The Anambra State House of Assembly passed two progressive legislations pursuant to its powers under the Constitution (Anambra State Economic Planning and Development Law, 2024; and Anambra State Local Government Administration Law, 2024), and I have signed them into law. This has generated commentaries and debates especially in relation to their consistency or inconsistency with the recent Supreme Court judgement and the mantra of “local government autonomy.” My media team, other members of my government as well as well meaning Nigerians have vigorously defended these progressive laws and that should suffice. At this moment in Nigeria, being a state governor is not a fanciful job, especially given the gamut of allegations and innuendoes levelled against governors vis-a-vis local government funds. In the circumstance, any comment by me would be construed as self defence. However, I have a citizen duty to clarify and contribute to the discourse—especially as one who has been extensively involved in the debate and search for a more perfect union.

At the outset, let me make an important disclosure. I am a federalist and a proponent of competitive federalism for a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, vast country as Nigeria. From my limited knowledge, I do not know any federation (except perhaps some variants in Brazil) where a uniform local government system is provided for in a federal constitution or where the local government is treated as a de-facto federating unit. I understand that the issue of appropriate local government system was vigorously debated by the framers of the 1999 Constitution and a compromise was to insert Sections 7 Constitution which, among others, empowers each State through its House of Assembly to make laws which provide “for the establishment, structure, composition, finance, and functions...” of the local governments. Pioneered by Lagos State about 2004 several states have various laws pursuant to these Constitutional powers. The composition or structure of local governments in Lagos or Ebonyi state is certainly different from Anambra.

Also, the debate as to whether local governments should be part of the federal constitution or left to each federating unit (state) to determine its own appropriate local government system is still an unsettled matter. The APC committee on restructuring Nigeria proposed scrapping the local government from the Constitution of Nigeria. As the former chairman of planning and strategy committee of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, I know that the published position of Ndigbo in 2018 was that local governments be scrapped from the Constitution and let each state/region determine the type of local administration that suits it. Similar positions have been argued by Afenifere, PANDEF, Middle Belt Forum, etc. This is an issue for another day.

In the context of our evolving federalism, I see the recent Supreme Court judgment regarding the direct transfer of funds belonging to the local governments as an important contribution to our search for effective and transparent administration of resources at the local level. I see the judgment as an opportunity for public good. Given the Constitutional mandate for joint planning between the State and local government, I see the judgment as an opportunity for greater transparency and predictability regarding the sources and uses of funds, as well as greater coordination and collaboration between the State and local government. If there was any state where the State-Local Government Joint Accounts Committee did not manage the LG funds transparently, the Supreme court judgment is an opportunity and mandate to do it differently by further empowering the LG administration.

But there is more work to be done. We all need to think through how the funds transferred to the LGs should be appropriated, spent, or accounted for. Monies meant for the federal or state governments are not spent by the president or governors. The National Assembly and State Assemblies make appropriation laws on how and by whom the monies should be spent and provide oversight functions. What happens to the monies directly sent to the LGs? Who spends the monies, on what and how will they be accounted for?

This is where Section 7 of the Constitution comes handy, and the Anambra State House of Assembly has risen to the occasion. Happily, the Supreme Court did not nullify Section 7 of the Constitution. The new laws by Anambra House of Assembly are therefore consequential to give operational life to the Supreme Court judgment and not to undermine it. If the State House of Assembly abdicates this constitutional duty, the Local Government will then have no law on the use and management of its finance which the Constitution has given the State House of Assembly (and only the House of Assembly) the mandate to legislate on. Indeed, in many states the House of Assemblies retain the power to suspend or remove chairpersons of local governments.

By the way, isn’t the legislative authority exercised by the State Assemblies under Section 7 of the Constitution similar to the powers granted by the Constitution to the National Assembly over the Federal Capital Territory and its Area Councils? I understand that the Senate President had recently at one of the Plenary Sessions rhetorically asked if it was indeed possible to grant the kind of “autonomy” some people talk about without major amendments to the Constitution. Many Nigerians ask the same question. I also understand that the Senate recently resolved to begin the process of Constitutional amendment in this regard. This is a welcome development. But until that is done, our laws pursuant to the Constitution and designed to give operational effect to the Supreme Court judgment remain subsisting and valid.

A critical instrument for muddling through our evolving federation and delivering higher efficiency and effectiveness in development is through structured collaboration among the tiers of government. No tier of government enjoys absolute autonomy. For example, the FGN has exclusive right over solid minerals, but the States have exclusive right over the land. Only a collaborative framework will maximize benefits from natural resources. Currently, there is a collaborative funding for the security agencies. The States and LGs contribute tens of billions monthly and deducted directly from FAAC every month towards the funding of the armed forces which are exclusively under the FGN. At the state levels, each state is spending a fortune of its own revenues on logistics and operational costs for the federal security agencies. The FGN, States and LGs are jointly paying for the FGN initiative on metering, etc. The states understand the above “emergency measures” as part of the collaborative arrangements to make Nigeria work better. A federal agency, the Debt Management Office (DMO) must clear any state government seeking to borrow from domestic financial system, while the National Assembly must approve States’ external borrowing. The federal UBEC insists on counterpart funding by states before it can release federal funds for basic education and also supervises the utilization of the contributions by states. There is a dozen or more areas of oversight of federal agencies over State finances. The above illustrations are simply to make the point that no tier of government can function in absolute autarky without collaboration with others. Given the functions assigned to the LGs by the Constitution, it is impossible to see how they can perform them without active collaboration with State governments. Because the Constitution did not envisage "absolute autonomy" for the Local Governments, it gave the State House of Assembly powers to make laws for them and equally did not create a Local Government Judiciary distinct from the State Judiciary.

