SKITS literally crack ribs with laughter. The line separating fact from fiction or faction (fact and fiction) in skits is paper-thin. An instance was a skit cobbled together in Addis Ababa on January 11, 1976 at an OAU Extraordinary Session on Angola. This high-octane skit was documented by General Joe Nanven Garba in his Diplomatic Soldiering (1987). Garba was a Langtang-born Federal Commissioner for External Affairs under Murtala Muhammed and Olusegun Obasanjo. Self-titled ‘Field Marshal’ Idi Amin Dada, the notorious Ugandan despot, was then the OAU chairman. It was also a time when African Heads of State were locked in acrimonious relationships. That conference was where Dada, a title-besotting despot, added “Dr.” to the list of his titles. Present were African leaders whose memories evoke mythical remembrances, like Julius Nyerere, Kenneth Kaunda, Leopold Sedar Senghor, among others.

At some point, Dada interjected Heads of State delivering their speeches. He said he was so impressed by the quality of their speeches that they could all jolly well award themselves doctorate degrees! Nyerere, with his fabled contempt for Dada, momentarily stood up. There was pin-drop silence. The Tanzanian president said he knew Dada’s propensity for awarding himself ranks and titles and that since he had already awarded himself a ‘Field Marshal,’ it would not be out of place for him to add ‘doctor’ to the list. However, said Nyerere, if Dada did, the Ugandan despot would be “a confused doctor.” This provoked general laughter and applauses. Confused on what the laughter was about, Dada himself enthusiastically joined the applauses, until an OAU official whispered the import of Nyerere’s comment to him. Idi Amin then suddenly stopped clapping and immediately wore the demeanour of a wooden mask. Talking about skits in high places!

One of the features of a skit is its short duration. Nigeria was shown one last week. Speaker of the House of Representatives, Tajudeen Abbas, apparently in a moment of power drunken stupor, sponsored a bill which, from its purport, seeks to backtrack Nigeria towards Dada’s Uganda. When the news came, it looked like a badly scripted skit. The bill, nicknamed the Counter Subversion Bill, sought to punish any actions deemed subversive. Infractions included destruction of national symbols, refusing to recite the national anthem and pledge, defacing a place of worship, undermining the Federal Government, among others. A fine of N5 million, a 10-year prison sentence, or both were suggested recompenses. The Bill has all the trappings of Soviet Russia. Apparently wary of a system-shaking EndSARS protest, the Bill sought to impose a five-year jail term against anyone found guilty of erecting an “illegal road block”, while handing down a three-year sentence for “disobeying constituted authority”.

If you know how the Nigerian establishment is wired, you will know that Tajudeen was its Man Friday sent to test the waters. Or that Abbas is a groveling, uncritical legislator ready to lick the spittle of his sponsors. A river you intend to swim in is first tested with a thrust of the foot (Bíbì làá bi odò wò ká tó wòó). Though Abbas withdrew his hand from the pot of soup that enticed him badly after widespread criticisms, Nigerians must seek to find out what lured the Speaker into this coup against the people in the first instance. It is evident that our leaders fancy travelling down the road of infamy and autocracy. Surely an untidy attempt at cracking down on voices of dissent, as Thomas Jefferson admonished the world – which critically holds true for us as Nigerians – the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. The government of today has shown that it adores the tail of the tiger of anti-free speech and has been fiddling with it.

This was why elders counsel that a wolf that does not have faith in the size of its own anus should run away from big bones (Bí ìdí ìkokò kò bá dáa lójú, kìí gbe egungun mì). Here, Nigerians swallow bones weightier than their wolf’s anus. It is same reason why okra plants are never allowed to grow taller than the Onírè – its farmer. In saner climes, this is the creed. The okra plant that grows majestically taller than the farmer is forcibly plucked or gets its head bowed. The Onírè is the symbolism of an all-powerful state. It is equipped with the power of coercion and sometimes, empathy. If you run foul of the Onírè, it seldom gives room for any excuses. However, in recent times, when some events happen in Nigeria, most times, you need to subject your flesh to a painful pinch. Are they drama, real life events or merely surreal? Or, perhaps, we are audiences watching a grotesque skit, with its panoply of unreal humour and tear-provoking amusement?

Nigeria was treated to another skit last week. Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo had hosted some members of the House of Representatives. There, he alleged that Nigerian legislators fix their salaries. If you ask Nigerians to name one institution they perceive as a colossal burden to them and a waste, it will be the National Assembly. Indeed, Nigerians believe that if Nigeria must move forward, an urgent caesarian section must be done to prise off the two parliaments’ humongous drain on Nigeria’s resources. However, RMAFC promptly denied Obasanjo’s allegation.

As far as Nigerians were concerned, RMAFC was making the usual Nigerian establishment shock-horror skit. Its skit was woven round an apparently misleading claim that each of the 109 senators earns ₦1,063,860 salary and allowances per month. It never talked about the allowances. Senate spokesman, Yemi Adaramodu, also curated a more laughable skit. The Red Chamber only collects salary allocated by the RMAFC, goes his ribaldry. It beggars belief that the Godswill Akpabio senate would embark on this junket of untruths. Shehu Sani, who represented Kaduna Central, in an X tweet, once affirmed that he, alongside his senate colleagues, got paid N13.5 million monthly in “running cost,” as well as a N750,000 monthly salary. Last Wednesday, in an interview with the BBC Hausa Service, the lawmaker representing Kano South, Senator Sumaila Kawu, contrary to Adaramodu and RMAFC, disclosed that while he collects about N1m as salary, his total take-home was N21million. These are different from the N100 billion constituency project funds. Nigerians know that these in-parliament-for-business lawmakers control awards of contracts for the projects.

There is also this shock-horror skit that has refused to leave Nigerians’ minds. It was the drama between the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and erstwhile governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello. Bello has been slammed with a 19-count charge bordering on alleged money laundering, breach of trust and misappropriation of funds to the tune of N80.2 billion. A huff and puff by the EFCC chairman, Ola Olukoyede, followed. Olukoyede immediately vowed to resign his job if he didn’t bring Bello to justice. The ex-governor, uncharacteristic of his cowardly gut, labeled White Lion, raced like a frightened hare from the grips of justice. Willfully volunteered information revealed that, like an impala running from a cackle of hungry hyenas, the castrated Lion, hitherto holed up in the Kogi Government House. Words from the grapevine say the Lion has escaped the wide and is roaming about in a foreign land. And there is calm and silence on the home front. No one has resigned their job. Everyone is going about their normal business. The whole hue and cry was a mere skit. And we have lived happily ever after.

Last week, both the state and its citizens were entwined in yet another wedlock of comedy. And Nigerians didn’t know whether to laugh or cry. This manifested at the Murtala Muhammed Airport right in Lagos. The aircraft conveying Favour Igiebor, her husband and kids had arrived the Lagos airport from Europe. In a viral video, the world watched agape as the woman, shouting at her husband, tore the hapless man’s Nigerian passport. Torn pieces of the passport were scattered on the airport floor. “I tore it,” she yelled, apparently exasperated. In spite of themselves, buffeted by governmental mis-policies, patriotism took the better of Nigerians who railed at the woman’s unpatriotic action. What kind of domestic anger would escalate to this level of national disregard for Nigeria?

In another viral video, Igiebor justified her action as that of a traumatized and distraught woman suffering the weight of matrimonial yoke. The Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) immediately threatened to arrest Igiebor as destroying the country’s passport was a criminal offence, punishable by a year sentence. A disoriented National Orientation Agency, (NOA) perpetually in a sleeping mode, also immediately sprung up to disown Igiebor’s action.

A few days after, the Mr. Igiebor, Favour’s husband, in another viral video, claimed that the whole passport-tearing episode was a skit. He also claimed that the document his wife tore was not a passport. Since then, mum has been the word from the NIS. If one can correctly profile Nigeria, there will be no consequences for this action. In this Igiebor matter, the world saw a torn document which Favours herself, in moment of spousal anger, affirmed was a torn passport. Why didn’t Mr Igiebor show us the un-torn passport.

Not to worry. This is Nigeria. A shock-horror skit. The skit that Nigeria has become ranges from the ribald to the nauseating. Sometimes, the Onire – the Nigerian state itself – neglecting its awesome powers, becomes the equivalent of an elderly man who strewn corns round his waist. When he is embarrassingly surrounded by chickens, he is scorned as architect of his own shame. In some other skits, Nigerians make selves laughing stocks, abetted by the state. Like Mr. and Mrs. Igiebor.

