There were long queues of vehicles yesterday at the few filling stations selling petrol in the commercial city of Lagos and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja.

It is the same situation in many state capitals, cities and towns across the country.

Major roads in Lagos were empty because motorists did not have petrol to move around.

Black market boomed with the scarcity of the product.

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) attributed the scarcity of the product to a distribution glitch.

It cautioned against panic buying.

“The NNPC Ltd regrets the tightness in fuel supply witnessed in some parts of Lagos and the FCT, which is as a result of distribution challenges,” Olufemi Soneye, spokesman of the NNPCL said yesterday.

He urged motorists to shun panic buying as it works round the clock with relevant stakeholders to restore normalcy.

He added that the challenge was temporary.

The product sold yesterday for between N840 and N1,000 in many places nationwide.

Lagos:

Fuel queues resurfaced in Lagos as many filling stations ran out of stock, leading to closures and long queues at the stations.

Along Ikorodu Road, many filling stations were not selling.

However, there were long queues at the NNPCL and NIPCO stations at Fadeyi Bus Stop, which sold to commuters.

Along Bank Anthony/Airport Road in Maryland, Total, Northwest, and NNPCL stations were beset by long queues while the Mobil Station at Salami Shaibu in Somolu closed abruptly due to chaotic scenes caused by commercial vehicles.

Illegal fuel hawkers were spotted along Ikorodu Road, Maryland, Gbagada, and Ogba, taking advantage of the situation.

Also, fares paid by commuters along Iyana-Ipaja/ Ikotun rose from N300 to N400. Commuters along Ajao Estate/ Obalende paid N1,000 instead of  N800.

A bus driver, Jimoh Saka, who ply the Onipaanu/Ilaje/ Bariga route, spoke on the struggle to obtain fuel, justifying the fare hike from N200 to N300 for trips from Bariga to Onipaanu.

He said: “The increase in transport costs is not our fault. We sleep at petrol stations just to buy fuel and continue our business. Things are hard, and people should understand it is not our fault.”

Another driver, Gbenga Saliu, expressed frustration over the stress of waiting in long queues, saying: “It’s seriously stressful.”

At the three NNPCL outlets in the Ojodu-Berger axis, only one had a 45,000-litre truck waiting to discharge its content while anxious motorists formed queues at its entrance causing traffic snarls.

The RainOil petrol station sold to motorists, amid the chaotic queue.

From Berger through Alapere to Iyana Oworonshoki, to Anthony on Ikorodu Road, none of the filling stations opened for business. TotalEnergies, ConOil, AP, and Heyden on Ilupeju Bypass, were all closed.

Abuja

Petrol remained scarce in the Federal Capital Territory ( FCT) yesterday.

The Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria (PETROAN) President, Dr. Billy Harry attributed the shortage to a “supply challenge.”

Apart from some NNPCL retail outlets, only a few independent filling stations sold the product.

While NNPCL sold for N617 per litre, some independent marketers sold for between N625 per litre to N996 per litre.

Black marketers sold 10 litres at N1,000 per litre for N11,000 in plastic containers.

Some drivers sacrificed their Sunday worship for petrol sourcing, leaving their homes as early as 6:00am to queue in different stations.

Plateau

Many filling stations in Jos, Plateau State capital, did not open.

Commercial drivers expressed worry over the scarcity, and hiked the price at the few stations dispensing the product

Motorists said they bought the product for N950 per litre at independent oil marketers’ stations and N620 at NNPCL stations in the metropolis.

A commercial driver, Pam John, said he would rather join the queue at the NNPCL station instead of paying over N900 for a litre.

Another motorist, Kateng David, said he parked his car because he could not afford to buy a litre of petrol for over N900.

Along Bauchi Road, a station sold the product for N900; while at A.A. Rano Station, petrol was dispensed at N730.

An independent oil marketer in Jos, who pleaded anonymity, attributed the supply shortage to marketers’  reluctance to bring the product from Lagos because of the possibility of the price crashing when Dangote Refinery begins supplying to the market.

According to him, marketers buy petrol for N900 per litre in Jos and sell for N950 after considering transportation costs.

Black marketers are in brisk business as a gallon of the product is sold for N5,000, while a litre is sold for N1,250.

Akure

Fuel scarcity hit, Akure, the Ondo State capital, with the price rising to between N800 and N900 per litre.

Some major marketers sold for between N600 and 680 per litre. 

Sources said the non-availability of fuel was due to low sales of fuel to independent marketers.

Osun

Due to scarcity in Osogbo, the capital of Osun State, a few independent marketers sold for N900 per litre.

Many stations were shut while others sold for between N850 to N900.

There were queues at the NNPC stations in Lameko and Abere areas.

Similarly, there were long queues at NIPCO stations in Ogo-Oluwa, Technical and Lameco areas.

Also, Ilesa, Ile-Ife and Ikirun experienced fuel scarcity.

Owerri

As the pump price rose to N950 per litre in Owerri, the capital of Imo State, transport fares rose by 100 per cent.

“This is a nightmare for us drivers,” said Emeka Uzoma, a commercial driver. “Our income hasn’t increased, but fuel prices have doubled. We’re struggling to survive.”

Commuters are also feeling the pinch. “I’m a student, and my transport fare has doubled,” lamented Nneoma Okorie, who added: “This sudden increase will affect my ability to attend classes. The government needs to act fast to address this crisis.”

Transporters appealed to the Federal Government to intervene, while residents fear potential protests and disruptions.

A resident who simply gave his name as Jonathan urged the authorities to address the crisis and regulate prices to ensure affordable transportation.

Rivers

Filling stations in Port Harcourt, Rivers State sold a litre for between N890 to N900.

Many of the filling stations were not open, a situation that created some queues in others.

At the popular Ada George Road, only one filling station was open.

Residents complained about the rising cost of fuel and appealed to the government to reduce the price.

A resident, who identified himself as Adulphus, said many filling stations in his area did not open for business.

Katsina

Fuel price jumped to N1,050 in Katsina, leading to increased transport fare

At Dan Manna filling station, a motorcyclist, Abdulkadir Mohammed, said the situation was worse as most passengers now preferred trekking.

He said: “The government must do something about the fuel situation; the people are suffering.’’

Akwa Ibom

Consumers groaned in Akwa Ibom State following the hike in the price to N970 per litre.

The NNPC filling station along Ikot Ekpene Road sold the product at N840 per litre.

Some filling stations have remained closed.

A fuel pump attendant in one of the stations in Uyo, the state capital,  said the proprietor of the station cannot afford to restock the product.