The two legislations passed by the progressive Anambra House of Assembly seek to achieve three objectives: consistency with the Constitution and judgment of the Supreme Court; enhanced transparency and productive collaboration; and promotion of sustainable finance, democracy, and development at the local government. The laws seek to codify the collaborative arrangements to promote transparency and accountability. We seek to avoid ad-hoc or arbitrary arrangements---- building to last! The good news is that the eminent jurists at the Supreme Court did not outlaw collaboration and cooperation among the LGs in funding joint or common services, nor did they nullify Section 7 of the Constitution. What the new laws simply require is that ALL the chairmen/mayors of the local governments, meeting under the aegis of the State Economic Planning Board (similar to the National Economic Council) decide what percentage of their revenues to contribute to a Joint Local Government Account to pay for common/pooled services such as: (a) payment of salaries, allowances, gratuities and pensions of workers and retirees under the Local Government Service Commission; (b) provision and maintenance of primary, adult and vocational education including all salaries, allowances, gratuities and pensions payable in that regard; (c) provision and maintenance of primary health services including all salaries, allowances, gratuities and pensions payable in that regard; (d) payment of allowances to traditional rulers and Presidents-General of the communities; (e) Subventions to the Local Government Service Commission; and even for community security.

What many people do not know is that the Constitution puts primary education and primary health care under the local governments. Many also do not know that primary school teachers are pooled under the UBEC—Universal Basic Education Commission. Workers in all the LGs are also pooled staff under the Local government service commission. Ditto for primary health workers. Absolute autonomy would mean that each LG would have its own primary education policy, employ its own teachers, and pay them whatever it can afford and whenever it can do so, etc. Now that Anambra has free education for primary and secondary education in all public schools, some LGs may decide that they cannot afford it. It might even get to a point where some LGs might ask “non-indigenes” who are workers in the LGs or teachers in primary schools to “go home” to their LGs of origin due to budgetary or other constraints.

Indeed, absolute autonomy of LGs would mean that institutions that pool resources and workers would be scrapped including the Local Government Service Commission, Local Government Pension Board, the Anambra State Universal Basic Education Board (ASUBEB), the Primary Health Care Agency, etc. Does it mean that the federal UBEC or Federal Ministry of Health would have to deal with each of the 774 LGs in respect of primary education or primary health care instead of coordinated through the State UBEC or state primary health care agency? This would be a recipe for humongous chaos, not only for the administration of local government and pensions, but more so in the primary education and primary health sectors. My administration inherited 4 years arrears of gratuity which we have been clearing systematically. How do you share the outstanding balance among the LGs or pay pensions to over 15,000 LG retirees who served the LGs as a pool without pooling of funds? Some years ago, some LGs rejected teachers posted to their LGs because it would jack up their wage bill.

Yes, our nascent federation is evolving but some of us as practitioners are determined to make it work for the people while we have the opportunity. I believe in building enduring institutions, especially ones founded upon due process, transparency, and rule of law. People remind me that many of the institutional reforms we established at the CBN still endure. Since assumption of office as Governor 30 months ago, we have devoted a lot of efforts in reforming and strengthening institutions, including the local government administration. Today, Anambra State under my watch is ranked number 1 among the 36 states on fiscal transparency by BudgIT, and among the top five states on financial sustainability. We inherited a local government system with four-year arrears (2018-2022) of gratuity to retired primary school teachers and other staff of local government. We have restructured their finances back to sustainability. Everyone who retired from the local government and State civil service since my tenure is paid gratuity/pension, and we are on course to clear the outstanding arrears soon. Three years’ arrears on counterpart funding for Universal Basic Education Commission (UBEC) has been cleared, resulting in billions of Naira recently invested in our primary schools. Some 326 primary health centres are being constructed or modernized in all the 326 wards in the state as well as employing hundreds of medical personnel to man the primary health centres. Most of the local government secretariats have been remodelled and equipped, and the LG system is once again alive. This is not to mention that 3,615 out of the 8,115 new teachers recruited under my administration are for primary schools and they are being paid. We do not want to go back! 

So, the laws are designed to protect our gains so far and strengthen the system for the future consistent with the Constitution and laws. I always remind myself that I am a bird of passage, and eventually, I will leave office. But we must build to last--- for the next generations. More specifically, the new laws are designed to protect our workers at the local level and protect our primary education and primary health care from chaos and collapse. Many teachers and pensioners wrote me to passionately plead that they do not want the agony of the 1990s--2003 when some primary school teachers in some LGs were paid and others owed salaries. I just read a report that the organized labour (particularly the Nigerian Union of Local Government Employees, NULGE; Nigerian Union of Teachers, NUT; and Nigerian Union of Pensioners) were urging the FGN not to transfer workers/teachers salaries to the local government in the name of “local government autonomy”. No law protects the workers against nonpayment of salaries or pensions by governments. In Anambra we want to ensure that we do not wake up and hear that some LGs paid salaries of primary school teachers and others did not or that some pensioners are paid and others not, or that some contribute towards UBEC counterpart-funding while others do not. The laws seek to create a framework to ensure that the basic functions mandated by the Constitution for the local governments are discharged as a matter of first-line charge or the irreducible minimum. With these laws, workers, and retirees from the local government system in Anambra (primary school teachers, primary health workers, workers in the local government system under the local government service commission) can sleep with their two eyes closed. The LGs and State government can also collaborate in the security of the communities, just as the States and FGN collaborate in funding even the federal security agencies.