Another major skit that Nigeria has flaunted without let is our comatose refineries. Their fitting mirror is the Abiku (the dying and given-birth-to-intermittently) Port Harcourt refinery child. In skits, the more you look at Nigeria’s refineries, the less you see. The refinery has undergone so many reverses on its operational dates. This bottomless hole however does not reverse its gobbling of billions of dollars. Mele Kyari, under whom NNPC has ailed and gasped in death throes, is the hero of the shock-horror skit, even as he luxuriates like maggots in a sewer. It is so laughable that the most fitting epithet for Nigeria’s and the Port Harcourt refinery should be Nigeria’s National Refinery Skit.

Then, Nigeria had its most engaging skit ever same last week. A French court had ruled that three Nigerian presidential jets be seized in a long-standing dispute with a Chinese company. The presidency fumed like an injured cobra. And rightly so. The skit in this aircraft seizure is however the allegation that jets which courted national row recently were part of the seizure. In a Nigeria afflicted by presidential-induced excruciating hunger, purchasing jets for Nigeria’s president seemed more urgent than the livelihoods of the suffering people. The allegation had been bandied about for a couple of months now that the presidency had procured the multiple of billion Naira-worth jets surreptitiously and wheeled them to France. Yet, Nigerians are daily encouraged to tighten their belts in national sacrifice. Highly applauded investigative journalist, David Hundeyin, same last week on his X handle, alleged that our president has migrated from the Maybach S-Class known to be the official automobile of Nigerian presidents. Recently, said Hundeyin, our president also procured some armored Cadillac Escalade SUVs. This was a man whom his vice, Kashim Shettima, in another presidential shock-horror skit, claimed lives such an austere life that he goes about with only one wristwatch! The Cadillac SUVs must be worth enough to send hunger packing from the tummies of citizens of a state in Nigeria. The Cadillac, among other features, has in-built gadgets that can withstand attacks from powerful weaponry, including improved explosive devices (IEDs). We are happy for our sybaritic president dressed in borrowed robes by his vice.

Uniting Tajudeen Abbas’ Idi Amin Dada-like Bill, Mr. & Mrs. Igiebor’s attempt to hoodwink the system by falsely labeling a dog we can all see monkey, Tinubu’s seized jets, Port Harcourt’s reversible refinery, legislators’ jumbo salary and Yahaya Bello/EFCC’s ding-dong is absence of national truth. Our leaders are enveloped in shrouds of barefaced lies. The led are not any better. Yet, we collectively desire genuine national development. Our case is akin to that of a man who wants the head of a tortoise and its legs but doesn’t want the animal in its entirety. Nigeria is a joke!

NIGERIA’S second arm of government, the Legislature, is in the eye of the storm again! Tongues keep wagging the National Assembly basically on two issues that keep recurring. The first has to do with its salaries, allowances, emoluments and perquisites. The second is how effectively and diligently it has performed its oversight functions on the Executive arm of government. Many Nigerians are more concerned with the first than the second. Complaints about the humongous take-home of the National Assembly members have always been a sore point for Nigerians who cannot see what service the legislators are rendering to justify their huge pay. Besides, the country is said to be too poor to pay the lawmakers salaries that are far superior to what the developed countries and advanced democracies pay their own law makers. Hence, various derogatory names have been given to our senators and honourables, one of which is ‘legislooters’. With cries of “we are hungry” all over the place, the groundswell of opinion is that it cannot be business as usual for the National Assembly members. But rather than thaw, the coconut leaf of the legislators hardens still. How can the leaders live life to a hilt while preaching to the generality of the people to tighten their belt and accept austerity measures? Why is it that what is good for the goose is not also good for the gander?

The fire of controversy was stoked again by the revelation of a sitting senator that he earns N21m per month – and he is not even a principal officer! Which means that those ones must be earning every month something way ahead of that. A news medium reported the senator thus:

The lawmaker representing Kano South, Senator Sumaila Kawu, has revealed that he earns over N21m monthly as a total take-home package. This revelation is coming barely 24 hours after the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission said that each of the 109 senators in the upper chamber receives a total of N1.06m in salary and allowances per month. The RMAFC chairman, Mohammed Shehu, said this as a form of clarification in response to recent controversies over the real amount each lawmaker earns per month. Based on Shehu’s disclosure, it would mean each lawmaker earns N12.72m in 12 months and the Federal Government incurs a total expenditure of N1.4bn annually on all senators.

A breakdown of their monthly earnings revealed that each Senator collects a monthly salary and allowances of N1,063,860, consisting of a basic salary of N168,866:70; motor vehicle fueling and maintenance allowance, N126,650:00; and personal assistant allowance, N42,216:66. Others include domestic staff, N126,650:00; entertainment, N50,660:00; utilities, N50,660:00; newspapers/periodicals, N25,330:00; wardrobe, N42,216,66:00; house maintenance, N8,443.33:00; and constituency allowance, N422,166:66.

Shehu in the statement noted, “The commission also wishes to use this opportunity to state that any allegation regarding other allowance(s) being enjoyed by any political (or) public office holder outside those provided in the Remuneration (Amendment) Act, 2008 should be explained by the person who made the allegation. To avoid misinformation and misrepresentation of facts capable of misleading citizens and members of the international community, the commission considers it most appropriate and necessary to request Nigerians and any other interested party to avail themselves of the opportunity to access the actual details of the present remuneration package for political, public and judicial office holders in Nigeria published on its website: www.rmafc.gov.ng. However, Senator Kawu… disclosed that although his monthly salary is about N1m, his total take-home was N21m, a wide margin from figures quoted by RMFAC.

The scripture says “By the mouth of two or three witnesses every word shall be established” (2 Corinthians 13:1). Kawu, who made the disclosure of N21m salary per month is a sitting senator. The second witness we are calling here today is a former senator, Shehu Sani. Another news medium reported Sani thus:

Amid the controversy over the monthly earnings of federal lawmakers, Senator Shehu Sani has maintained that he received N13 million as a member of the 8th Senate while current members of the 10th Senate receive N21 million monthly. The revelation by the former lawmaker, who represented Kaduna Central in the 8th Senate, followed the stance of the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC) that Senators earn N1 million each. Sani… insisted that the RMAFC is being economical with the truth.

He said, “I was a Senator and I believe I had correct knowledge about what actually happened at that time and I believe (it) is what is (still) happening now. Well, RMAFC was just playing with figures, they were (not) specific in saying this is the salary of Senators and then they went on to give a breakdown of N20 million, which they said was what every Senator earns in four years. But I think they are being economical with the truth and I think I understand their fears in terms of telling the truth when they know what is actually happening.

…I was going through the papers and I saw a statement credited to one of the Senators from Kano, Distinguished Senator Kawu Ismaila, who confirmed what I said about Senators, particularly of this set (10th Senate), receiving up to N21 million monthly. During my time, I was in the Senate and I was pricked by my conscience as an activist who went to the Senate to unveil what has been made secret for over two decades. I believe that taxpayers and Nigerians in general have the right to know how much their legislators are earning and how much they are actually being given. I went on as a serving Senator then to disclose what I received monthly, what was credited into my account at that time and it was N13.5 million. The former lawmaker said he does not believe there is any need to deceive Nigerians or cover up anything. He said since legislators receive public funds, it is necessary for those involved to come out and say it as it is.

It remains now for us to hear from the horse’s mouth, as they say. What is the Senate’s response to these allegations?  It’s spokesperson, Yemi Adaramodu, was reported thus:

The Nigerian Senate, on Thursday, debunked reports that lawmakers in the upper chamber of the National Assembly receive ₦21 million monthly as salary and allowances. The Chairman, Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs, Senator Adeyemi Adaramodu, made this clarification in a statement in Abuja. According to him, running costs, as mentioned by Senator Abdurrahman Kawu Sumaila, is not peculiar to the National Assembly, and neither is the mentioned amount a personal emolument for any Senator. The explanation follows the disclosure by Sumaila, who represents Kano South senatorial district of Kano State in the National Assembly, that Senators get ₦21 million monthly each as allowances and running costs….

The disclosure generated fresh controversy over the earnings of Nigerian lawmakers amidst the allegation by former President Olusegun Obasanjo that members of the National Assembly fix bogus salaries and allowances for themselves in contravention of extant laws. However, Adaramodu said that “running cost” was quite different from the salary and personal allowances of the lawmakers. He explained that running cost is not personal to any lawmaker but (is) used for official purposes, such as maintaining lawmakers’ Constituency offices and staff, oversight functions and community engagements.