He complained about low patronage as one of the reasons why some filling stations were out of business.

Ekiti

Motorists and commuters in Ekiti State lamented the increase in the pump price, which has been fluctuating at stations across the state.

Most independent petrol stations visited in Ado-Ekiti, the state capital, sold petrol for between N850 to N900/litre while major marketers sold for between N650 and 680 per litre.

The situation has forced motorists to jerk up the transportation fare.

A motorist simply identified as Yaro, who plies the Ado Ekiti/ Ilesha route, lamented the situation, saying he purchased fuel at the rate of N850 in a private petrol station in Ado-Ekiti.

Jigawa

Filing stations sold petrol for N950 per litre in Dutse, the state capital, and many towns in the state.

Enugu

In Enugu and its environs, petrol was sold for between N880 and N920 per litre and N1,300 on the black market.

But the product was available in most petrol stations in the Enugu metropolis.

Mobil, Total, among other mega stations sold for between N690 and N760 per litre.

The hike in the pump price of PMS has led to an increase in transport fare by commercial drivers, as those plying Agbani Road / Holy Ghost Roads, who charged N200, increased the fare to N400.

From Obiagu to Ogui Road, passengers who previously paid N100  paid N200 yesterday.

Ogun

Scarcity hit Abeokuta, the state capital, where petrol was sold for between N850 and N900.

Major marketers like MRS near the Grammar School in Oke Igbein area of Abeokuta did not open.

But AP in the Adatan area of Abeokuta sold for N635 while Fatgbems located near the NNPC Mega station area sold for N645.

However, a long queue was observed at the NNPC mega station beside Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library(OOPL), Abeokuta because it was dispensing the product to consumers at N580 per litre.

In Ijebu Ode, BOVAS filling station sold a litre for N665 while others sold for between N850 and N900 per litre.

Anambra

The price of fuel hit N950  in Anambra State at most filling stations.

Black marketers sold a litre for between N1000 and N1,200

The situation led to a hike in transport fares.

One of the commuters who spoke with The Nation Sunday, Stella Achikwu, said a journey from Awka to Achina in Aguata where she used to spend N1,500 now costs between N6,700 and N7,100.

Asaba

Scarcity of petroleum products resurfaced in Asaba and its environs, forcing a spike in pump prices and long queues at many filling stations.

With many filling stations under lock and key, pump price increased to between N815 snxN900 per litre.

Although the NNPC mega station along the Benin- Onitsha Expressway sold at N591 per litre to motorists, there were long queues.

Oyo

In many petrol stations in Ibadan, the Oyo State, capital city and its environs, there was no fuel.

The majority of the stations were under lock and key as the attendants claimed they did not have the product.

The few independent marketers sold at different prices which ranged from N680 to N920 per litre.

The NNPC stations that sold at N580 per litre had long queues.

Edo

Most filling stations in Benin and its environs sold at N880 per litre without any queue.

However, the independent marketers sold at N900 per litre in Benin and its environs.

The product was available at most filling stations, but motorists complained about the high price.

Cross River State

The NNPCL price was N591 naira per litre, while North West Petroleum, an independent private marketer, sold for N650 per litre.

Other marketers sold between N650, N700 and N750. Some sold for N800 and N900.

On the black market, it was sold for between N1,200 to N1,500.

A female Taxi driver and Chairman of the Female Taxi Drivers Association in Cross River, Ms Philomena Ifeoma Asibe, said the solution is to bring back subsidy to stabilise fuel prices.

She said: “Some days, we buy fuel, go out and we cannot make any profit or even get the capital back. The solution is that they should bring back our fuel subsidy. The only way to stabilise fuel price is to return fuel subsidy.”

A taxi driver, Mr Ettah Godson, said: “Fuel is now N900 in my area. I bought fuel for N8000 and the whole day I made N6,000. The government needs to do something.

“The fuel is there, but it is too expensive. We can’t buy much and the passengers won’t accept to pay according to the fuel price.”

Jalingo

Some petrol stations sold the product while others were closed. Fuel was sold for N930 per litre.

Minna

Minna, the capital of Niger State, was not hit by fuel scarcity, although a litre sold for between N780 and N950 at various filling stations.

At Rano and Shafa filling stations,  fuel was sold for N820; at Rainoil, it was sold for N780. Other non-independent marketers sold for between N900 and N950.

Also, NNPC sold a litre for N617, amid long queues.

Ebonyi

In Ebonyi, the product sold for between N830 and N850. However, it sold for N900 on the black market.

However, the NNPC filling station along the Abakaliki-Enugu highway sold fuel for N600. There were long queues.

Also, the Total filling station on the old Ogoja Road sold at a cheaper rate.

Sokoto

Most filling stations in the Sokoto metropolis did not sell.

At the independent marketers’ filling stations, commuters paid N1,000 for a litre,

The NNPCL mega station along Kano-Gusau Road sold at N620 per litre amid long queues.

Residents resorted to trekking to their destinations.

Delta

Major marketers sold for N900 per litre at filling stations in Warri, Effurun and its environs.

Some fuel stations reportedly sold petrol for N1,170 in the Uvwie council area.

Despite the high cost, the product was not readily available at fuel stations.

A commercial vehicle operator who claimed to have bought a litre at N1,170 said he had to do so after failing to get fuel at two other stations visited.

Also, a resident of Warri who bought the product at N920 per litre, said most fuel stations in the Warri/Effurun metropolis were selling above N900 per litre.

Abia

Some petrol stations in Abia State sold a litre for between N930 and N960.

Some of the petrol station owners attributed the hike to the cost of purchase and transportation to their dump.

In Aba, Total Energy and the only NNPCL outlet were without products.

Some tricycle operators said the NNPCL outlet on Asa Road, near Cemetery Market, sold for ₦596 per litre.

[TheNation]

The Nigeria Labour Congress has hired forensic experts to comb its national secretariat in Abuja for possible bugs planted by the police, The PUNCH was told.

The union said the forensic security audit would facilitate the return of its workers to their offices following the recent raid by the police.

The PUNCH reported that security agents, on July 7, conducted a night raid on the NLC national secretariat in Abuja.

According to the NLC spokesperson, Benson Upah, the operatives burst into the building at about 8.30 pm and arrested the security guards, forcing them to hand over keys to the offices on the second floor.

Upah said, “The security operatives, some from the Nigeria Police Force, some wearing black tee-shirts, presumably from the Department of State Services, and others on outright mufti, swooped on the 10th Floor of the NLC and arrested the security operative on duty and then commandeered him to the second floor where he was asked to produce the keys to the offices.”