It is equally important to understand that the Constitution mandated this collaboration between the States and Local Governments when in its section 7 (3), it provides that "it shall be duty of a local government council within the State to participate in economic planning and development of the area referred to in sub section 2 of this section and to this end, an economic planning board shall be established by a Law enacted by the House of Assembly of the State". This provision gave rise to the establishment of the Anambra State Economic Planning Board of which all the local government chairpersons are members and who, among other things, decide on the percentage to be contributed to the Local Government Joint Account. It is important to appreciate that this money is not handed over to the State but remains with the Local Governments under a joint pool for the discharge of certain services by the local governments which services are uniform/common among the local governments as stated earlier.

In sum, the laws ensure that the State can function in a cohesively planned, transparent and sustainable manner to maximize the security and welfare of the citizens. They constitute a very smart solution to a possible systemic threat.

Governors are often accused of seeking to “control” LG funds with insinuations that LG funds are mismanaged. Of course, in a society where public office is seen as “dinning table” and public trust is low, people judge others by their own standards: by what they would do if they were in the position. I often ask: control for what? While I cannot hold brief for every governor, I know that most states are struggling to ensure a solvent local government system. I wish I can be spared the headache, if not for the predictable collateral damage to the system if we abdicate from structured oversight and collective accountability. The challenge ahead can be daunting given the quantum rise in wage bills because of the new minimum wage, as well as consequential rise in future pension/gratuity payments. Without active collaboration and coordination between state and local governments, many LGs will end up in a huge financial mess, requiring bailouts by state governments or will FGN directly intervene in every case of insolvency among the 774 LGs?

In conclusion, the progressive legislations by the State Assembly are designed to unleash the creative powers of the LGs, encourage peer learning, optimal development outcomes in planning and execution among the LGs, as well as novel accountability and transparency. The laws are ingenious by creating multiple layers of collaborative oversight whereby the LGs agree on monies to set aside and managed collectively by them for common services or first-line charges, while the rest is appropriated by the Congress of Councillors in each LG. In an innovative sense, the legislative powers – including powers of appropriation and oversight now largely reside with the local government legislature—Congress of Councillors, which is empowered to make bye-laws, which are in the nature of regulations, for the Local Governments (as it is the House of Assembly that is empowered by the Constitution to enact laws to guide the Local Governments).

Since neither the Constitution nor the Supreme Court judgment prescribes the manner of appropriation, expenditure, and audit/accountability for local government funds, the House of Assembly and the Congress of Councillors fill in the blanks under the new laws pursuant to Section 7 of the Constitution. The evolution of our federalism is a work-in-progress, and the new Anambra laws constitute creative and progressive additions to institution-building. May the Federal Republic of Nigeria continue to win!

Agriculture and food security is a nucleic aspect of the President Tinubu administration’s policy design and rationale. The administration understands that food is an essential and integral component of existence; hence, its relentless, practised, and sustained efforts in this regard.

Food security is a principal element of national security. It is the primary responsibility of the government to protect lives and property -- and protecting the people against hunger is a basic extension of this sacred duty. The administration is not remiss, reclining, or relenting in its obligation of ensuring food security for the nation.

At compelling times such as now, it is important to keep citizens abreast of the government’s efforts in this respect.

Here are some of the interventions of the administration, through the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security – with outcomes. The list is, however, not exhaustive.

THE 150-DAY DUTY-FREE IMPORT WINDOW FOR FOOD COMMODITIES

-  Suspension of duties, tariffs, and taxes on the importation of certain food commodities through land and sea borders. These commodities include maize, husked brown rice, wheat, and cowpeas.

DRY SEASON FARMING AND CULTIVATION OF HECTARES OF WHEAT

- The dry season farming initiative was launched with the cultivation of 118,657 hectares of wheat across 15 states. This effort supported 107,429 farmers and resulted in 474,628 metric tonnes of wheat.

-  Release of 42,000 metric tonnes of assorted food commodities from the Strategic Food Reserve through NEMA and distribution of 58,500 metric tonnes of milled rice to all states and the FCT to stabilise prices.

DISTRIBUTION OF SEEDS, BAGS OF FERTILISERS, AND STRENGTHENING FARMLAND SECURITY

-  To combat food inflation, 60,000 metric tonnes of improved seeds, 887,255 metric tonnes of seedlings, and 501,726 litres of agrochemicals were distributed.

-   Strengthening of farmland security with additional resources for Agro-rangers and other security agencies.

-  Distribution of 2.15 million bags of fertilisers provided by the Central Bank of Nigeria.

EMPOWERMENT OF FARMERS

-   Over 2,770 farmers across 109 crop production clusters, strategically located in all senatorial districts of the country, have been empowered.

-  Each of these clusters has been provided with essential agricultural production inputs and supplies, including power tillers, knapsack sprayers, herbicides, organic fertilisers, and over 5,000 metric tonnes of maize seeds.

-  In support of their efforts, each of the 25 farmers within these clusters received inputs sufficient for one hectare of crop farmland. The power tillers are to be used and maintained collectively by the group, fostering cooperation and efficient resource utilisation.

LIVESTOCK PRODUCTION AND ANIMAL HEALTH

- Distribution of 14 million doses of vaccines for anthrax and foot-and-mouth diseases.