The Senate spokesperson said the lawmakers do not engage in wasteful spending, explaining that “The Nigerian Senate is an Assembly of accomplished and successful professionals, administrators and captains of industries who are not driven by these often-touted egregious pecuniary bits, rather (by) their patriotic zeal in the nation’s quest to breathe life (into) Nigeria’s political and socioeconomic dry bones.”

Adaramodu said the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Allocation Commission (RMAFC) has already clarified and disclosed the monthly salary of lawmakers in the country and all other figures apart from what the commission declared should be ignored. “For the umpteenth time, the Senate is compelled to react to the obsolete allegations of a phantom salary and personal emoluments spuriously credited to Senators monthly. The Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Allocation Commission, the agency of government that fixes political officials’ salaries and allowances, has duly disclosed the monthly personal take-home of Senators. However, all arms of Government and their personnel, Governors, Ministers, Permanent Secretaries, Directors-General, State Commissioners, even Boards and parastatals, including local government councils, run their activities with running costs and the National Assembly is not an exemption.

“Thus, the money referred to by Senator Kawu Sumaila is neither his salary nor personal allowance. It’s for the daily running of offices by Senators and other attached statutory officials. It equally provides funds for Constituency office staff. It is also for oversight functions and community engagements. This fund is not static and is provided for in the annual budget. Such funds are retired by relevant officers after being used for official purposes and proof of genuine expenditure (provided). It’s not a personal allowance or salary of the legislator.

“The National Assembly receives about one percent of the federal budget and has never exceeded this, even when the non-availability of funds (was not) pervasive. The Nigerian Senate is an Assembly of accomplished and successful professionals, administrators and captains of industries who are not driven by these often-touted egregious pecuniary bits; rather, by their patriotic zeal in the nation’s quest to breathe life into Nigeria’s political and socioeconomic dry bones,” he said.

From the above, it can be deduced that the Revenue Mobilization Allocation and Fiscal Commission is the one that is being economical with the truth. Each senator’s “take-home”, to adopt Senator Kawu’s terminology, is light years ahead of the measly sum of N1.06 million being put forward by the RMAFC. Kawu and Sani’s testimonies corroborate each other. They are eye witnesses and their accounts are authentic eye witness accounts. In fact, whatever we hear from them can be taken as having been heard from the horse’s mouth. They are witnesses of truth because they are beneficiaries of the humongous perquisites in issue and cannot be said to harbour malice or have sinister or ulterior motives to paint the Senate in bad light.

Besides, Adaramodu did not in any way debunk the assertions that the senators of the 10th Senate earn the N21 million or more that Kawu averred to; he only said the amount was not meant as personal salaries and allowances for senators. I have no problem understanding that. I also perfectly understand – and sympathize – with the National Assembly that while all eyes are trained on it, other arms and tiers of government; agencies, ministries, departments and parastatals engage in similar  or even worse corner-cutting than the legislators but who get away with blue murder in broad daylight. Why scapegoat the National Assembly, then? They have a point there; don’t you think? But that there are bigger rogues elsewhere does not vitiate your own bad conduct!

What the National Assembly should do to exculpate itself once and for all from its bad public image is to be open and transparent with its members’ salaries and allowances, from the Senate president/Speaker of the House of Representatives to the principal officers and other members. As it is, all the allowances and salaries meant for this or that and funds for constituency activities may be what some senators and honourable members pull together and siphon into their own pocket, which should not be so. Until the National Assembly comes to the open and is transparent in its affairs, it will continue to carry the odious reputation of an insensitive arm of government and a cesspit of corruption.

Every story has two sides, but when a country’s reputation as  a sovereign and an investment destination comes under threat, it calls for immediate concern and action from its citizens and leaders. The recent unfolding of a concerning development has significant implications for Nigeria’s global standing as an investment hub. A Chinese company, Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co. Ltd, secured a court order in France following an arbitration award  initiated in 2017, with the Ogun State Government over a contractual relationship  that dates to 2010. The arbitration panel ruled in favour of Zhongshan, stating that “It is clear that Zhongshan is the effective winner in these arbitral proceedings, in that it has proved its version of events is accurate, successfully resisted Nigeria’s jurisdictional and preliminary objections, established a valid claim against Nigeria under the Treaty, and obtained an award for substantial damages.” This is not just a legal victory for the Chinese firm, but a red flag for Nigeria’s global investment reputation that demands immediate attention and action.

This ruling is a significant blow to Nigeria’s absolute sovereign status and the doctrine of sovereign immunity. The order has since been upheld by a US court, which dismissed Nigeria’s sovereign immunity defence in enforcing the $70 million investment treaty award. The US court was scathing in its judgment, asserting that Nigeria had “gruesomely” violated the Chinese firm’s fundamental and commercial rights. This ruling has led to the dramatic seizure of three Nigerian aircraft in France—aircraft that belong to the federal government. The seized jets include a Dassault Falcon 7X, a Boeing 737-7N6/BBJ, and an Airbus A330-243, all stationed at Paris-Le Bourget and Basel-Mulhouse airports.

While initially a dispute between a subnational government and a private firm, this situation has spiralled into a crisis with broader and more severe implications for Nigeria. It raises critical questions about Nigerian subnational entities’ conduct and  the federal government oversight of international contracts.  Can subnational entities enter into agreements guaranteed by sovereign that do not include national assets or support? What level of due diligence should subnational governments observe before they engage in contractual relationship with foreign firms? More importantly, does this case reflect a more profound, systemic issue within Nigeria—a culture that lacks respect for contracts and international agreements?

The case also casts a spotlight on the perceived weaknesses of Nigeria’s institutions, which need more authority or respect on the global stage.

 This perception is troubling and raises the question: do foreign investors lack confidence in Nigerian  institutions ? These are not rhetorical questions but rather pressing concerns that demand a thorough investigation and straightforward answers. The implications are dire, as evidenced by this case, which has resulted in public embarrassment for the country and the potential loss of much-needed funds due to poorly negotiated and managed contractual relationship . A thorough investigation is crucial to restore trust and confidence in Nigeria’s international business dealings.

This situation is not an isolated incident but part of a worrying trend. It calls to mind earlier cases, such as the P&ID arbitration ruling in 2010, where Nigeria was found tardy in a failed gas supply and processing contract. Though this was reversed but it left a scar .  Similarly, in  2019, a UK court awarded an Irish engineering firm $9.6 billion in damages against Nigeria over a failed gas project. In that case, the firm went so far as to instruct its lawyers to identify Nigerian assets worldwide that could be seized to enforce the arbitration award. These incidents paint a troubling picture of Nigeria’s handling of international contracts and the country’s reputation on the global stage.

The ongoing dispute with Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co. Ltd is likely to negatively impact Nigeria’s global standing, especially when the country is desperately trying to attract foreign direct investment. This case highlights the often poorly structured nature of Nigeria’s international contracts, where subnational governments and even private companies have found ways to entangle the federal government in their questionable and often poorly thought-out deals. The result is a further tarnishing of Nigeria’s already fragile reputation. Following the Dangote saga where there is perception that Nigeria could not treat its own businesses fairly ,this is another blow to Nigeria’s global image . The country already suffers from a prevalent negative perception regarding the sanctity of contracts, largely due to inconsistent adherence to contractual obligations. The federal government’s failures to uphold these commitments, particularly at the subnational level, only exacerbate the problem. This disregard for the sanctity of contracts contributes to a growing cynicism about Nigeria as a reliable destination for investment and business. It is crucial to uphold agreements and respect contracts to restore Nigeria’s reputation.

The symbolism of this saga is still visible to us. Beyond the immediate damage to Nigeria’s national reputation, this incident brings broader issues related to leadership, business ethics, and the sacrosanct nature of contracts. It underscores the importance of continuity in government—where all governments inherit their predecessors’ assets and liabilities and should not cancel contracts arbitrarily. Moreover, this situation highlights the critical need to build solid, responsive, and trustworthy institutions that command respect locally and internationally and can handle the complexities of international business contracts. It is an anomaly that contracts involving Nigerian subnationals or firms and foreign businesses always situate arbitration in foreign lands when local institutions are available and ostensibly capable of fulfilling this role.