The police took responsibility for the operation, saying it was aimed at uncovering incriminating documents that could help build a case against an international “subversive” figure considered a threat to Nigeria’s democracy.

Last week, the NLC rejected the explanation offered by the police on the raid and demanded the release of its arrested members and seizes documents.

In an exclusive interview with our correspondent, the National Assistant General Secretary of NLC, Chris Onyeka, said the union had hired foreign experts to comb the office for possible bugs planted by the police.

“The police stormed and raided NLC’s headquarters in the nation’s capital and carted away documents.

“The NLC,  in its National Executive Council meeting, deliberated and agreed that there is a need to conduct a forensic security audit to ensure that the people were safe, and nothing was planted in its headquarters, among other things before they resume back to their offices.

“As a result of this, the NLC has initiated a thorough forensic security audit of the national secretariat. The security checks are being conducted by international experts, who have already begun working to secure the premises against any potential surveillance devices,” Onyeka said.

He insisted that the explanation offered by the police was untenable.

“The NLC met in their National Executive Council meeting and demanded an apology from the Federal Government and the police which has not been offered till now,” he said.

[Punch]

Following the outbreak of violence over what worshippers of a church in Abuja called legalisation of practices alien to christian culture, police from the FCT Command reportedly fired tear gas to disperse Church members on Sunday.

Sources said trouble started at the United Methodist Church, Durumi, when members engaged in a fight over the decision of the parent church, said to be based in America, to impose certain practices which the Abuja Church goers were not confortable with.

“The parent church in the US legalised some practices that are not part of our culture.

“Some elders kicked against it and demanded that the church in Nigeria should pull out, and give the church another name.

“Another set of elders kicked against the move. This created a faction in the church and this fight is the outcome,” a source said.

Some elders of the church are vehemently against imposition, legalising of such practices and calling for a breakup from the parent church.

However, the presiding pastor was said to have kicked against the breskup with the backing of some other elders. Hence a fight ensued, leading to th3 police being invited to quell the violence.

During the service, the pastor had reportedly said he and some elders would head to the court to stop those calling for a break up of the church. He also vowed to ensure the church remains with the parent headquarters.

This led to heated arguments and the church service ending abruptly with fighting between members, and the police were called in.

Police step in

Eyewitnesses disclosed that on arrival at the scene, police operatives made efforts to stop the fight. But when things got out of hand, tear gas had to be fired to disperse the fueding members.

The police later whisked away some elders of the church with a view to conducting investigation

FCT Police Command Public Relations Officer, SP Josephin Adeh, confirmed the incident.

She noted that the Command CP, Benneth Igweh invited all the elders of the church to
the Command over the incident.

Vanguard News

“The future will come and it will be different.” — Peter Drucker, 1909 -2005.

There will always be tomorrow. I learnt that fact from one of the most popular musicians in the 1960s.

Too young to understand its significance, I just enjoyed the music. Trainee programme, conducted by Polaroid Corporation, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA, in 1970, for young employees, was the first exposure I had to forecasting future trends — especially economic and political.

The two were regarded as the Siamese twins determining mankind’s fate all the time. At the end of the one week course, each participant was required to make three predictions on any variable – for three months, six months and one year. On due dates, the course organiser would open our sealed forecasts; check them against actual occurrence and send out a circular to announce the results. Suddenly, attempting to unravel what might happen in the future was no longer a useless past time. My career depended on it. Since returning to Nigeria in 1974, I have been astonished by how little attention  Nigerian leaders in the public and private sectors pay to the matter.

“PMI report indicates slowdown in economic activities for 13 months -CBN.” — VANGUARD, August 15, 2024.

I sent a message to the VANGUARD Editor as soon as the vendor brought my morning papers telling him that the CBN deliberately omitted to disclose the obvious economic conclusion from that report. The Nigerian economy is in a recession; which is getting worse. For all of us, that is very bad news. The most important questions at this point are: how long will the recession last? How will it affect businesses? What will be required to reverse the trend?

In all my years working in the private sector of the Nigerian economy, I have experienced a few firms which operate without annual budgets at all. Even those which did hardly took into account economic trends and forecasts. There is very little doubt, in my mind, that the PMI report would have been glossed over by millions of Nigerian businessmen and women – as if it does not concern them. Yet, the survival of hundreds of thousands of businesses — large, medium, small and micro — depends on how quickly the downward trend can be halted and a recovery gets underway.

As usual, I have three true stories to tell regarding how vital having economic advice, as opposed to financial counseling, can be in a volatile economy. The three experiences taught me that having even a small peek into the future is infinitely better than sailing into a raging storm blind-folded as most Nigeria businessmen do now.

Slade Gorton, Frozen Fish Dealer, Boston, 1968-70

I finished undergraduate studies in June 1968; had got admission for MBA in Boston and took a full-time sales job. But, I was eager to partake in the American dream. I also took on two part-time jobs in order to raise the money to qualify for a mortgage for a house of my own. Architect (Col ) Tomi Asenuga, rtd, and Ayo Olagundoye, former Managing Director of defunct National Bank are my witnesses that by 1970, I had a house in Cambridge, half-way between Harvard University and MIT. Slade Gorton Fish made it happen. A sign posted in front of the building in Boston Harbour area asked for salesmen – full or part time. I applied. But, Mr. Gorton, later Senator, had other ideas for a graduate in Economics on his way to Business School for MBA. He attached me to his Economic Consultants providing advice on future trading. Because the company was buying and selling frozen seafood in 50 countries, he needed somebody to focus on exchange rate movements and how they would impact fish trade. The frozen seafood trade was highly competitive; but, I learnt very quickly how our forecasts gave the company a competitive advantage. I earned the money for my mortgage from selling fish and shrimps that had not even been caught!!!

North Brewery Ltd, Kano, and SAP — 1987

Lightening strikes more than once; if someone learns the proper lessons from history. When President Babangida opened the national debate on whether or not Nigeria should accept the loan offered by the International Monetary Fund, IMF, subject to also accepting the conditions attached, I was Corporate Planning Manager for North Brewery. It was my responsibility to guide the company’s diversification programme aimed at turning the brewery into a conglomerate based on NORBRU FARMS LIMITED which had acquired 10,000 hectares in Karu Local Government, near, Keffi. The success of the entire plan rested on the outcome of the national debate; but, particularly, the foreign exchange policy adopted by government. Once government adopted market determined exchange rate – in any form – we would have to start all over again with our financial estimates.

