolis. In an interview in The Punch of 16 November, 2013, Akinwumi Isola said: “I was very young with little education when I wrote the book. If I were to write it today, it would be different. Efunsetan can be described as a woman fighting for the rights of womenfolk. She could be described as a woman rights activist. She is not as tough as I portrayed her.”

In ‘Iyalode Efunsetan Aniwura (Owner of Gold)’, Bolanle Awe describes Efunsetan as a very ‘independent-minded’ and outspoken woman who was not afraid to criticise Aare Latoosa and his other chiefs. Very importantly, Awe says she was a woman who was strong enough to openly oppose Ibadan war chiefs’ constant wars. “She realized that the condition of almost continuous warfare disrupted her own and other people’s trading. She therefore became the spokesperson for a group of chiefs who were opposed to the aggressive policy of the leading war captain. For the expedition launched in 1874, she refused to field any soldiers, give ammunition on credit, or demonstrate her solidarity by meeting with the chiefs at the town gate” (McIntosh, 2009: 139).

If we want more on contemporary activism of the Yoruba woman, I think we should read about the Nigerian General Strike of 1945. We should read how Yoruba market women took the lead in giving moral and logistic support to the striking workers: “The workers found support among the women community especially market women headed by Madam Alimotu Pelewura… The women traders deliberately lowered their prices to enable workers purchase available foodstuffs apart from contributing generously to the workers Relief Fund. Madam Adunni Oluwole in particular donated 100 pounds to assist the workers”. That quote is from Wale Oyemakinde’s ‘The Nigerian General Strike of 1945’, published in 1975. Check page 704.

Rebellion or resistance; strifes and wars are usually preceded by songs (of abuse). Among the Yoruba, songs or even drama can be channels of resistance – and of change. Akinwumi Isola in his ‘The African Writer’s Tongue’ (1992) tells a story: “An aggrieved king tried in vain to punish an oral artist who had caricatured his lawless messengers. The masquerade was Agborako at Oyo, and the king was Alaafin Ladigbolu (1911-1944). When the king’s messengers, usually identified by the single tuft of hair in the center of their heads, became intolerably cruel in the execution of their duties, Agborako (the masquerade) organized a performance that criticized the king’s lack of control over his messengers. Members of Agborako imitated the customary hair style of the king’s messengers and dramatized examples of their lawless behavior. The king was furious! He immediately ordered the arrest of Agborako! But the arrest stirred up considerable anger among the people, who participated in a huge demonstration demanding the immediate release of the masquerade singers. At this point, the king was reminded of the rule: ‘Oba ki i p’okorin’ (The king never kills an artiste). Agborako was released.”

The story of Hubert Ogunde is well known to members of my generation. The generation before ours experienced his trail-blazing exploits in the decade before independence. In 1945, Ogunde came out smoking with an opera titled ‘Strike and Hunger.’ Oliver Coates (2017) wrote a descriptive piece on that play. He says the play “provides a unique opportunity to examine the ways in which late colonial politics were reimagined in drama.” The play was inspired by the 1945 General Strike in Lagos and “offers an allegorical dramatization of the events”. Recalcitrant Ogunde and his theatre company had considerable problems with the government over that product. The company was banned in Jos in 1946 and fined 125 pounds for staging ‘Strike and Hunger’. The Ogunde Theatre was again banned in Kano in May 1950 for staging another of his plays, ‘Bread and Bullet’. In addition to the ban, he was arrested and charged with sedition. He was discharged of that count but fined six pounds “for posting posters of the play without permission.” Ebun Clark’s ‘Hurbert Ogunde: The Making of Nigerian Theatre’ (1979) which contains accounts of those incidents also has other details of the activities of this activist artiste. Tunde Kelani’s ‘Saworoide’ (1999) and its sequel, ‘Agogo Eewo’ (2002), continue the Ogunde tradition of using drama as a vehicle for social commentary and activism.