This incident lays bare Nigeria’s leadership challenges and sensitivity to foreign investment disputes. If not resolved diplomatically and swiftly, such disputes could severely jeopardize Nigeria’s diplomatic relations and economic credibility.  I am happy the minister of foreign affairs is rising up to the challenge. The needless dispute between a negligent subnational entity and a private firm, which has dragged sovereign assets into the fray, could strain diplomatic ties between Nigeria and China. Recall that the root of this matter is the bilateral investment treaty signed by Nigeria and China in 2001 and since then we have seen progress in trade and investments on both sides. This recent imbroglio is  particularly concerning at a time when the federal government is expending billions of naira to woo foreign investors. The dispute has cast a stark light on the nature of business transactions in Nigeria, revealing the many dangers they pose to investors, especially when projects collapse or are mismanaged. The potential loss of much-needed funds due to poorly negotiated and managed  contractual relationship   is a stark reminder of the economic impact of such disputes.

The recurring cases of Chinese companies taking advantage of Nigeria’s open business doors are increasingly worrisome. It is imperative that the federal government, particularly the Office of the Attorney General, take a closer look at international contracts entered by state governments to insulate sovereign assets from exposure. This situation raises significant constitutional questions: does the federal government have the constitutional authority to regulate or even approve contracts entered by subnational entities?

The ongoing dispute between Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co. Ltd and the Ogun State Government, which has now implicated Nigeria’s sovereign assets, is a stark reminder of the importance of upholding the sanctity of contracts and ensuring due diligence in international agreements. The federal government must take decisive action to safeguard Nigeria’s reputation as a reliable investment destination. This includes strengthening institutions, enforcing contractual commitments, and resolving disputes through diplomatic channels. Please government must  address these issues to ensure  good diplomatic relations and  not deter much-needed foreign investment, compromising Nigeria’s economic future.

The time has come for Nigeria to reassess its approach to international business dealings. This reassessment must focus on restoring confidence among global investors, ensuring that all levels of government adhere to international best practices, and building institutions that are strong, respected, and trusted by domestic and international stakeholders. Nigeria can repair its reputation and safeguard its national interests in an increasingly interconnected global economy by doing so.

This incident is more than just a legal or diplomatic issue; it is a wake-up call for Nigeria to realign its policies, practices, and institutions with global business demands. The country cannot afford to continue this path of negligence, laxity  and mismanagement. As this case has shown, the cost is far too high—not just in monetary terms, but in terms of Nigeria’s global standing, credibility, and future prosperity. It is imperative that Nigeria learn from this episode, take corrective action, and ensure that such incidents are not repeated in the future. The nation’s economic future and place in the global community depend on it. As for the foreign business sharks that aim to reap off Nigeria’s through dubious business deals  that cannot hold waters, it is time we isolate and deal with them and their Nigerian companions. Convicting some of these criminals will serve as a deterrent to others and help reduce such incidents in Nigeria.

When Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, the president-general of the Ohanaeze Ndigbo, died last month, it reawakened a topic I had been ruminating over for decades. I had been following the trajectories of politicians who aspired to be president of Nigeria at one point or the other and I had been genuinely startled by how many ended up as active members or leaders of ethnic associations. I have been asking myself for years: what changed? Why did they — having desired to lead a country of 250 ethnic groups and two dominant religions — decide to return to their ethnic cocoons? I am not interested in judging them, by the way; I am just trying to understand what happened to them.

Chief Olu Falae, former secretary to the military government and minister of finance, twice aspired to be president of Nigeria — in 1992 and 1999. But the last phase of his public career is as a champion of ethnic nationalism. He is a frontline member of the Afenifere, the Yoruba group. If Afenifere’s ideology is benign, the same cannot be said of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) led by the late Dr Fredreick Faseun, who had also aspired to be president of Nigeria in 1992. The OPC, at least in its formative years, was a violent group that wanted to liberate the “Yoruba nation” from the “Fulani slavery in Nigeria”. Faseun could have been president of the same country he wanted to balkanise.

The late Dr Ibrahim Datti Ahmed was also one of the presidential hopefuls in 1992. A respected Islamic cleric, he shocked Nigerians when he criticised Nigeria’s controversial membership of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), promising that if he was voted into power, he would review the organisation’s relevance to the political and economic priorities of the country. That was an unpopular view in the core north which supported the OIC membership, although Christians loved his stand. But, several years down the line, he became the president-general of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria (SCSN). Ahmed could have been the president of the multi-religious Nigeria.

You can imagine my thinking when Iwuanyanwu, who died recently at 81, became the leader of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the Igbo counterpart of Afenifere, in April 2023. He thrice tried to become president of Nigeria. In 1992, he vied for the presidential ticket of the National Republican Party (NRC) and was being touted as the preferred running mate to the late Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, who was favoured to pick the party’s ticket in a keen race with the late Alhaji Umaru Shinkafi before Babangida nullified the primary. In 1997, Iwuanyanwu also showed interest in the race as a member of the United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP) and again in 1998 under the All Peoples Party (APP).

Back to my key question: why did people who tried to lead a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation decide to retreat to their cocoons later in life? This could be an interesting focus of academic inquest. All I can do here is hazard a few guesses. The most common argument I have heard from people in informal conversations over the years is that politicians who once believed in a united Nigeria began to have second thoughts after seeing the “reality” that the country was built to fail by the colonialists. It is a common view down south that the British powers constructed Nigeria to favour the north, making other Nigerians who had genuinely thought otherwise to, finally, “see the light”.

Does this fully explain the phenomenon? I would not say so. The late Alhaji Shehu Shagari, a full-blooded Fulani man who was made the Turaki of the Fula Sokoto Caliphate in 1962 by the Sultan of Sokoto Siddiq Abubakar III, was president of Nigeria from 1979-83. He later led the Turaki Committee, a group of core northerners looking out for the northern interest within the Nigerian context. If people were retreating to their ethnic cocoons because of the way Nigeria was structured, why should a major beneficiary like Shagari need to toe the same line? The system supposedly favoured his region. Why should he mimic the game being played by those who felt marginalised?

A second argument is that many of these politicians decided to retreat to their cocoons after suffering from the political system and losing faith in a pan-Nigerian dream. Falae, for instance, was detained endlessly by the Gen Sani Abacha government over his June 12 activism. The notion in the south, correct or not, was that the north did not want Abiola to be president — even though northerners massively voted for him. Falae’s detention probably did something to him and he maybe lost the faith. Iwuanyanwu also probably took a dim view of the political set-up, concluded that there was an agenda to fence off the Igbo from Aso Rock and finally decided to go back to his roots.

A third argument, which I find quite useful, is that the Nigerian political landscape was shaped ab initio by sectionalism and regionalism. Jam’iyaar Mutanen Arewa, a northern socio-political group, produced the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) in 1949 under the leadership of Sir Ahmadu Bello. In 1945, Chief Obafemi Awolowo co-founded the Yoruba group, Egbé Ọmọ Odùduwà, in London apparently to gain a foothold in the politics of Nigeria. In 1951, the group birthed the Action Group (AG) which ultimately displaced the NCNC (National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, renamed the National Convention of Nigerian Citizens) as the dominant party in the Western Region.

There is an unending argument that the entrance of AG marked the beginning of “tribalism” in Nigerian politics because of the way the Yoruba allies of the NCNC switched camps, but many parties operated along ethnic or sectional lines in the same era, notably the Borno Youth Movement, Igala Union, Igbira Tribal Union, Ibadan Peoples Party, Zamfara Commoners Party, and the Niger Delta Congress. The NPC, the biggest party, was an offshoot of Jam’iyaar Mutanen Arewa — “Society of Northern Youths” in Hausa, the northern lingua franca. Only the NCNC, co-founded by Herbert Macaulay and Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe, had a broader appeal at first. It later became limited to the East.

Historically, therefore, our politics was organised along ethnic and regional lines and this may partly explain why many politicians, including those who wanted to be president, find it easy to retire to their cocoons. In fact, there is this common argument that you are first an Igala or Esan or Shuwa before you are a Nigerian. This could well be a fourth argument. In other words, your ethnicity is your primary identity. Your Nigerian identity is secondary. Those who subscribe to this notion would likely place ethnic considerations first in whatever they do. I have also heard people say you cannot be a good Nigerian if you are not first a good Ibibio, but I doubt this can be scientifically proven.