One thing however was clear to me. Whatever the outcome of the heated debates might be, devaluation was inevitable. So, I wrote an internal memo, restricted to the Managing Director, the General Manager and the AGM (Finance), advising the company, which was sitting on a large pool of cash, to engage in future trading — buy a lot of stuff before the announcement by the FG. I used cars as an example of what might happen to prices. Volkswagen Beetle and Peugeot 504 SR were selling for N6,000 and N15,000 respectively. My forecast was N25,000 for the Beetle and N48,000 for the Peugeot. I also warned that the company might not be able to buy new cars for a long time to come.

 The reply was prompt. The General Manager, scribbled in red ink across his own copy: “Dele, you must have been drinking too much Double Crown today. How can anybody sell VW for N25,000”? He copied it to other top and senior managers – who enjoyed the joke at my expense. I was undaunted. I applied for a staff loan, to which I was entitled, for N15,000 to buy the Peugeot from Danjuma Tsokwas Peugeot Dealer in Yola. The MD, a close friend, had the vehicle delivered to me in Kano, registered, GG4978YL, and fully insured. He went further. He sent an unlicenced Peugeot 505 SR just in case I wanted a bigger car – ten days before Babangida spoke about the Structural Adjustment Programme, SAP.

A week after IBB’s address, Volkswagen of Nigeria and Peugeot Automobile of Nigeria, PAN, posted new prices  — Beetle N26,000, Peugeot 504 SR N48,500. There was total silence when I entered the Senior Staff Bar and ordered two bottles of Double Crown and then announced: “Only those who drink too much Double Crown can think straight”. One by one, people sneaked into my office to ask the same question: “Dele how did you do it”? That was followed by “Congratulations, your new car (which I parked under cover on the premises) is now worth N48,500. How much will you accept for the 505? – which was delivered for N17,500. I would later sell the 504, after covering nearly one million kilometres, all over Nigeria and West Africa for N95,000.

More recently

In mid-2020, admitted for prostate cancer surgery, during COVID-19, I had all the time in the world to work on my forecasting models. Thinking I might die, everybody coming to visit me was advised to go and buy dollars and keep them.

A few did; most did not. The exchange rate was N350/US$ then; it is N1600/US$ now. Save your business. Find out what the exchange might be. End of story.

Follow me on Facebook @ J Israel Biola.

AS a young man, I quite often heard the Latin phrase: “Vox populi, vox dei”, meaning: “The voice of the people is the voice of God”. Democracy, whatever the brand, is supposed to uphold this.

But the Nigerian people might be too busy to speak; too hungry to talk. Under such circumstances, they need to remain silent. But who better to speak for the people than the National Assembly? That is why parliamentarians are assembled: to speak for their otherwise preoccupied constituents.

In any case, if a country of 220 million people were to allow the people speak, there will be a cacophony. The Tower of Babel would be a child’s play. So, for order and democracy, good governance and maintenance of discipline, if the people must speak, it should be through the mouths of their elected or selected parliamentarians in the National Assembly. After all, the people drink champagne through the throat of their leaders.

This must be the reason, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, Abbas Tajudeen, introduced his profoundly thoughtful Counter Subversion Bill and other related draft legislation on July 23, 2024.

Trust Nigerians not to listen to simple instructions such as speaking only through parliamentarians. So, the Speaker’s bill, understandably, had to in effect, suspend sections of the Constitution such as the right to assembly, free speech and movement.

Equally, given the fact that governance is such a tasking job that requires the full concentration of the leaders, the Taju bill seeks to stop politicians in power from being distracted or even insulted. So the bill provides that Nigerians should be jailed up to two years or pay a fine of N4 million for any action considered to demean or embarrass a public official.

Does this sound familiar? Maybe not to the Gen Zee generation. But to mine, it was a law we lived with under the military. It was called Decree 4 of 1984 under which if a story, even if true in all material particular, embarrassed a public official, the culprit went to jail for one year. It was a decree promulgated by General Muhammadu Buhari, as he then was. So, for that law and, the Taju bill, the truth is not an amour.

I have to state now that the Speaker is not well advised on the bill and that the law he wishes to push through is in aid of fascism. If I were to say so after the bill becomes law, I may write my columns in the next two years from jail as this comment might be deemed to embarrass the man who is Number Four in the country’s political hierarchy.

The Speaker also seeks a three-year jail term or a N5 million fine for “disrespecting” constituted authorities. This obviously will be quite good to shut the wide mouths of those whose stock in trade is to be disrespectful to our revered leaders or, even make disrespectful skits. They need to be taught that governance is not a joke.

The Speaker is not selfish, so the category of those to be protected under this section are not just our leaders at local government, state and federal levels, but also the leadership of “a community, religion, lawful group”. This means that wherever you are, be careful not to insult leaders at any level, otherwise you may be headed for the jail house.

Nigerians, since colonial times, have been known for protests. Even after independence, the protests continued, especially by students, youths and human rights groups. We have witnessed protests against continued colonial rule, the Anglo-Nigeria Defence Pact, increases in school fees, the IMF Structural Adjustment Programme, fuel price hikes, military misrule, police brutality and, this month, against hunger. All these, under the bill, would become criminal activities.

Clause 3 of the Tajudeen bill, reads: “A person who engages in illegal road traffic functions, illegal roadblocks, imposition of illegal curfews, conducting illegal processions, checkpoints, and other similar acts, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a fine of N2,000,000 or imprisonment for a term of five years or both.”

Pro-democracy activists like President Bola Ahmed Tinubu are lucky this type of law did not exist during the fight against military dictatorship and for the actualisation of the June 12, 1993 presidential election. Otherwise they would have cooled their heels behind bars.

Many Nigerians are fond of using symbols that promote other countries rather than Nigeria. For instance, they wear T-shirts like: ‘I Love New York’. Some hoteliers hoist the flags of various countries and protesters even carry the flags of other countries. All these unpatriotic acts which tend to show loyalty to other countries or promote them, would under this bill, earn 10 years imprisonment or a fine of N5 million.

Some Nigerians always complain about marginalisation. Some even advocate leaving the federation. With this bill, any such agitation has to be done in jail. It states that any statement or action for separatist agitation, attracts a fine of N10,000,000 or imprisonment for a term of 25 years or both.

The bill also specifies a fine of N5m, a 10-year prison sentence, or both for anyone found guilty of destroying national symbols, refusing to recite the national anthem and pledge.

Splits occur amongst Nigerians and their groups. Under this bill, anyone who forcefully takes over any place of worship, town hall, school, premises, public or private place, arena, or a similar place, for whatever reason, can be fined N5m, or imprisoned for 10 years or both.