- Establishment of animal health centres, veterinary hospitals, and micro earth dams.

- Training of livestock farmers on biosecurity and antimicrobial resistance.

- Facilitation of 14.9 million animal vaccinations and distribution of 760 tonnes of poultry and ruminant feed.

CONTROL OF PESTS AND DISEASES

-    Launched initiatives to combat ginger blight, providing N1.6 billion in support of affected farmers and distributed pesticides and fungicides.

-  Nigeria is one of the world’s largest producers of ginger.

PROVISION OF FARM INPUTS

-   Distribution of farm inputs, including modern machinery, to over 100 farmers in Kano to empower smallholder farmers and boost food production.

-  Facilitating farm input access to farmers with 75 percent funding while the farmers provide 25 percent.

AGRICULTURAL RESEARCH AND EXTENSION SERVICES

-  Development of 23 improved crop varieties and the enhancement of storage facilities.

-  Promotion of e-extension services and training of 120,000 extension agents and 20,755 farmers.

RURAL INFRASTRUCTURE, AGRICULTURAL LANDS, AND CLIMATE CHANGE MANAGEMENT

-  Construction of over 77.8 km of asphalt roads,130.9 km of earthen roads, and provision of 102 motorised and solar-powered boreholes to improve rural infrastructure.

-  This fundamentally improves access and conveyance of agricultural produce from the hinterland to the market.

-  Conducting soil analyses, constructing water harvesting structures, and training farmers on sustainable practices.

EMPOWERMEMENT OF YOUTH IN AGRICULTURE

-  Establishment of vocational training programmes and youth employment initiatives in agriculture.

AGRO-PROCESSING AND VALUE ADDITION

-  Support for Special Agro-Processing Zones (SAPZ) and agribusiness incubation centres to foster agro-processing and value addition.

- Completion of a large-scale integrated rice processing mill in Niger State.

-  Intensification of efforts to produce and process exportable commodities like soybean, sesame, ginger, and hibiscus with a focus on improving standardisation and quality assurance to enhance the competitiveness of our agricultural exports.

TRAINING AND PROVISION OF INPUTS FOR SMALLHOLDER POULTRY FARMERS

-  Under the National Poverty Reduction with Growth Strategy programme, 1,110 smallholder poultry farmers have been trained and empowered across the six geopolitical zones of the country.

-  This training and empowerment initiative was conducted simultaneously in all 36 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory.

-  Each beneficiary received day-old chicks, feed, and cash support to raise broiler chickens to market weight.

- The primary objective of this programme is to lift smallholder poultry farmers out of poverty. This is achieved by training them in modern broiler rearing technologies and stimulating their interest in broiler production as a sustainable enterprise.

OTHERS

- $500m from AfDB for farm access roads under the RARP.

- Continuation of the Livelihood Improvement Family Enterprise Scheme for Niger Delta States, which started during the previous administration. 35,000 persons have been trained and provided stipends since the beginning of this administration, and the programme is set to be renewed.

- ⁠Minister of Agriculture and Minister of Water Resources' standing committee on irrigation and dams has been reconvened and meets regularly based on the directive of the President.

 - Agricultural mechanisation equipment ordered from Belarus and other countries are expected to be delivered soon.

In July, prices of food items began to plummet – with the new harvest -- as reported by some news organisations. Also, according to data by the National Bureau of Statistics, on a month-on-month basis, the food inflation rate in July 2024 was 2.47 percent, which shows a 0.08 percent decrease compared to the rate recorded in June 2024.

It is important to acknowledge that with the rocketing in the price of petrol, the cost of transportation will leap upwards, and this will, in turn, impact the market prices of food items. But this is only a temporary situation that will abate with increased CNG penetration and the consummation of other government initiatives.

Fredrick Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Engagement

I have two important things on my mind this morning. The first is the condition of the roads in Uyo. After a one-week visit, I noticed that many roads in Uyo require urgent repairs, reconstruction and rehabilitation. Most of those roads were constructed by the Victor Attah administration and some by the military governments that preceded it. They are long overdue for a complete overhaul. During my stay, I also received messages from friends and those who read my column, asking me to find out why the state government is not working on the internal roads in Uyo. 

Moved by these messages and what I saw myself, I sent a message to the governor yesterday, asking if something is being done to fix the roads. Within one hour, Pastor Umo Eno responded: ‘’Thank you so much my brother. We have issued contracts for the repairs and rehabilitation of roads in Uyo and for the reconstruction of the Uyo Village Road. The rains have disturbed a lot, but we will follow up’’.

Good to know. I’m pleased that the Eno administration is following in the tradition of keeping our city roads in a good shape. The state has been blessed with a good network of roads for which we are well respected by the rest of the country. We cannot afford to drop the ball. Obong Attah gave us the ring roads; Akpabio expanded the city with dual carriageways linking Nung Udoe; Abak and Ikot Ekpene, in addition to remodeling the town. The expansion of the Airport Road by Gov. Udom Emmanuel has turned out to be a worthy investment. 

The expansion of Uyo Village Road into four lanes will further add to the beauty of the town. The large expanse of land on the side of the Uyo Village Road should be turned into a park! I recall that Obong Nsima Ekere had pledged in his election campaign in 2019 to build a high brow housing estate there. That's also an option Gov. Eno may consider.

But the government needs to do a lot more in the area of refuse disposal. There are still heaps of refuse at street corners in Uyo.