President Olusegun Obasanjo, who ruled Nigeria twice — first as a military ruler and later as a civilian president — has always refused to identify with regional groups. He is critical of them. He once said he could not understand why anyone, after being Nigerian president, would reduce himself to being an advocate of sectional interests. He famously savaged Zik, Nigeria’s first president, for descending from the height of “Zik of Africa” to the depth of “Owelle of Onitsha”. In the case of Zik, though, I would think a time comes when you go back to your roots for cultural, not political, reasons. In fact, Zik being made Owelle of Onitsha could be the same as Obasanjo being made Balogun of Owu.

While I cannot categorically say why erstwhile national leaders transform to ethnic champions, I do know that we seem stuck at a stage in the evolution of our nationhood. For help, I will generously quote Emir Muhammadu Sanusi II, who tried to address this issue at a book launch by Sir Olaniwun Ajayi, the Yoruba leader, in 2009. Sanusi said: “My grandfather was a northerner, I am a Nigerian. The problem is that in 2009, we speak in the language of 1953. Before colonialism, there was nothing like Northern Nigeria. Before the jihad, there was no Sokoto caliphate. The man from Kano regarded himself as Bakane. The man from Zaria was Bazazzage. The man from Katsina was Bakatsine.”

He continued: “The northern kingdoms were at war with each other. They were Hausas, they were Muslims, they were killing each other. The Yoruba were Ijebu, Owo, Ijesha, Akoko, Egba. When did they become one? When did the north become one? You have the Sokoto Caliphate that brought every person from Adamawa to Sokoto and said it is one kingdom. They now said it was a Muslim north. The colonialists came, put that together and said it is now called the Northern Nigeria. Do you know what happened? Our grandfathers were able to transform to being northerners but we have not been able to transform to being Nigerians. The fault is ours.” In sum, we seem stuck in the past.

But identities evolve. Most of the people who call themselves Yoruba today were not called Yoruba before colonial rule. An easy example I use is the first Nigerian newspaper, Iwe Irohin for Egba ati Yoruba, established in 1859. As at 1859, Egba people were not classified as Yoruba. B.O.N. Eluwa, general secretary of the Ibo Federal Union, told the story of how he toured “Igboland” from 1947 to 1951 to convince “Igbo” villagers that they were indeed “Igbo”. David B. Abernethy wrote: “In the 1930s, many Aro and Onitsha Ibos consciously rejected identification as Ibos, preferring to think of themselves as separate, superior groups.” Many of our ethnic identities today are recent creations.

That said, is there now a room for us to progress to a truly Nigerian identity? Or has the evolution ended? The good news is that in terms of partisan politics, we have become better integrated. In the past, it was easy to pin one party to one part of the country. Today, the dominant parties are multi-ethnic and have nationwide spread. The not-so-good news is that national integration is still lagging behind. Many Nigerian leaders still talk in the language of the 1950s and 60s. Some younger Nigerians boldly assert their sectional identities on their social media profiles. As one generation gives way to another, we need to grow a pan-Nigerian mentality. The evolution must not stop.

To recap, I do not have problems with people asserting their identities. We all carry multiple identities — ethnic, subethnic, state, regional, geo-political, religious and so on. They are not at odds with nation-building. A Muslim asking for what he thinks is a better bargain for Nigerian Muslims is not less a Nigerian, except he is engaged in a sinister campaign. Also, I understand that nation-building is a constant conversation and negotiation. If all sections feel they are getting a good deal and are, therefore, comfortable being in Nigeria, that is lovely. Pressure groups, after all, have a place in nation-building. Nevertheless, I am uncomfortable with ethnic champions seeking to lead Nigeria.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

CHINESE TAKEAWAY

Nigeria has again been served a dish of global embarrassment with the seizure of three presidential jets following a $70 million arbitration award in favour of Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co. Ltd, a Chinese firm, over a contractual dispute with the Ogun state government. We tried to stop the enforcement by claiming “sovereign immunity” — despite a US court ruling that this does not apply to commercial ventures. The AGF might not have read the court ruling, judging by a press statement from his office. It is important for modern AGFs to have a sound knowledge of public and private international laws because they are totally different from election litigation. Humiliating.

DOING JUSTICE

The National Judicial Council (NJC) has recommended Justice Kudirat Kekere-Ekun as the next chief justice of Nigeria (CJN) as Justice Olukayode Ariwoola is due to retire soon on attaining the age of 70. If confirmed, as expected, Kekere-Ekun will be only the second woman to hold the position in the history of Nigeria — the first being Justice Aloma Mariam Mukhtar, who was CJN from 2012-2014. Kekere-Ekun, 66, is currently the most senior justice and, going by tradition, will step into the biggest judicial shoes in Nigeria. I have always heard good things about her but, that aside, I am happy that Nigerian women are rising to the top on merit — in a society that is still largely patriarchal. Progress.

WORLD-CLASS WAKAMA

Nigeria did not win a single medal at the Paris Olympics but — goodness me — I was super-excited by the performance of the D’Tigress, our female basketball national team. It was going to be tough against the almighty US in the quarter-finals but we had already created an African record by progressing from the group stage. And, yes, the coach is not a foreigner but our own Rena Wakama. Fittingly, the unassuming 32-year-old US-born former basketballer was specially recognised by FIBA and the Olympic organisers for her exploits. Our progress in basketball has been remarkable in recent years. It should be a no-brainer to devote energies and resources towards sustaining it. Momentum.

NO COMMENT

We were recently entertained to the spectacle of a woman appearing to tear her husband’s passport to pieces on arrival at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos. The woman, Favour Igiebor, appeared to be very angry in a subsequent video, asking people to hear her out before jumping to conclusion. When immigration moved to prosecute her, the narration took a new dimension. It was a skit, the husband said in a “message of appeal to the public”. The document torn at the airport was not a passport, he said, adding that it was the commentary over the video by a bystander that misled Nigerians. So, they were shooting a skit without using a camera? Wonderful.

The long orchestrated nationwide hunger and hardship protests have come and gone. The protesters have since gone home, mostly bruised, battered and even more depressed than ever before. Some are nursing broken skulls or irritated eyes from tear gas smoke. Quite a bit of public and private property has been damaged or stolen.  Miscrable political naïvety and  predictable security knee jerks. Aso Rock political minions sketched a political geography of the protests and who could be sponsoring them. The wild guesses ranged from Mr. Peter Obi to IPOB and sundry political opposition jobbers. A different lazy gaze beamed the searchlight on the remnants of the last #EndSARS organizers. But this was not like that previous encounter. This was something more nebulous with a silly name.

But contrary to the wild berth of official protest trackers, like protesters and mobs elsewhere, the crowds that massed out to protest carried placards and private banners with public messages drawing attention to the roots of their grievance

“We are Hungry”, “Give us Food”, “Stop Stealing Our Money”. Despite feverish government effort to divide the protesters with politics, the people re-drew the national misery map according to the laws of the necessity of daily living. Hunger, poverty and hardship generate a map of the nation all of their own. That much was evident in the recent protests.

In line with the immutable law of democratic expression, the right of the people to protest their discomfort  found overriding expression. Politics could not drown that reality. In return, the obligation of government to manage protest as a feature of democratic expression was observed to a reasonable extent. The hope, going forward,  is that government will have learnt the lessons in the very pattern and mode of the protests.

Contrary to official conceptions of the projected map of the protests, the urban centres of the north saw more anger than similar centres elsewhere in the country. The message is the same as has been continuously conveyed by international development agencies and even the National Bureau of Statistics. The 19 northern states contain  the poorest concentration of Nigerians with the least GDP per capita, the least access to food, shelter, healthcare and disposable cash. The pains and pangs of poverty are therefore most excruciating in these states, hence the vicious anger of the protests in those places.

If indeed the political elite of the north was attentive to the rhythm and message of the protests, they will have heard the precise message of  their long missing mandate and engagement with the common people of the region. The message was loud and clear.

Abuja and Lagos presented  a somewhat different picture. They are home to the most politically sophisticated Nigerians populace. They were more likely to play by the rules of democratic political protest than  most other places. More importantly, a sense of political ownership of the Tinubu presidency may have doused the temper and tempo of the protests in the urban centers of the South West.