Many civil society organisations are known to receive foreign donations. The bill seeks to criminalise this. It states that a “person who receives financial or political support from a foreign organisation, group or country that is not compatible with the interest, development, security and progress of Nigeria, commits an offence and is liable on conviction to a fine of N15m or imprisonment for a term of 20 years or both.”

If you are a non-conformist with a propensity to disregard, disobey, or disrespect constituted authority, rules, regulations, order or contravene the law wilfully, under this bill, you are on conviction to spend three years imprisonment at the first instance, and seven years for a subsequent offence or to a fine of N5m or both.

I am not sure if Speaker Abbas read the bill he presented or reflected on it. Otherwise, he would not have included many of the clauses, some of which, quite honestly, are not just absurd but are incomprehensible in a sane society.

He has now announced the withdrawal of the bill. But whether this is a true realisation of the satanic nature of his bill, or a tactical withdrawal is left to be seen. Meanwhile, We Move!

Once again, former President Olusegun Obasanjo (Obj), has visibly shown his disgust for the disposition of the nation’s legislators especially those at the federal level. The week before, Obasanjo told a team of six legislators who visited him in Abeokuta, Ogun State that many individuals currently holding public office lack the necessary character to lead the nation adding that some of them in the national assembly ought to be behind bars or even face the gallows. Exactly 10 years ago, the former president had alleged thatthe national assembly was ‘a den of corruption occupied by a group of unarmed robbers.’ 

With the level of information that a former president can garner, it is probably time for the nation to begin to interrogate the rationale for the damaging comments Obasanjo keeps making about our lawmakers.Unfortunately, responsesto the criticism from both the national assembly and some Nigerians who appear to have an axe to grind with Obj, cannot help the legislators. It would be so for as long as our lawmakers think they are smarter than the average citizen concerning their alleged bogus remuneration. In the case of the current Senate, all that Yemi Adaramodu its spokesperson did was to repeat denials of the allegations as his predecessors did many times in the past. 

Of course, to describe Obj’s criticism as satanic takes nothing away from its veracity. As for one traditional ruler who sought to blackmail the author’s message as hypocritical, there is need to make the point that most citizens are convinced that the allegations are true.As bad as people such as an Oyo Monarch, Oba Francis Alao may have felt about Obj’s criticism of our legislators, it was not the former president that equated the greed of our law makers to one quarter of the nation’s budget. Instead, it was Sanusi Lamido Sanusi former governor of the CBN, now the 16th Emir of Kanothat worked out the calculation. The then CBN governor spoke as far back as 2010 while delivering the convocation lecture of the Igbinedion University Okada. 

When summoned by the Senate to apologise for supposedly accusing the legislature falsely,Sanusi insisted that he got his figures from the budget adding that he had a duty to draw attention to developments that could derail Nigeria’s economy. Big pity, not many followed up with the criticism when it was first made over a decade ago.On two other occasions, a few strong voicesattacked the national assembly on same ground of its ‘jumbo’ pay. One of them was renowned legal guru, Professor Itse Sagay who raised the alarm that the remuneration package of the average federal legislator in Nigeria surpassed that of the American President. 

Sagay revealed a detailed package of our lawmakers’ numerous allowances on such headings as Hardship, Constituency, Furniture, Newspapers, Wardrobe, Recess, Accommodation, Utilities, Domestic staff, Entertainment, Vehicle maintenance, Leave, and Severance gratuity etc.The controversy was still fresh when President Goodluck Jonathan’s government invited Richard Dowden, Director of the Royal African Society in the UK to deliver the year’s Independence Day celebration lecture. Jonathan, his vice, one past president, cabinet ministers, legislators, ambassadors and the media heard Dowden say that Nigerian lawmakers were the highest paid in the world notwithstanding that their country had no less than 100 million people living in poverty.

At the end of the lecture, it became obvious that criticisms against the jumbo pay of our legislators was not only local, the international community was also fully aware of it. Indeed, last Thursday, Beroro Efekoro, a Nigerian-born US legislator representing Albany County in the 7th district of New York described the salaries and allowances of Nigerian legislators as outrageous. It is therefore important forNigerians to quickly change their approach of supporting the practice of sweeping dirty reports under the carpet. Rather than chastising the messenger, it is more in the interest of governance and society to assess the message and ascertain its probative value. 

The greater pain to me is that Oba Francis Alao said he agreed with Obasanjo on the subject but was unhappy with the former president for pretending to be a saint. He wanted Obasanjo whom he felt was similarly corrupt to volunteer to be probed. But how could such a viewpoint exonerate the legislators from among those hurting our economy? After all, Obasanjo did not exclude himself or other Nigerians from guilt; he probably chose to focus on the institution of his immediate target group – the visiting legislators. Otherwise, it would have been annoying if the former president had failed to indict traditional rulers some of whom had been dethroned in some states for sponsoring banditry.

Anyone who is convinced that the indictment of our federal legislators is unjust is free to defend them by presenting verifiable evidence to persuade the rest of us to share his standpoint. If not, it is unfair that some Nigerians especially the privileged elders always dissuade critics from calling out top office holders in the country. Painfully, such so called elders are influenced by material benefits to support the approach of business as usual to governance.For the rest of us it is extremely difficult to accept the continuing deceit of the people by our legislators. There are at least three important Nigerians, themselves legislators who have at one time or the other made it hard for us to be convinced to the contrary.

To start with, two of thelegislators have come out openly to confirm that the public perception of a jumbo pay to the average legislator is correct. One of them is the reputable activist and former Senator Shehu Sani who represented Kaduna Central during the 8th Assembly. Sani confirmed that he received a remuneration of N13million which was reportedly credited to his account every month. Even after Sani had shown such remorse because he was ‘pricked by his conscience as an activist to do so, his colleagues are still busy disseminating falsehood. Surprisingly, only last week, asecond legislator, Kawu Ismaila (kano south) who had to meet a moral duty of letting taxpayers and Nigerians in general know the correct take-home pay of senators established that Sani’s figure has since moved to N21million during the current 10th Senate.

The question as to why only a few members have had the courage to disclose their actual remuneration needs not be asked because it is an open secret that any member who discloses any unpalatable information about the national assembly stood a chance of facing huge punishment. In 2016, the House of Representatives unanimously suspended Abdulmumuni Jibrin, a law maker from Kano state for as long as 180 legislative days for telling the nation about budget padding in the House. Jubril according to the verdict of the House was also banned from holding any position of responsibility for the span of that House.Considering that Jibrin was the chairman of the House Committee on Appropriation and thus best positioned to discover budget padding, he was silenced after a kangaroo trial.