I understand from press reports that Gov. Eno met with the new 31 Local Government Chairmen and Chairwomen this morning and told them to buckle up for the tasks ahead. I don’t have the specific marching orders he gave to the LG chiefs, but here are my own agenda for them:

A). They should immediately submit a three-year development plan to the state government, through the office of the SSG, indicating their action plans on the development of their LGAs. Such action plans should contain specific plans on agriculture, infrastructure; primary education and other areas. For agriculture, the chairmen should agree to train young people in farming and allocate farmlands for them. Each LGA should be given targets on the quantity of food to produce each year. This should include livestock, poultry and fish farming.

B). For infrastructure, each LGA should submit to the state government, the total number and length of rural roads that they would construct.

C). The Local Govt chiefs should also submit proposals on how they will combat crime in their domains, working with the security chiefs in those areas.

D). In terms of personal conduct, the chiefs should live modestly. They should be compelled to live in their areas and should not move out unless with expressed permission from the governor. They should also sign up on how to conduct themselves appropriately. This is not the time for public officials to spend public funds buying expensive drinks at night clubs!

Again we are back to square one. While the celebration over July 11 Supreme Court judgment that granted financial autonomy to the 774 Local Government Areas across the country lasted, not a few had wondered if the Supreme Court was not putting the cart before the horse by embarking on a judicial misadventure over what was unarguably a political issue. And now, the National Assembly, which but for its hypocrisy has the power to confront the nation’s demon, is bellyaching about sections 13, 14 and 16 of Anambra LGA new bill which seek to compel the local governments to pay their federal allocation into an account to be established by the state government, a bill it claims runs afoul of the Supreme Court judgment.

Perhaps our National Assembly that that often treat Nigerian with less dignity than even the colonial masters, think Nigerians are suffering from collective amnesia since neither the said Supreme Court judgment nor the National Assembly has removed the constitutional power of the state Houses of Assembly to make laws for local government.

 One was however not surprised  that this was coming from Governor Chukwuma Soludo who, as CBN governor, called attention to the chicanery of our leaders with his “Nigeria is the only known federation in the world where the centre allocates funds to third tier of government it does not supervise”.

The truth is that military arbitrarily created local government as third tier of government like the 36 states also created without logic or rhyme are a fraud by those driven by command and control military mind-set. If the fervour was about rural development, we did not see that play out during Babangida’s regime when most of the badly executed or abandoned DFFRI projects were cornered by retired military officers.

And If it was to deepen democracy as Obasanjo wanted us to believe, very few will be persuaded that deepening democracy at grassroots level was by providing money, cars and logistics to feuding intra-party members to destroy their party or destabilise their state as he was reported to have done in Ekiti by ferrying a few members of state House of Assembly out of their states to Abuja to impeach their governors for opposing his third term bid has a familiar ring of fascism.

It was not a surprise most of the professors Obasanjo dragged to his LGA’s ‘third tier crusade’, parted way with him when they discovered they had been used. Both Professor Ben Nwabueze and Chief Rotimi Williams who helped Obasanjo to destroy whatever was left of our federalism in 1979 by ceding almost 70% of the items in the constitution to the exclusive list with nothing in residual list publicly regretted betraying the country before their passage to the great beyond.

The tragedy of our nation is that unlike the unambitious set of leaders we have had since 1999, Nigeria once had selfless and visionary leaders for whom the nation came first. Ex-president Jonathan acknowledged this during his 51st independence anniversary by “thanking our founding fathers  who brought  joy and hope to the hearts of our people  after six decades of colonial rule  by working together to  restore dignity and honour  to a multicultural and multilingual nation of diverse people with more than 250 distinct languages and ethnic groups”.

This they achieved in spite of the initial lack of consensus on the national question with Dr Nnamdi Azikiwe and his group canvassing for unitary system, Obafemi Awolowo and his Yoruba group insisting on federalism while Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa who believed “Nigerian unity is a British invention” and Ahmadu Bello who expressed grief over “the mistake of 1914” settled for confederacy.  But at the end, realizing their responsibility to those that look up to them for direction, these illustrious Nigerian pathfinders settled for a federal arrangement that allowed groups to develop at their own pace.

Unfortunately, nearly all northern governors have since 1999 been opposed to returning the country to a federal arrangement, a social system that promises ‘unity in diversity’, justice and fairness. The reasoning behind the northern governors short-sightedness is that the north because of its numerical advantage in the number of states and LGAs, not only collect more free monies from the federation account, but gives it a veto power over any form of constitutional amendment.

But for refusing to confront our demon, everyone is a loser. Nuhu Ribadu some two years back had challenged these northern leaders to show how billions of naira collected from the federation account since 1999 have impacted on the lives of the poor in the north. It is in this regard, one can also ask the Niger Delta’s self-serving leaders who many believe are behind oil bunkering, if lives of ordinary people of the Niger Delta are better today than in 1999 when they first embarked on economic sabotage of the country. And what has been the fate of ordinary people in the Southwest and Southeast where governors surreptitiously worked against restructuring of the country for fear of losing easy money coming from Abuja which they often deploy towards ‘building bridges over land?

Again, for the sake of our uninformed youths, we must go through history our leaders want to supplant with revisionism which celebrates criminals as heroes.