The unprecedented calm in the South East has been variously interpreted. In the first place, it makes nonsense of the pre-protest speculations in Aso Rock that the protests were the handiwork of the political and separatist elite of the zone. Secondly, the calm gave the few noisy South Eastern elements in the Tinubu administration some substance to take to Abuja and brandish the support of the zone for Tinubu. These elements are perfectly entitled to the self-ingratiation and overblown self-importance. At a more fundamental, geo-political level, it is left for the Nigerian political establishment to figure out why the whole South East would shun a national protest predicated on pains that are so obviously widespread.  Any serious political establishment should spend some time trying to understand what exactly is going on in the political unconscious of the Igbos of the South-east.

Contrary to the convenient tendency to divide the Nigerian populace and electorate in terms of geopolitics, ethnicity, religion and partisanship, the anthems of the protesters were more unifying. Nigerians who trooped out to protest indicated a solid unity of purpose forged by their exposure to common adversities of hunger, hardship, unemployment and inflation, mass poverty, homelessness and hopelessness.

There are of course many things inherently wrong about the mode and framing of the recent protests. The national coordination of the organizers was defective. The framing of the governing message was too large and omnibus. Unlike the protesters in Kenya and Bangladesh, the protests were not powered by any specific demands and deadlines. There were no specific tasks for the NASS, the Executive, INEC, etc. Ending bad governance is such a large chest whose components could be expanded indefinitely. ENDSARS was more pointed hence its targeted objective and specific achievements. This one was rather diffuse. That is probably why the protests ended up as an amorphous  futility.

After the protests, the challenges for the government should ordinarily be self -defined. Government should be more people oriented. Public policy should be more tailored towards bringing more immediate succor to the masses. Attention should now be paid to areas of wastage of public resources. Government should buy less luxury goods, build fewer needless mansions, embark on fewer questionable foreign trips and do so with more purposeful and sensibly sized contingents. More importantly, this is an opportunity to look at the matter of corruption beyond the routine invitation and questioning of suspects by the EFCC. 

So far, very little timid action has been taken in this regard. A reduction in tariff on imported food has been announced. A curious directive has gone out from the Presidency to the EFCC to donate N50 billion from recovered corruption money to boost the funding of the newly inaugurated Students Loans Fund. All well and good.

On the contrary, government has embarked on some predictable behaviors. Indiscriminate arrests have been made of alleged suspected ring -leaders of the protests without any specific charges as yet.  The office of the National Security Adviser has gone to town to announce the seizure or freezing of over N80bn in suspected protest sponsorship funds. No details. No names, No indictments or specific charges or specific court proceedings.  There are loud rehearsals of moves to institute draconian and authoritarian measures probably in order to project the image of a stronger government. For instance, a foolish draft bill to jail or heavily fine people who refuse to recite the national anthem by the House of Representative Speaker has been dropped like hot potato under threat of stiff citizen resistance. No one knows what else lies in store for a citizenry that is now seen as cowed and defeated.

The abiding question is now this : when citizens in exercise of their rights under a democracy cow under the jackboots of authority, could they be inviting a democracy to transform into an elected dictatorship? The next couple of weeks will perhaps be more exciting for Nigerians than the anxious moments before the futile protests.

All the negative energy unleashed against Miss Chidinma Adetshina’s participation in the 2024 Miss South Africa beauty pageant would not have happened if the South African political elite had socialised their people to appreciate the sacrifice that other African countries made for them when they were under the bondage of apartheid. Those of us who were part of it all are scandalised that the same people for whom Nigeria became a frontline state are now the ones tagging Nigerians and other former benefactors as “those Africans”.

When a “coloured” or black South African calls a Nigerian or Mozambican “those Africans”, it shows that his elders and leaders failed in their duty to educate the younger generation about the various shoulders they stood on to catch a glimpse of the promised land before they were eventually empowered by the same coalition of brothers and sisters all over the world to fight their way to freedom.

Where Are Old Comrades?

Where are all those South African students who schooled in Nigerian universities free of charge in the 70s and 80s? If they are all too timid to speak out, why is a credible voice like that of Thabo Mbeki silent? Has he forgotten how student leaders besieged his office in Obalende, Lagos, for briefing and collection of anti-apartheid literature for distribution round major cities and all higher institutions of learning? Mbeki and his colleagues enjoyed diplomatic cover and were extended all the privileges of that status. A few of them were issued Nigerian passports because they were at the time considered stateless. Between 1960 and 1995, Nigeria spent over $61 billion on the South African liberation struggle. How can our respected comrade, Mbeki, watch as Nigerians, particularly, are demonised as “those Africans”?

To be sure, there are Nigerians who behave badly, just as there are South Africans of all races who are veritable outlaws. Every mother does have them. I never thought that I would live to see the day when my countrymen would be characterised as criminals or second-class citizens just because they have gone to seek economic opportunities in South Africa. No one is advocating that Nigerians should be treated any different from other foreigners, but it beggars belief that Nigerians could be treated worse.

Thank God for liberated minds like Julius Malema, leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters, who boldly speaks out against the evil of Afrophobia wherever it rears its head.

Malema

Malema was not born when we were pounding the streets as university student leaders and activists. How come he is better informed and more steadfast than his seniors about South Africa’s moral obligations to its erstwhile benefactors? The old guard of the African National Congress (ANC) has failed in inculcating the spirit of African brotherhood in its followers — the same spirit that rescued them from bondage.

In the heat of the xenophobic attacks in South Africa, Malema’s intervention showed the clarity of his mind and his mastery of the issues involved. He debunked claims that foreigners were taking South Africans’ jobs.

“Stop your self-hatred. Stop attacking our brothers and sisters from Africa. We are one… Even if we expel them tomorrow, you will still not get a job. There are no jobs in South Africa because the whites have refused to invest money in South Africa. They’ve got too many savings in the bank. They’ve got trillions in the bank. They’ve refused to take them out and build industries.”

Continuing, he said, “I’m ashamed today to call myself a South African. You are beating blacks, slaughtering Africans… I’ve never seen you doing that to a Chinese, Indian or a white person who doesn’t have papers. But because white people taught you to hate yourselves, once they say it’s an African, you kill all the Africans. Stop that nonsense!”

It is because of the Malemas of this world that Nigerians find South Africa habitable. Because of the force of numbers, those who choose to be xenophobic would feel that Nigerians are choking them because they run into them whichever way they turn. They forget that Nigerians are about a fifth of the population of black people in the world. At times, because of their self-assuredness, they may appear domineering, but in most cases, you find that they are really citizens of the world. If you encourage a Nigerian, he/she could become more native than the native — and even add more value!

Chidinma’s Dual Nationality

Chidimma Adetshina was born in Soweto at Chris Hani Baragwanath Hospital in 2001. Her father is of Igbo (Nigerian) descent, while her mother is reported to be a Mozambican who is now a naturalise.

South African. So much hot air was unleashed about Chidinma’s nationality in the Miss South Africa beauty contest, forcing her to withdraw her participation.

Even if Ms Adetshina had eventually won the competition and gone on to represent South Africa, she wouldn’t have been doing anything spectacularly unprecedented or strange. Her compatriots routinely bring glory to other countries in various parts of the world, as witnessed in the recent Olympics. Let’s check out the facts:

1. Germany won Gold in Shot Put through 25-year-old Yemisi Ogunleye
2. Spain bagged Gold in Men’s Football with 20-year-old Samuel Omorodion in the team
3. France won Silver in Men’s Football with Michael Olise, 22, in the team.
4. USA got Silver in Women’s Hammer throw through Anette Echikunwoke, 28 years old.
5. France won Gold in Men’s Volleyball with Barthélémy Chinenyeze, 26 years, in the team
6. Bahrain won Silver in Women’s 400 Meters athletics through 26-year-old Salwa Eid Naser whose original name was Ebele Agbapuonwu,
7. USA – Gold in Men’s Basketball: Femi “Bam” Adebayo (27 years old)

It is not strange to find Nigerians who, for one reason or another, change their names and adopt the identity of their adopted country, as the family of Giannis Antetokounmpo (Adetokunbo) has done in Greece.

Win-Win Situation

In that light, for example, one must understand the case of Bahrain’s 400-metre athlete, Eid Naser, who was born in Onitsha, Anambra State of Nigeria. Her original name was Ebelechukwu Agbapuonwu. She picked up athletics early in Nigeria and performed at the 2013 School Sports in Port Harcourt and the National Youth Games in Ilorin. Two years later, at 15, she left Nigeria for Bahrain, converted to Islam, and changed her name. That was how Bahrain was able to claim an Olympic Silver Medal through her.