Does anyone expect Nigerians to disbelieve the two senators who have come out to disclose their own take-home pay? That is not likely to happen because even reactions by other senators have neither been uniform nor credible. For example, in 2017, Aliyu Sabi-Abdullahi, the chairman of the Senate Committee on Media and Public Affairs had presented what looked solid as a defence by rebutting the rumour of a jumbo pay and asking any interested Nigerian to verify from the relevant authority, the Revenue and Mobilization Fiscal Allocation Commission RMAFC. Almost immediately, the International Centre for Investigative Reporting ICIR which visited the website of the RMAFC reportedly found the relevant section on ‘remuneration package’ to be empty.

It is noteworthy that RMAFC has since become more of a partisan group than a societal institution concerned about sustainable development. Before now, the posture of the commission was to distance itself from the controversy of the self-made legislators’ jumbo allowances. At a point, it announced a few thousands of naira as allowances but later said nothing when the allowances became a scandal. However,the recent denial of Shehu Sani’s figureby RMAFC’s current chairman has put the commission at the centre of the controversy. Now that a serving senator has validated Sani’s revelation, has the RMAFC not become an integral part of what ‘Igodomigodo’ would call odoriferous saga?

…when a leader stubbornly keeps the cubs of lions as pets. When the cubs grow, it will become a danger to both the owner and the villager…

Let me quickly state that this admonition will step on toes, it will step on even legs, arms, and possibly shoulders; and this is because while I am not crediting myself with all the knowledge and expertise on the subject matter and issues around it, most of what I am about to share with us are largely true, in public space and thus do it hurts, I am not sure if it will bother our leaders.

This also is not the first nor fourth time I have engaged on this clarion call to leaders of the Northern part of Nigeria, I am equally certain, that in recent times I am also not the only one that is expressly concerned, and again with the recent showing of our people during the #endhunger and #endbadgovernance protests there is cause for alarm.

The region is on fire, and the flames are being fanned by its own leaders, who seem more concerned with their personal interests than the welfare of the people.

The Arewa Peoples Congress, once a respected voice of the North, has become a retirement home for lame leaders, while the Northern Governors Forum is more interested in globe-trotting than addressing the pressing issues facing the region. The North is being left behind, while the rest of the country is making progress albeit slowly. Schools are springing up in the South, but in the North, billions are being spent on building mosques, getting people married off, or engaging in emir-ship tussles, as if that is the solution to the region’s problems.

The North is a complex system of different ethnic groups, including Hausas, Fulanis, Tarokh, Tivs, Idomas, Nupes, and many others. However, instead of celebrating this diversity, the region is plagued by infighting, with Fulanis, Tivs, and Beroms at war with each other. Elders, both religious, and traditional have failed to provide leadership and guidance, and the region’s people are suffering as a result.

The almajiri system, which was once a noble tradition, has degenerated into institutional begging, with children roaming the streets instead of being in school. The region’s farmers are suffering, and farmlands are being ravaged, while the deserts are being deserted. Women and girls are being raped and killed, and the response is often a shrug of the shoulders and a resigned “In Shaa Allah.”

The North is facing an identity crisis, with different groups struggling to define themselves. Who are the Hausas, who are the Fulanis, and what about the Hausa/Fulanis? What is the place of Islam in the North, and how do Christians fit into the equation? These questions are not being addressed, and instead, the region is being torn apart by divisions and conflicts.

The North’s poor leadership plague, continues with successive governments failing to address the region’s pressing needs. The Talakawa agenda, which was once a rallying cry for the masses, has been abandoned, and the oligarchy has failed to provide a vision for the region’s development. The people have no direction, and the leaders are more concerned with their own power struggles than with finding solutions to the region’s problems.

The Middle Belt, which was once a bridge between the North and the South, is now an emotional wreck. If the North were to decide to exit from Nigeria, it is unclear whether the other regions would fight to keep it. Would it be 19 states, or would some states opt out? The people of Plateau, Nasarawa, Benue, Kogi, and others are already tired of being lumped together as “the North” without being consulted.

The North with her immense natural resources, including gold, precious stones, and fertile land, instead of developing these resources, is being plundered, and the people are being left behind. Dangote, the richest man in Africa, is from the North, but the region is also sadly home to some of the poorest communities, and nearly all his investments are outside the North.

The South-west, despite its own challenges, is making progress towards regional integration, while the South-east and South-south are also moving forward in a way. However, the North is stuck in the past.

The current state of the North is a reflection of the failure of its leaders and the people’s willingness to accept mediocrity. The region is being destroyed by its own people, and it is time for a change. The people need to demand more from their leaders and start working towards a better future.

Using religion as a tool to dumb our population down, and using ethnicity as a tool to fan the embers of hatred and then sit back and watch won’t work forever. The template has remained the same, albeit with slight modifications from time to time…nothing has changed. If anything, we are witnessing it become much worse.

The North needs to wake up and take control of its destiny. It needs to stop relying on the federal government and start developing its own resources. It needs to stop fighting each other and start working together towards a shared common goal. The region needs to stop being held back by its own people and start moving forward. The time for change is now.

It is time for the North to take a hard look at itself and stop lying to itself and its people. The region needs to stop relying on prayer and luck, population and start working towards a better future.

I will end this admonition in the words of one of the problem sons of the North, retired General Danjuma, “We need to think more, pray more, plan more, work harder, RELATE BETTER, and talk less. Battles are better fought and won through wisdom and strategy than through inflammable pronouncements and political tantrums.” This is to the North but it equally applies to Nigeria—May Nigeria win!

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

Team Lead

As the 2024 gubernatorial race in Edo State gathers momentum, the focus is increasingly shifting from campaign promises to the candidates’ abilities to communicate effectively with the public. In a state where the electorate is becoming more politically aware and demanding, the importance of public speaking and debate cannot be overstated. These platforms offer voters a direct insight into each candidate’s vision, policies, and ability to lead. However, a troubling trend has emerged in this election cycle: the reluctance of certain candidates to engage in debates and public speaking events, raising serious concerns about their preparedness for the role of governor.

Public speaking is not merely a tool for delivering campaign rhetoric; it is a fundamental aspect of leadership. A candidate’s ability to articulate their ideas, respond to challenges, and connect with diverse audiences is a critical measure of their suitability for office. In Edo State, where political dynamics are complex and the stakes are high, the electorate expects nothing less than clarity, confidence, and competence from those who aspire to lead.

The reluctance of some gubernatorial candidates to participate in debates is therefore alarming. These forums are designed to give the electorate a transparent view of who the candidates are, what they stand for, and how they intend to govern. Avoiding these opportunities can suggest a lack of preparedness, a deficiency in communication skills, or worse, an unwillingness to subject one’s ideas to public scrutiny.