I started this piece with the story of an oba and an activist drummer. I have also quoted Professor Akinwumi Isola’s recollection of a communal resistance to an oba who ordered the arrest of a masquerade. Both incidents tell us that the oba is in reality not above the law – although he is greeted Kabiyesi, a salutation which mocks the invincibility of the unwary.

An oba’s behaviour must not endanger the community. If it does, he will pay. In a proverb, the Yoruba found an oba involved in money ritual. His exasperated people rose against him and asked why! Is there any other position bigger than the throne in a kingdom? They queried and chastised the oba: “Do you want to become God?” Won fi o j’oba, o tun nw’awure, se o fe d’Olodumare ni? Deeper into history, no oba who misbehaved escaped justice at the hands of their subjects. Samuel Johnson, author of ‘The History of the Yorubas’ (1921), has a long list of such obas. He calls them the wicked kings. He also remembers to tell what became of them:

Alaafin Ojigi reigned a long time ago. Some accounts say he was the eighth Alaafin of Oyo. He was a good, effective king but he lost his throne and his everything to the excesses of his crown prince. This is how Johnson (1921: 206-207) tells the story: “Ojigi, who was elected to the vacant throne, was a powerful and warlike king…Personally, he was a very good man, but a too indulgent father. The Aremo (crown prince) by his cruelties and excesses brought about the father’s rejection and death. He ordered Oluke, the Basorun’s son, to be unlawfully beaten. As this wrong could not be avenged without serious consequences, and as the king did not punish the wrong doer, it was thought more expeditious to effect the king’s death, for about this time the custom began to prevail for the Aremos to die with the father, as they enjoy unrestrained liberty with the father. A pretext was soon found for rejecting the king and fond father, and consequently he died, and his eldest son with him.” That Alaafin did well running the empire but did not do well running his home.

That king’s immediate predecessor, Osinyago, suffered a similar fate. He had an Aremo who died young because, according to Johnson, “he was of a grasping propensity…like his father, an avaricious man who by exactions, massacre and confiscations amassed wealth which he did not live long to enjoy.” This king lost all when his second child, a lady “of masculine character” out of envy and “wounded pride”, slew the son of a commoner. The king had to die, his family with him (Johnson, 1921: 205).

One more example from the same Oyo. It is said that one of the early kings, Oba Jayin, killed himself before he was publicly disgraced by an Egungun for murdering his own son whose sin was that he was a better person in character. And, so, the people sang: “O ku dede k’a ko’wi w’Akesan, Oba Jayin te’ri gb’aso.” (Johnson, 1921 [2017]: 202-203).

There is also Yoruba praise names or praise chants, oriki. Karin Barber, an authority says an individual’s oríki is the standard unit that “refers to qualities of character or physical appearance” of someone. She says sometimes the oriki refers “to incidents in the subject’s life – often apparently trivial or even scandalous.” In Adeboye Babalola’s ‘Awon Oriki Orile Metadinlogbon’ I find these verses in ‘Oriki Iran Olofa’:

“Won l’Omo òtòsi Ộfa, wáá lo sódò lo rèé ponmi wa,
K’ómo olówó o ri mu…

Omo òtosi Ộfa

Ò lóun ò ní i lọ sódò lo rèé pọnmi wa, k’ómo olówó ó ri mu.

A fọn ộn kò dún.

A tè é ko ya’nu.

Ộrò d’ilé Abiódún Oba Aláafin…”
(They told the child of the poor to go to the stream and fetch water for the child of the rich to drink. The child of the poor said no, he would not go to the stream to fetch water for the child of the rich to drink. There was trouble. The matter was taken to the palace of Abiodun, Alaafin of Oyo. Alaafin asked the child of the poor to go and enjoy his life in peace).

The above explains the Yoruba ideal of equality and justice: “Ibi ko ju’bi; bi a ti bi eru ni a bi omo (birth pangs are the same; a slave has the same privilege of birth as the freeborn).”

I was the lead paper presenter at a major conference on ‘Yoruba Activisms’ which was held at the Lead City University, Ibadan, between Monday and Wednesday last week. There were 247 presentations; participants were drawn from across this ccountry and from countries abroad. What you have read so far here is a reworked excerpt from the paper I presented at that conference. The drummer story was my opening glee.