Between 1962 and 1963, the constitution bequeathed onto us by our founding fathers was breached by NPC/NCNC coalition partners of Prime Minister Balewa, President Nnamdi Azikiwe and Premiers Ahmadu Bello and Okpara, who jointly refused to recognise Dauda Soroye Adegbenro, the duly elected and Privy Council recognized Premier of Western Region. That paved the way for the incarceration of Obafemi Awolowo, the setting back of the giant strides made by the West and the installation of Ladoke Akintola as premier by the coalition partners without election. Anarchy was let loose on the west when those denied the right to determine their own fate decided to make sure those who sowed the wind reaped the whirlwind through ‘operation wet e’.

While the west was burning, the north buried its fangs on the neck of the east after the disputed 1962/63 census exercises and the massively rigged 1964 election. Zik as Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces had approached the military for support but was reminded that operationally, the military reports to the prime minister. Zik while pretending to be going for medical check-up but in reality embarked on ship cruise to South America, after  handing power over to Dr Nwafor Orizu, the Senate President.

In January 1966, Igbo young military adventurers sympathetic to Zik, in breach of the military espirit de corps, selectively murdered  their friends, about eight northern senior military officers and their political leaders, two western senior military leaders and their premier while conveniently sparing their over 30 Igbo military officers and Igbo political leaders.

Aguiyi Ironsi after quashing the insurrection took over power with the help of the Senate President who according to Richard Akinjide, refused to swear in the next available minister in the absence of the prime minister as stipulated by the constitution.

Ironsi’s greatest undoing was the promulgation of Decree 34 which turned the country from a federal into a unitary state. That was quickly interpreted as an Igbo agenda having canvassed for a unitary system during the various constitutional debate from 1954 up to the 1957 London Constitutional Conference where NCNC leaders insisted Nigeria should be divided into a federation of 17 provinces which Awolowo claimed would amount to bringing unitary system through the back door.

In July 1966, another set of adventurers led by Murtala Mohammed, Danjuma, Babangida,  and others initiated their vengeance coup called Araba (secession) during which all Ibo military officers on sight were brutally murdered.

At the end the civil war that followed, successive northern military leaders created more states and LGAs for the north thus making northern leaders the 1950 Nigeria they could control a fait accompli.

The way forward is not through a third tier fraud or unviable states created without rhyme. The cheapest and tested option before us is to confront our demons by embracing a federation of six geo-political zones as canvassed by Nigerian stakeholders including leaders of ethnic nationalities, the true owners of Nigeria.

This is the answer to distributive injustice in the South-south, tribal war over control of political power and resources on the in the Northwest, Boko Haram insurgency in the Northeast and  the apparent ethnic cleansing in the North-central where majority of our compatriots live in IDP camps in their own country.

And as for our embattled President Tinubu who voluntarily offered himself a sacrificial lamb after 58 years of crisis of nation-building, he has a choice as to whether he wants to be remembered as a Nigerian statesman or like his predecessors including Buhari, the best statesman we never had.

“.... the problem in Africa is not so much that development failed as that it never really began.”

Claude Ake (2001)

#NES30 (30th Nigerian Economic Summit) holds from Monday 14th to Thursday 16th of October 2024 in Abuja. As a participant/ observer of the summits in the last three decades, I bear witness that Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG), a private sector platform conceived in 1993, incorporated in 1996 has kept faith with its vision to be “Africa’s leading private sector think-tank committed to the development of a modern globally competitive and inclusive Nigerian economy”. Credit goes to the foresight, thoughtfulness of the founding men and women, the resilience of the subsequent Board members of NESG. The story of NESG confirms that contrary to the received advise of America’s 44th President Barack Obama, Africa truly needs “strong” men and women to build sustainable institutions in overcoming legacy of under-development. NES30 is a tribute to late Chief Ernest Shonekan, Mr Pascal Dozie and late Alhaji Ahmadu Joda for their respective efforts in building NESG which has outperformed scores of similar government and private economic institutions, devoted to analyzing economic data and sharing perspectives on Nigerian economy. At least in consistent orthodoxy of market policy ideas, notwithstanding their controversial impact.

At 30, the critical question begging for answer is: to what extent NESG institution built on the “foundational principles” of “free market economy” and “private sector investment” has promoted growth and development ? The point cannot be overstated: Institutions with men and women are just the means. The end is “development” which scandalously and regrettably is still in huge deficit in Nigeria!

Happily there have been some policy introspections and self critical assessment within NESG itself. No thanks to the abysmal performance of the economy driven by the “philosophy” which NES II as far back as 1995, repeatedly canvassed to be “market oriented”. Asue Ighodalo, Chairman 27th Nigerian Economic Summit themed: “Securing our future: The fierce urgency of Now”, identified key current features of Nigerian economy, as “increasing unemployment, pervasive insecurity and dwindling investments in critical sectors,”. Last year, Deputy Chairman of the NESG, Amina Maina at the 29th Summit bemoaned a “once promising high growth nation ... now struggling with under-development”! Which means that Nigeria’s growth and Development numbers have not significantly improved in quantity and quality since NES1 in 1993. On the contrary. There is a slide to a new “underdevelopment”. Token progress defies sustainability. National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), says Nigeria’s headline inflation rate declined to 32.15% in August 2024, 1.25% points lower compared to the 33.40% recorded in July 2024. This is a far cry from the target of 21% Inflation Rate in 2024 budget proposal. Notwithstanding the new NBS’s inclusive methodology on unemployment rate calculus, the unemployment rate increased significantly in Q3 2023 at 5.0%, an increase of 0.8% from Q2 2023. Nigeria's Gross Domestic Product (GDP) reportedly grew by 2.98% (year-on-year) in real terms in the first quarter of 2024, higher than the 2.31% recorded in the first quarter of 2023, but lower than 11.52per cent between 2000 and 2004. Persistent Naira devaluation and spiral fuel price hikes have worsened wage income poverty despite commendable six nominal increases in National minimum wage since 1981 due to the struggles of organized labour.