She is a former world champion, running 48.14s —the fastest time in 34 years— to claim the world title in 2019. In 2015, she won gold at both the Military World Games and the World Youth Championships for Bahrain. She also became the youngest woman to claim a silver representing Bahrain as a 19-year-old at the 2017 IAAF World Championships. Now, with an Olympic Silver for Bahrain, she is paying back her adopted country with laurels. What a win-win situation!

Since she has dual South African and Nigerian citizenship, Chidinma Adetshina has now been invited to participate in the Miss Universe Nigeria pageant to represent Taraba State. When one road closes, another opens.

In the universe of parables, what fib will the Afrophobic builders in South Africa tell the rejected stone if it becomes the cornerstone?

Sowore Hails Success Of #EndBadGovernance Protests, Cites Three Waves Of Victories

Former presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC) and the convener of the Take-It-Back movement, Omoyele Sowore, has commended the success of the 10-day #EndBadGovernance protests in Nigeria.

During an X Space discussion titled "#EndBadGovernance in Nigeria Protest: What Next?" held on Saturday, Sowore highlighted the achievements of the protests, which he said were strategically planned and executed.

The convener of #RevolutionNow Movement explained that the first 10 days of the anti-bad governance protests were announced almost a month in advance, giving the movement ample time to gain momentum.

"The oppressed Nigerians succeeded before the protest, during the protest, and continue to succeed after the protest," he emphasized, noting that this marked three distinct waves of success.

“Before the protest, we knew what we were doing despite concerns that the announcement might allow the government to sabotage it. As the saying goes, "’Anything not properly planned is planned to fail,’ but we were prepared. We identified 15 different tactics used to try and sabotage the protests,” he said.

Sowore said in the South-South, they brought out former militant Asari Dokubo, who threatened that no protests would occur there.

He said, "In Lagos and the Southwest, they distributed money street by street and threatened people with thugs. They even announced that all secret cult members had been relocated to Lagos.

“In Abuja, they used heavy-handed tactics, but despite these threats, we prevailed.

He noted that the protests started strong on the first day, especially in Abuja. I must praise the participants in Abuja for their courage.”

Sowore said that despite initial skepticism, by the end of the day, the protests had spread, with thousands joining in Kano, Maiduguri, and other places.

He said by 4 pm, it was clear that the protests had gripped the entire nation. Those who thought it would fizzle out were surprised.

He said, "On the second day, the military was drafted in to intimidate people. Our northern colleagues faced harassment in Sokoto and Kaduna, with arrests in Kano, but we managed to get them released in time for the protests.”

He said the army even threatened the media to prevent coverage, but this didn't discourage people. More cities, including Port Harcourt, Kano, and Yobe joined in full force. Abuja continued to erupt in different parts.

According to Sowore, "This was one of the most extensive protests we've seen in Nigeria in a long time, both in terms of geographic reach and the unity of the oppressed”.

"I want to keep thanking those who participated, especially those on TikTok who kept mobilizing people. Thanks also to those who protested in London, New York, and other places I haven't mentioned. In terms of reach, impact, and demography, this was a protest that spanned all generations," he said.

He said, in Lagos, for example, there was a judgment that restricted protests to Ojota, and in Abuja, to the MKO Abiola National Stadium.

"We see this all the time whenever there's a mass revolt—the ruling class often overreaches. One of the first casualties of these protests were those court orders. As soon as the protests began, people broke through any barriers,” he said.

Sowore added that in Lagos, the protests at Ojota were well attended, but there were also smaller groups in Alausa and other places. In Abuja, the court orders quickly became irrelevant.

He said a federal judge even refused to issue more orders because they were starting to sound ridiculous. Ogun State had an order, but protests still happened there, not confined to the designated areas.

"These court orders failed completely to prevent the protests. The intention was not to manage where people could exercise their rights but to prevent protests altogether,” he said.

He said that when the protests succeeded, even those at the designated areas like Ojota and the National Stadium were attacked by the police and Department of State Services.

According to him, the judges didn't care about this, showing that these orders were not legitimate.

"As I've always said, if the law keeps breaking the people, the people will eventually break the law to free themselves," he added.

Listen to the recording here:

 x.com/timiblaze/stat…

Listen to the recording here:

 https://x.com/timiblaze/status/1824868164976488668?s=46Listen to the recording here:

 https://x.com/timiblaze/status/1824868164976488668?s=46

Many distinguished Nigerians, including Vice President President Kashim Shetima; former president Goodluck Jonathan and former Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo are expected to attend the launch of a book co-authored by Dr. Shamsuddeen Usman on Thursday, September 26 at the Musa Yaradua Centre, Abuja. Dr. Usman was Minister of Finance between 2007 and 2009; Minister of National Planning between 2009 and 2013; Deputy Governor, Central Bank of Nigeria from 1999 to 2007. He was also the pioneer DG of TCPC (now known as BPE), among other positions he has held.

The book titled, Public Policy and Agent Interests: Perspectives from the Emerging World is a unique publication on both the impetus for, and impediments to growth and development in emerging economies. It provides a fascinating and penetrating insight into the workings of government and the boardroom, in terms of policy formulation and implementation, economic management as well as the overall growth paradigm in the developing world, with Nigeria as a case study. It is also an account of the interactions between the government, its agencies and the private sector and how such engagements impact national growth, investments and the overall performance of the economy.

The book will therefore be a veritable reference material for policymakers, technocrats, business leaders and public officials on the workings of government and governance and the tradeoffs they have to make in in designing and implementing public policy.

It is without doubt a go-to publication for universities; public and home libraries and for students, academics and public and private sector officials.

Other contributors to the book are experts in their own fields, carefully selected, based on their impressive records in the public and private sectors, to share their experiences in key areas of policy making and development. Their unique contributions helped to broaden the book’s scope and impact, and give it its unique character and flavour.

The high-profile event will also witness the formal unveiling of the Shamsuddeen Usman Foundation (SUF) founded and registered by his children in his honour and dedicated to the promotion of education in the country. The foundation’s mission is to create a collaborative that empowers individuals, corporates, researchers and students to explore and develop advanced AI and technological solutions for real-world challenges. Its signature project is the establishment of an AI and Technology Development Centre whose main focus will be skills development, innovation and economic development. The foundation will be formally introduced at the event.

The proceeds of the book launch would be used to support the activities of the foundation.

"We are expecting the cream of the society in large number to come together to honour, Dr Usman, who is one of the nation's most respected elder statesmen for his meritorious service to our fatherland", said Sadiq Usman, the Chairman of the Planning Committee.

The event would be attended by many dignitaries and distinguished Nigerians, some of whom are: His Excellency, the Vice President, Senator Kashim Shetima, who will be the Special Guest of Honour; His Excellency, the Former President, Dr. Goodluck Jonathan, who will be the Chairman of the Occasion; His Excellency, the former Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo; former and current State governors; Senators and other senior political leaders. We are also expecting some first-class traditional rulers and many other iconic personalities, including media executives.  

Other personalities expected at the event include state governors; senators and industry chiefs.

ETIM ETIM

Chairman, Media SubCommittee

August 19, 2024

FOLLOW US ON YOUTUBE https://www.youtube.com/@PublicPolicyandAgentInterests

FOLLOW US ON X(TWITTER)

https://x.com/ppai_booklaunch/status/1823478191383777291?s=46

FOLLOW US ON LINKEDIN 

https://www.linkedin.com/in/ppai-book-launch-778320323?utm_source=share&utm_campaign=share_via&utm_content=profile&utm_medium=ios_app

FOLLOW US ON FACEBOOK 

https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=61563995710422&mibextid=LQQJ4d

FOLLOW US ON INSTAGRAM 

https://www.instagram.com/ppai_book_launch?igsh=dHR6bjY5M3I5b3lt&utm_source=qr

It’s been going on for years, maybe three, maybe more or less. Everybody expects the journey to culminate at the usual final bus stop. And true to peoples’ expectations it looks like the normal thing will definitely happen. The invitation cards are out, the wedding trousseau complete. She has made trips and trips to the fashion designers for fittings and more fittings. The cows have been paid for and a five-tiered cake ordered.

His people have chosen their own ‘aso-ebi’ and so have the bride-to-be’s friends and family. The reception take-away plates are ready and all members of the bridal train are set for rehearsal.

Then comes the morning of the D-Day! The day breaks like any other day. Everybody is up at dawn, attending to the final details. Some are supervising the caterers, the bride’s brothers and uncles set up the canopies and arrange for the drinks to be iced. As early as eight o’ clock, the sun is out. The bride’s friends lay out her beautiful dress and accessories, arguing over the appropriate colour of lipstick she should wear. The make-up artist arrives with her million-naira make-up suitcases. The photographers have two cameras each hung around their necks.