Parrot is bird of the sea; cardinal is bird of the Lagoon. I wrote the above and have read it all over again. My conclusion is that if you have a Yoruba as your president, do not seek to overwhelm him without good planning. He will fight back and will not take prisoners. Also, if a president has the Yoruba as his subjects, he should not take them for granted. If he is a leader who shoots his arrow towards the sky and covers his own head with a mortar, the Yoruba will gasp at his wickedness; the resistance in their gene will come to the fore. They will light their torch of fire and beam it into the face of that masquerade. And if he is of their house, it won’t gel to suggest bastardy as reason for their telling ‘their brother’ that his regime is painful. If they can’t hit the streets in open confrontation, they will migrate away from the unfeeling without the drama of a noisy rejection.

Àbò mi rèé o. I have said my own.

The Federal Competition and Consumer Pricing Commission (FCCPC) has stated that disproportionate pricing of imported goods mostly among retailers is mostly responsible for inflation in consumer goods in the country.  

In a statement by the FCCPC’s Executive Vice Chairman/Chief Executive Officer, Tunji Bello where the commission stated its intention to engage with market leaders to check against exploitative pricing across the country.  

According to the statement, the commission stated that by collaborating with market leaders, it is confident that a consensus can be reached on fair product pricing to avoid excessive profiteering at the expense of consumers during these economically challenging times. 

It stated, “While it is recognized that the exchange rate has impacted the value of the Naira, it is however observed that prices charged are, in most cases, disproportionate for imported products and excessive for locally produced ones.”  

“This unfair practice is prevalent in the retail segment of the distribution chain where some market associations are engaged in price fixing at the expense of consumers.” 

The Commission noted that efforts to protect Nigerian consumers align with President Bola Tinubu’s renewed hope agenda. 

The Commission has already directed supermarket operators to clearly display product prices on their shelves, ensuring transparency and preventing situations where shoppers only discover prices after making payment and receiving a receipt. 

Backstory 

The FCCPC previously issued a strong warning to those involved in the food chain sector, cautioning against unjustified price hikes. 

The FCCPC highlighted that its monitoring efforts uncovered evidence of conspiracies, price gouging, hoarding, and other unfair practices among participants at the distribution and retail levels. 

Abdullahi expressed concern that certain actors in the food chain sector were taking advantage of consumer anxiety to inflate prices, describing these actions as reprehensible, unethical, exploitative, and illegal. 

What you should know 

• Nigeria is experiencing one of the worst costs of living crisis in a generation with inflation at 34.19% and food inflation at 40.87% in June 2024- the highest in 28 years.
• The increase in food costs has been largely attributed to the depreciation of the naira, conflicts in food-producing regions, and soaring transportation expenses. 
• The Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), Yemi Cardoso, highlighted that new inflationary pressures are emerging, extending beyond traditional monetary factors and the impact of exchange rates on inflation.  
• His comments were revealed in a document issued by the CBN, summarizing the views of the MPC members. Cardoso also noted that seasonal factors, such as price increases during religious
• fasting and festive periods, are contributing to the cyclical nature of prices.

[Nairametrics]

The West African Examination Council (WAEC) has released the 2024 West African Secondary School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) for the May/June examination.

The examination body announced this on Monday, “The West African Examinations Council is pleased to inform candidates who sat for WASSCE school candidates 2024 that the result has officially been released today, Monday, 12th August 2024.”

Where Can The 2024/2025 WAEC Result Be Checked?

The 2024/2025 WAEC result can be checked via SMS or in the WAEC Result Checker platform, where the exam results are being uploaded.

The requirements to check the WAEC 2024/2025 result are:
1. A WAEC Registration Number that was issued to you before taking the exam. All the necessary details are contained in your WAEC ID.