Whence then the relevance of NESG and its addictive market (and only market!) policy recommendations at times of stag-inflation, with persistent slow growth, high unemployment, deepening inequality, mass poverty and rising prices? What difference will #NES30 make from the norm of what passes for three lost decades of development?

At the weekend in Nassarawa, Vice President, Kashim Shettima, representing President Bola Tinubu spoke the mind of many Nigerians. “Enough is Enough” of distressing statistics, “poor educational outcomes, high pupil-to-teacher ratios, and the large number of youth not in employment, education, or training...high fertility rates, alarming maternal and under-five mortality rates, and low life expectancy among vulnerable populations” he declared. Senator Kashim Shettima spoke at the launch of Nasarawa State’s Human Capital Development (HCD) Strategy Document. It is heart warming to read, for once, in recent times about “human capital development” . NESG at 30 must compliment the government to return “Development” to Nigeria’s economic discourse at the centre of which must be humans not as mere “numbers”. The fundamental objective of the state principle as espoused in 1999 constitution is the welfare and security of the citizens. I share the optimism of the Minister of Finance, Wale Edun, that recovery is underway within the context of the Renewed Hope agenda given the improved numbers on Non-oil revenue, reduced National debt burden, Ways and means and budget deficit among others. The numbers must however translate to decent secured jobs and quality of working and living conditions. That requires collaboration with a reformed private sector platform like NESG that accepts that elected governments have “business in business” in delivering on promises to the electorate.

Happily this year’s NESG theme focuses on “Collaborative Action for Growth, Competitiveness, and Stability”. Undoubtedly NESG has “achieved significant progress in the areas of research outputs, execution of programmes, seminars, conferences..”. But it must reinvent itself; Replace market orthodoxy of TINA (There Is no Alternative) with heterodoxy of views that there are many pathways to development. One-way path-of-no-return neoliberalism has underdeveloped Nigeria. It’s time to reform the existing Reform, terminate the unhelpful notion of market fundamentalism that pitches the state against the market in mutually destructive competition. Promote benign view of the state for it to make the market work. Stop idolizing the market that repeatedly fails which in turn puts the burden on the state through stimulus rescue. John Mcmillan rightly observes that “the problem in the developing countries is not that the markets are absent but that they are working badly’. Take petroleum downstream as example. For decades, market failed to deliver products not until productive collaboration with the state to build first legacy public refineries and now private refineries, innovate local for-crude-in-Naira, local crude-for-local refineries deals. A promised departure from the rot of the wholesale import in the names of market forces. First reinvent the market by getting domestic supply chain in place through refinery fixing (whether private or public). There was once a Nigeria of four National Development Plans (NDPs) with double digit growth rates sadly later traded for feverish debt-payment SAPs promoted by IMF/ World Bank for odious debt repayment by unaccountable military regimes. NESG has certainly come of age but the age of its market policy ideological dogma must give way to pragmatic mix bag of state and market policies that China has (with consistent Development plans) applied to secure second seat in the league of global economies , first position to take a multitude out of poverty. Nigeria should not “waste” this current crisis. Start with the “soft” notion of development. I agree with former Secretary-General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon that development is “ the pathway to the future we want for all”. Why should things get ‘tough’ for the already toughened populace before they will get better?. Amartya Sen, 1998 Nobel Prize Winner for Economics has long warned us against a development process as a war (and in his own words!), as a “fierce process”, the regular trade marks of which are “blood, sweat and tears”- “... a world in which wisdom demands toughness’ instead of reasoning together for collective good.

President Bola Tinubu, deeply moved by the inhuman treatment endured by the Super Eagles of Nigeria at a Libyan airport, warmly welcomes their safe return to Nigeria.

The harrowing experience of the national football team at the hands of their hosts and the Libyan authorities prompted the Nigerian Football Federation to withdraw the Super Eagles from the scheduled match on Tuesday. 

President Tinubu expects the Disciplinary Board of the Confederation of African Football (CAF) to conduct a thorough investigation and recommend appropriate action against those who wilfully violated the organisation’s Statutes and Regulations.

The President commends the proactive coordination between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Federal Ministry of Sports Development in addressing the unfortunate episode and ensuring the safe return of our players.

President Tinubu applauds the players for keeping their spirit alive despite the excruciating ordeal in Libya.

The Nigerian leader recognises football's unifying power in bringing nations and people together and views the treatment of our citizens as unsportsmanlike and inhumane, a stark contrast to the spirit of the game he deeply appreciates.

He fervently calls on all lovers of the round-leather game and administrators to unite and work collaboratively to prevent and overcome such incidents in the future.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy)

October 14, 2024

Nigeria’s foreign capital inflows from BRICS nations have surged by 189% in the first half of 2024, amid the country’s ongoing efforts to secure a spot within the expanded BRICS coalition.

An analysis of data from the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) revealed that capital importation from BRICS countries rose from $438.72 million in the first six months of 2023 to $1.27 billion in the same period of 2024.

The BRICS group, initially comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, expanded on January 1, 2024, by officially welcoming five new members: Saudi Arabia, Iran, Egypt, Ethiopia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

Argentina was also invited but declined membership, making the total membership 10.