One candidate who has become the center of this debate is Senator Monday Okpebholo, the All Progressives Congress (APC) gubernatorial aspirant. Okpebholo’s conspicuous absence from public debates and his overall hesitancy to engage in public speaking events have not gone unnoticed. His reluctance became glaringly apparent when recently, Okpebholo was conspicuously absent during a debate organized by the Unuedo Renaissance, one of the most important social-cultural Edo diaspora groups, where the PDP candidate, Asue Ighodalo, squared up against the Labor Party candidate, Olumide Akpata, a development that has since become a hot topic among political analysts and the general public alike.

The ability to debate effectively is not just about winning arguments; it’s about demonstrating the qualities that make a leader: decisiveness, intellectual rigor, and the capacity to inspire confidence. When a candidate avoids these opportunities, it raises legitimate concerns about their ability to lead under pressure. For voters in Edo State, this avoidance could be a red flag, signaling that a candidate may lack the necessary qualities to navigate the complex challenges of governance.

Moreover, in a democratic setting, debates are a crucial part of the electoral process. They allow voters to compare candidates side by side, assessing their policies, their vision, and their ability to respond to real-time challenges. By choosing not to participate, a candidate denies the electorate the chance to make an informed decision. This not only undermines the democratic process but also suggests a troubling lack of respect for the voters who deserve to hear directly from those who seek to lead them.

The implications of this reluctance extend beyond the individual candidate. It reflects on the overall political culture and the level of accountability that the electorate can expect from their leaders. In Edo State, where political engagement is on the rise, the electorate is unlikely to look kindly on a candidate who appears to be hiding from public scrutiny. The ability to engage openly and confidently with the public is not just a campaign skill,it is an essential part of governance.

Furthermore, public speaking and debates are critical for building trust between a candidate and the electorate. Voters want to see that their leaders are not only capable but also approachable and transparent. They want to know that their concerns will be heard and addressed, not brushed aside. A candidate who avoids these interactions may be seen as disconnected from the people they intend to govern, further eroding their credibility and appeal.

In contrast, candidates who embrace these opportunities demonstrate their readiness to lead. They show that they are not afraid to stand by their policies, answer tough questions, and engage with the public in a meaningful way. This willingness to be open and transparent is a strong indicator of a candidate’s commitment to accountability and good governance.

As the election draws closer, it is imperative for the electorate in Edo State to critically evaluate not only what the candidates are saying but also how they are choosing to say it. A candidate’s approach to public speaking and debate offers valuable insights into their leadership style and their ability to navigate the complexities of governance. Edo State needs a leader who is not only capable of making sound decisions but also willing to engage openly with the public and address their concerns head-on.

The reluctance of any candidate to participate in debates and public speaking events should be a significant concern for voters. It is a potential indicator of how they might govern, avoiding difficult situations, shying away from public scrutiny, and failing to communicate effectively with the people. For a state as diverse and dynamic as Edo, these are not qualities that inspire confidence.

In the final analysis, the question facing the voters of Edo State is a critical one: Do we want a leader who avoids the spotlight, or do we want someone who embraces it, confident in their ability to lead and communicate effectively? The answer to this question will shape the future of Edo State, determining not just the outcome of this election, but the trajectory of the state’s governance for years to come.

In this election, more than ever, the electorate’s choice will be influenced by not just the policies but the personalities of the candidates. Those who are willing to stand before the people, defend their ideas, and engage in open debate are the ones most likely to earn the trust and confidence of the voters. Edo State deserves a governor who is not only prepared to lead but is also unafraid to speak directly to the people they aim to serve.

Table 1

A, represents Month on month basis, headline inflation 

B, represents Head Line Inflation on Year-to-Year Basis

C, represents the contribution of Food & Non-Alcoholic Beverages to the increase in the Headline index (Year on Year)

D, represents the contribution of Food & Non-Alcoholic Beverages to the increase in the Headline index as a percentage of headline inflation (Year on Year)

E, represents Food Inflation on a Year-on-Year Basis

It is no longer news that Nigeria’s headline inflation on year- on- year basis declined for the first time since December 2022. According to the National Bureau of Statistics, it dropped to 33.40% in July 2024 from 34.19% in June 2024. It is no fluke as the month-on-month headline inflation declined consistently since March 2024, with June 2024 as an exception. It is important to note that inflation only started to decelerate after the Central Bank, at its first Monetary Policy Meeting of 2024, held on the 26th & 27th of February 2024, the benchmark interest rate, by 400 basis points from 18.75% to 22.75%. It made subsequent increases, as need arose. The benchmark interest rate is currently 26.75%.

Interestingly, from January to July 2024, food and non-alcoholic beverages inflation contributed to no less than 51.8% of the headline inflation on a year-on-year basis. In July 2024, it contributed to 17.3% of the 33.4% headline inflation rate. The headline inflation rate was lowest in January when food inflation was also at its lowest. Therefore, reducing food inflation is key to the government’s long-term goal of driving inflation to single digit. It is not strait jacket as various factors, some of which are interwoven, have contributed to food inflation in Nigeria.

The rising cost of farming and transporting food commodities to the point of sale has affected the final price of food items. For example, the cost of animal feed, veterinary services, energy, fertilizer, seedlings, machinery & spares, and fuel has risen since the removal of the fuel subsidy and the floating of the naira by the government. Insecurity, which has caused many farmers to abandon their farmland, has led to a decrease in farm produce, causing shortages, especially during the dry season. This has encouraged hoarding and profiteering, with food prices skyrocketing. Food availability was also impacted by the increased demand for our farm produce from neighbouring countries as the devaluation of the naira, made them cheaper.

It is likely that, in the immediate future, headline inflation will experience more decline but not necessarily on a straight-line basis, because the implementation of the new national policy is expected to increase household spending and raise the cost of producing/offering goods and services as employee wages increase. The Central Bank of Nigeria may be tempted to raise interest rates to slow demand and encourage savings. Also, with the harvest season commencing and the implementation of waivers on tariffs & duties on some essential imported food items, food prices are expected to drop. The recent mobilization of ten thousand agro-rangers by the Civil Defence Corps to secure farmlands across the country, if effective, is expected to encourage people to return to their farms and, in the long run, increase food production in the country. However, the recent fluctuation in the value of the Naira is likely to impact headline inflation in subsequent months.