2. You need an unused result checker PIN. If you have already used your initial PIN, you can purchase a new one through the Remita outlet by:
a. Going to https://www.remita.net/
b. Scroll and click on the “Buy WAEC PIN” icon.
c. Provide the necessary information and solve the Captcha to prove you’re not a robot.
d. Click “Submit”
e. Enter your payment details, the cost of the PIN and additional charges on Remita is ₦4,500.
f. Note that there is a limit to the number of times you can use the PIN on your card. After that, you would need to purchase a new one.

3. You need your WAEC Identity card serial number.
4. You would also need to know your examination number type.
5. You need a smartphone, tablet, or laptop that has an internet connection.

How To Check Your WAEC Results Via SMS
Note that only MTN, Glo & Airtel Subscribers can check their WAEC Results using this SMS method.
1. Using your mobile device, Type WAEC*ExamNo*PIN*ExamYear
2. ⁠Send to 32327
3. You will receive a message instantly containing your WAEC statement of result.
Note: If you did not receive your WAEC result via SMS, kindly repeat this step.

How to Check The WAEC 2024/2025 Examination Result On The Web
1. Type and click on www.waecdirect.org on your browser
2. Fill in your WAEC registration number, PIN, serial number, and examination type.
3. Double-check your details and click on the “Submit” button.
4. Your result will be displayed on the screen.

[Leaderhip]

There was no single death recorded in Kano State during the #EndBadGovernance protest, according to the police.

Commissioner of Police in Kano, Salman-Dogo Garba, said this during a press conference where suspects were paraded on Monday.

He said, “Going by the records, so far, we are not aware of any casualties recorded.”

Daily Trust reported how more that five persons were killed during the protests, which was hijacked by hoodlums in some instances.

Families of deceased persons are still mourning their loved ones who were said to be killed by bullets during the protest.

Garba added, “Aftermath of these events resulted in the arrest of 873 suspects and recovery of a large quantity of exhibits. The command arrest and prosecute 600 suspects for various offences, including criminal conspiracy, inciting disturbance, riot, theft, mischief, and arson.

“Arrest and prosecution of 150 suspects for violating the curfew enforced by the Kano State Government. Arrest of an additional six suspects linked with masterminding the destruction, setting ablaze and looting of the Kano Printing Press (KPP) are undergoing investigation. Arrest and transfer of 76 suspects flying Russian flags, including a foreigner to Force Headquarters, Abuja for discreet investigation on charges of sedition.

“Arrest of 41 suspects for other major crimes including armed robbery, kidnapping, car theft and recovery of two AK-47 Exhibit Rifles and other substantial properties looted by the hoodlums at Audu Baku Secretariat NCC Office, High Court Complexes, Kano Printing Press (KPP), Super Markets.”

He added that despite the challenges posed by the recent protest, the command has succeeded in the arrest of two suspected kidnappers, five suspected armed robbers, eight suspected car thieves, two human trafficking suspects, one notorious drug dealer and 23 suspected thugs.

The command also rescued 13 trafficking victims, recovered two AK-47 Rifles and one Beretta Pistol, 47 live ammunition eight motor vehicles and four sacks containing Exol Tablets.

Others are two Bajaj Boxer Motorcycles, 22 cows,15 sheep, and four donkeys.

He therefore reiterated that the Kano State Police Command remains committed to maintaining law and order, preventing crime, and protecting the rights of citizens to peaceful protest.

[DailyTrust]

Nigerian disk jokey Florence Otedola, popularly known as DJ Cuppy, has shared her experience of combining her faith with passion for ‘Djing’.

The music star, who recently got baptised, revealed that she was initially nervous about creating a list with only Christian music, but God guided her through the process.

Sharing photos of herself performing at an event via instagram, Cuppy expressed gratitude for the opportunity to serve God through her music.

She wrote: “I had the RARE opportunity to do the two things I love most: DJing AND Serving God. What a blessing! Thank you for having me @HTBfocus”.

Cuppy emphasized that Christian music is lively and energetic, dispelling any misconceptions.

She continued, “I was really nervous about curating a performance with ONLY Christian music, but God challenged and guided me through it. And please DO NOT get it twisted— Christian music is LIT! Genuinely grateful for this journey and for the chance to share my faith through music!”

[DailyPost]