More than an hour later, the bride steps out, into the gleaming white Mercedes Benz G-Wagon decorated for the occasion. It rolls out of her parents’ compound and heads for the church. She is leaving her home of over 28 years for the last time as a spinster. When she comes back, she’ll be wearing a wedding band that binds her to her heartthrob. Behind her veil, she smiles and heaves a sigh of relief.

At last, the search is over. She has a man to call her own now and is set to keep her marriage vows no matter the size or shade of thorns involved.

Smiling for the cameras (both photo and video), the bride-to-be majestically walks into the church. She’s totally breathtaking as she should be. She looks around for her groom but was told he’s yet to appear. Well, and he was the one who repeatedly told her not to be late or else he’ll marry one of the choirgirls. It was a joke they’d both laughed at.

The time is already a quarter after 10 o’ clock – the appointed time for the ceremony to take off. Poor bride is trying to hide her fear. Her father gets up to inquire while the chief bridesmaid fans her friend. The officiating ministers too are getting impatient and complaining about the young men of today.

11 o’ clock! The groom is yet to surface. Throwing convention to the winds, the bride lifts her veil and starts pacing up and down, her lips moving in prayer. God, where could he be? Maybe he has a huge hangover from yesterday’s bachelor’s eve party. Maybe their car broke down. God, don’t let him be ill. May be his suit or shirt got burnt when it was being ironed.

11:30! The family and friends of the next couple who are getting married at noon begin to arrive. The emissary sent to the groom’s house returns, wearing a long sad face. He calls the bride’s father aside and tells him the bad news. The groom has left town under the pretext of going to gas up the car for the day’s activities. The old man’s face said it all. The bride slumped to the ground in all her sad glory.

Half the church erupts in tears in tears, cursing the groom. The end of a dream! There won’t be any marriage vows now. No till death do us part. Poor girl’s dream of living happily ever after with her prince is shattered – maybe forever. The wedding is off!

It’s a tear-inducing sad movie. It has happened to many women – may be more like it will still occur. Why do grooms bail out at the last minutes? Is it callousness or cowardice?

Is it juju or mental problem? According to a friend and medical doctor, parents’ pressure sometimes causes this heart-breaking saga.

“Some parents are high handed and  overbearing, especially where they are rich. They are used to getting what they want and descend as low as using their own sons as pawns or business strategy.

A friend of mine did the disappearing act a few years ago. His father wanted him to marry a business associate’s daughter – a kind of business merger. The marriage would have brought huge financial gains to my friend’s father but he already had a girl he wanted to marry. The girl he loved was in America and he too is an American citizen.  When his father told him his plans, he protested. The old man started blackmailing him. Knowing he couldn’t win otherwise, Kay went on with the arrangement. He couldn’t tell the girl involved because she seemed to be in love with him and she would have messed up Kay’s carefully laid out plans . So, while his bachelor’s eve party was on, he took the midnight flight out to New York. It’s sad for the girl but what’s the point of living with a wife you don’t want, least of all love?

But many women think men who do it are callous. And I agree too. If a man has no intention of coming to say his own part of ‘I do’ then he should be brave enough to tell the girl instead of leading her on. Why let a girl order a bridal dress, cake and the lot when you have no intention of showing up on the wedding day? It’s pure meanness. A man who can do that is capable of killing. Some even go to the extent of abandoning a pregnant bride! Can you imagine the pain? Such men should have their necks tied to a moving ‘molue’ and dragged through the busiest road, so he can die slowly. No other punishment is good enough.

And I can assure you that many women won’t let a man who abandons them on their wedding day go scot-free. I can’t imagine why any woman should feel anything but hatred for a man who humiliates her in such a way, in front of family and friends and even ex-boyfriends. Gosh, it’s the presence of ex-boyfriends at such scenes that is the worst. Imagine, the guy you’ve spurned and told off, having the last stupid laugh!

Oh, I’m sure the men will come up with different reasons why they do it. Let them. I can come up with a long list of horrible consequences of such reasons. A man who is not man enough to show up on his wedding day is an animal. He deserves nothing but painful, slow death. He should be made to pay bit by bit, until he begs for mercy. Even then, does he deserve mercy? What would you do to a man who abandons you on your wedding day?

As another August 12 quietly slipped by almost a week ago, it is worth asking: who remembered Sam Okwaraji? For most, the date holds no particular significance, but for Nigerian football enthusiasts, it marks a poignant moment in the nation’s sporting history, a day that should never be forgotten. On this date in 1989, Sam Okwaraji, a promising young footballer, collapsed on the pitch during a World Cup qualifier match against Angola at the National Stadium in Lagos and tragically lost his life. His untimely death left a void not just in Nigerian football but in the hearts of millions who had witnessed the rise of a true patriot and sportsman.

Sam Okwaraji was more than just a footballer; he was a symbol of dedication and selflessness. Born in Orlu, Imo State, on May 19, 1964, Okwaraji’s passion for football was evident from a young age. His talent on the pitch was matched by his intellect off it, Okwaraji was a law graduate, having earned his degree in Europe while simultaneously pursuing his football career. His commitment to the national team was unparalleled, often sacrificing his personal ambitions for the greater good of Nigerian football.

On that fateful day in August 1989, Okwaraji played his heart out for his country, just as he always did. With the Super Eagles locked in a fierce battle with Angola, Okwaraji collapsed in the 77th minute. Despite efforts to save him, he was pronounced dead shortly after, with reports indicating that he had suffered from congestive heart failure. The shocking news reverberated across Nigeria, plunging the nation into mourning. Okwaraji was only 25 years old, yet his legacy was already cemented.

However, as the years have passed, it seems that the memory of Sam Okwaraji has begun to fade. Unlike other football legends who are celebrated annually, Okwaraji’s name is often overlooked, his contributions to Nigerian football slowly slipping into obscurity. There are no grand memorials, no national tributes, only a few die-hard fans and sports historians continue to honor his memory. The question remains: why has Nigeria forgotten Sam Okwaraji?

Part of the answer lies in the nature of collective memory. In a country where political and economic challenges dominate the national discourse, the achievements and sacrifices of sportsmen and women often take a backseat. But Okwaraji’s story is one of resilience, patriotism, and an unwavering commitment to excellence, qualities that should be celebrated and emulated by future generations.

It is high time that Nigeria renews its commitment to preserving the memory of Sam Okwaraji. His name should be etched in the annals of Nigerian history alongside the greats who have shaped the nation’s identity. August 12 should not be just another day on the calendar; it should be a day of reflection, a day to honor a hero who gave his life for his country. The government, football authorities, and the public at large should come together to ensure that Okwaraji’s legacy lives on.

Perhaps the Nigerian Football Federation (NFF) could introduce an annual Sam Okwaraji memorial match, with proceeds going towards supporting young talents who embody his spirit. Schools could include lessons about his life and career in their curricula, teaching students about the values of dedication and patriotism. Media outlets could run features and documentaries that highlight his contributions to Nigerian football, ensuring that his story is told and retold for generations to come.

In remembering Sam Okwaraji, we are not just paying tribute to a fallen hero; we are also reaffirming our commitment to the ideals he stood for. As we move forward, let us ensure that August 12 becomes a day of national significance, a day when Nigerians of all ages come together to honor the legacy of a true patriot.

At this juncture, it is germane to opine that in a nation as culturally rich and historically significant as Nigeria, one might expect its heroes to be revered, their legacies celebrated, and their contributions etched permanently into the collective memory. Yet, time and again, Nigeria has shown a troubling tendency to forget those who have served and sacrificed for the country, leaving their stories to fade into obscurity.

Take the case of Rashidi Yekini for instance, who was Nigeria’s all-time leading goal scorer and the man behind the country’s first-ever World Cup goal in 1994, is another example of this national amnesia. Despite his remarkable achievements on the international stage, Yekini’s later years were marked by illness and isolation. When he passed away in 2012, there was an outpouring of grief, but the promise to honor his legacy has largely gone unfulfilled. His death was a poignant reminder of how quickly Nigeria’s sports heroes are forgotten once they leave the spotlight.

So, as August 12 has come and gone, the question lingers: who remembered Sam Okwaraji? If the answer is not enough of us, then perhaps it is time we start.