While we celebrate the decline in headline inflation on a year-on-year basis and acknowledge government efforts in this regard, it is important to avoid a further decline in the value of the naira because of its multiplier effect. Improving the country’s revenue base and balance of trade by optimizing oil production and diversifying the economy will help achieve this. The government should also provide CNG trailers, lorries, and trucks to ease the cost of transportation farm produce. The government should continue to closely monitor events as they unfold and take proactive measures when needed. It should also adopt a robust monitoring and evaluation mechanism for its policies and programs to ensure objectives are met.

Kenechukwu Aguolu FCA, PMP, CBAP

As I stood at the bus stop at Ogba in Lagos on a hot afternoon, the usual chatter of commuters filled the air. But one voice, laden with frustration and despair, stood out from the rest. A man, possibly in his 60s, lamented aloud, “Since birth, I have never experienced the kind of government-induced hardship that I am passing through under this administration”. His words struck a chord, echoing the sentiments of millions across Nigeria who are grappling with unprecedented economic difficulties widely believed to have being exacerbated by the president’s pronouncement that “Subsidy is gone” on May 29, 2023.

To capture the pulse of the nation, I decided to engage in conversations with others on the streets. What I discovered was a shared sense of disillusionment and hardship that transcends age, occupation, and location.

At the busy market in Ogba, adjacent to the bus stop, a young mother balancing a child on her hip expressed her struggles. “I can barely afford to feed my family,” she said, her voice trembling. “Prices of basic food items have tripled, and my husband’s salary remains the same. We are just trying to survive day by day.”

A taxi driver, who has been in the profession for over 20 years, shared his frustrations as well. “Fuel scarcity and high prices have made my job nearly impossible. I spend more time in fuel queues than on the road. My income has dropped, and I don’t know how much longer I can keep this up,” he lamented, wiping sweat from his brow.

In a similar vein, at Berger bus stop, also in Lagos, a young university graduate lamented his inability to find employment despite his qualifications. “I graduated two years ago, and I have been searching for a job ever since. But with the current state of the economy, no one is hiring. I feel like my dreams are slipping away,” he confessed.

An elderly woman selling fruits by the roadside at Berger shared a poignant reflection on the situation. “I have seen governments come and go, but I have never seen anything like this. We were promised better days, but all I see is more hardship. My children help me out, but even they are struggling,” she said, her eyes filled with worry.

These voices, representative of a nation in distress, paint a picture of an economy that is failing its people. While government officials argue that the current policies are necessary for long-term stability, the immediate impact on ordinary citizens is overwhelming. The soaring cost of living, marked by rising food prices, fuel scarcity, and a depreciating naira, has pushed many into a state of despair.

Without sounding exaggerative in this context, there is no denying the fact that that just as people’s voices are lamentably resonating as a result of the prevailing hunger and hardship in the land so also is the hardship in taking its toll on lives.

The situation, no doubt, is paradoxical, given the fact that Nigeria is a country endowed with vast natural resources and a rich cultural heritage. The fact that Nigeria is richly blessed by God is difficult to grasp as not a few Nigerians are currently grappling with multifaceted socio-economic challenges that are severely impacting on their dreams and lives.

In fact, high levels of poverty, insecurity, and inadequate access to basic necessities have created a perfect storm of hardship that is already manifesting in tragic incidents. A recent heartbreaking case illustrates the severe consequences of these struggles: the tragic deaths of a mother and her five children in Kano after consuming expired cassava flour leaves a sour taste in the mouth, and eyes widely opened in trepidation.

Recently, news broke of a mother and her children tragically dying due to food poisoning linked to consuming expired cassava flour. Reports suggest that the family had resorted to using the flour out of desperation, demonstrating the severe economic constraints many are facing. This heartbreaking incident is a stark reminder of the lengths to which families must go to secure food, often compromising their health and safety.

At this juncture, this writer may not be wrong in his conjecture that any top government official and his supporters who are often blindfolded by partisan politics may choose to blame the dead in this context for emphasized being meticulous, and exhibiting awareness around food safety, forgetting that the broader discussion must address why families are forced to consume potentially hazardous products in the first place.

This incident is not an isolated case but rather a symptom of the larger food insecurity crisis in Nigeria, exacerbated by a multitude of factors including rising inflation, persistent poverty, and inadequate social support systems.

According to the World Bank, nearly 90 million Nigerians live in extreme poverty, and the ongoing inflation has made basic food items increasingly unaffordable. Food prices have been surging, contributing to a situation where many families are left to choose between quality and quantity. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) reports that as of 2023, more than 19 million Nigerians are experiencing crisis levels of food insecurity, particularly in the northern regions of the country.

The burden of inflation extends beyond food; energy costs have also skyrocketed, and unemployment rates remain high, leading to restricted disposable income levels for millions of Nigerian families. As a result, many households resort to low-cost food options, often resulting in dangerous choices.

Consumers are increasingly compromising on the quality and safety of their food to save costs. With the soaring prices of staple foods, like rice, beans, and even cassava, many families have found themselves turned toward substandard or expired food products. Reports have emerged from various states highlighting cases of foodborne illnesses linked to unsafe consumption patterns, reflecting not only a lack of access to nutritious options but also the desperate measures taken by impoverished families to survive.

The health implications posed by dire economic conditions extend beyond food insecurity. Nigeria faces a burgeoning health crisis, with reports of malnutrition and preventable diseases increasing among children and vulnerable populations. The challenge is compounded by inadequate healthcare infrastructure, limited access to clean water, and a lack of essential medical supplies, which further exacerbates the situation.

In fact, the devastating loss of lives due to the consumption of expired foods out of desperation to survive is no doubt a tragic emblem of the hardships faced by many Nigerians today. As the nation contends with rising poverty, food insecurity, and systemic failures, it highlights the urgent need for both governmental and non-governmental intervention to support these vulnerable communities.

Addressing the issues of food safety, economic support, and the provision of basic services is not merely a matter of policy but a moral imperative that requires immediate action to save lives and restore hope. The people of Nigeria deserve better, and it is up to all stakeholders to ensure that such tragedies become a thing of the past, paving the way for a more secure and prosperous future for all its citizens.

In fact, the government’s responsibility is to protect and uplift its citizens, but when policies lead to widespread suffering, one must question the effectiveness of such governance. The voices on the streets, from the elderly to the young, tell a story of resilience being stretched to its limits.

As we navigate through these challenging times, it is essential that the government re-evaluates its approach and prioritizes the well-being of its citizens. The Nigerian people have shown resilience in the face of adversity, but even the most resilient can only bear so much. It is time for our leaders to listen, act, and bring about the relief that is so desperately needed.

Until then, the voices of the people on the streets will continue to resonate, serving as a stark reminder of the harsh realities faced by the citizens of this nation.