While Nigeria was not part of this wave of inclusion, the country remains steadfast in its efforts to join the group within the next two years, recognizing the potential benefits in trade and investment flows that BRICS membership could bring.

What the data says 

• The surge in BRICS capital inflows was primarily driven by South Africa and Saudi Arabia, which accounted for the largest increases in H1 2024.

• Inflows from South Africa skyrocketed from $228.09 million in H1 2023 to $838.32 million in H1 2024, marking a significant 267% rise.

• South Africa’s dominant position in capital flows suggests strong bilateral relations, especially in financial services, consumer goods, and telecommunications.

• Saudi Arabia, a newly inducted BRICS member, saw a remarkable jump in capital inflows, rising from a mere $0.03 million to $147.07 million during the same period.

• Similarly, China, a relatively smaller investor in the previous year, saw its capital importation into Nigeria leap from $0.25 million to $35.64 million over the same period.

• China’s growing investments can be attributed to its global Belt and Road Initiative, which seeks to enhance infrastructure and trade networks across Africa, with Nigeria being a key partner.

• Among the newly inducted BRICS members, the UAE also contributed to the rise, with inflows growing from $209.41 million in the first half of 2023 to $245.19 million in 2024.

• These inflows reflect the deepening economic ties between Nigeria and the Gulf states, particularly in energy, infrastructure, and trade.

50% of BRICS countries have zero foreign capital in Nigeria 

While there was a general increase in investments from BRICS member countries, half of the countries on the BRICS list did not record any foreign capital inflows into Nigeria in both H1 2023 and H1 2024.

These countries include Brazil, Russia, Iran, Egypt, and Ethiopia. Despite being members of the BRICS coalition, these nations have not made any capital investments in Nigeria during the period under review.

This lack of inflow could be attributed to a range of factors, including differing economic priorities, regional focus, or geopolitical considerations that may influence their investment strategies.

What you should know 

November last year, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yusuf Tuggar, was reported to have said that Nigeria plans to become a member of the BRICS economic bloc in the next two years and join the G20 group of nations.

• The Minister said that Nigeria meets the qualification for joining organisations like the BRICS and G20, noting the size of her economy and her population is a suitable criterion.
• Last year, Nigeria’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima attended the BRICS summit in South Africa but didn’t push to become a member when the bloc admitted new members including two from Africa – Ethiopia and Egypt.
• In September this year, Tuggar, the Foreign Affairs Minister, reiterated the country’s interest in joining BRICS, an influential economic bloc comprising Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa.

Tuggar explained that while Nigeria has not yet formally applied to join BRICS, the country would do so “at the right time.”

He noted that joining the bloc is indeed on the radar of the Bola Tinubu administration.

[Nairametrics]

The Federal Government has waded into the ordeal of the Super Eagles of Nigeria in Libya.

Naija News has reported that the Super Eagles flew to Libya on Sunday, October 13, in preparation for the 2025 Africa Cup of Nations qualifiers against the Mediterranean Knights at 8 p.m. on Tuesday, October 15.

After landing at the Al Abraq Airport in Libya, the Super Eagles were left stranded for over 13 hours without any assistance from the host Libyan Football Federation.

The captain of the national team, William Troost-Ekong had also taken to his Instagram story to lament over the ill-treatment and announced that the Super Eagles have resolved not to honour the game.

Also, a statement from the NFF has confirmed that the football body is making arrangements to fly the national team back to Nigeria, which means that there is little or no chance of honoring Tuesday’s fixture.

Alkasim Abdulkadir, the Media and Communications Special Assistant to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Yusuf Tuggar, disclosed that the Minister has been in contact with the Super Eagles.

He disclosed that the Libyan authorities were yet to authorize the Nigerian Mission in Libya to travel to Bayda City where the Super Eagles are located.

Abdulkadir wrote on X: “Update: @YusufTuggar is in touch with the Nigerian Mission in Libya through the CDA Amb Stephen Anthony Awuru who has also been in touch with the NFF and Libyan authorities since last night, but Libyan authorities were yet to authorize them to travel to Bayda City where the airport is located. 

“However, the CDA instructed the head of the Nigerian Community in Benghazi Mr Morris Eromosele who arrived there this morning with supplies and internet access. 

“The Minister continues to monitor the unfortunate event through the CDA and awaits a report for further action.”

[NaijaNews]

The ongoing economic crisis has reached every corner of the nation, touching the rich and poor, urban and rural dwellers alike. With inflation rates climbing to about 33% as of August 2024, living costs have risen dramatically. Food prices alone have skyrocketed by more than 30%, placing a significant strain on household incomes. Families that were once able to get by are now struggling to afford necessities like food, fuel, and healthcare. 

This is not a crisis we can afford to ignore. 

Many Nigerians feel their government, both at the local and State levels, works against them rather than for them. Government institutions, law enforcement agencies, and tax offices are often seen as riddled with inefficiency and bribery. This makes navigating daily life even more difficult for average citizens, who must contend with constant bureaucratic hurdles. It’s the average citizen who bears the brunt of these systemic flaws. 

Amid these crises, Nigeria’s democracy itself is under threat. Citizens’ faith in democracy is fast eroding. When the economic, governance, and security systems fail, the public’s ability to participate in governance and enjoy basic rights promised by democracy is severely hampered. Nowhere is this more apparent than in Rivers State, a region whose political crisis has become a significant threat to Nigerian democracy.

Despite several attempts to stabilise the situation, the crisis deepens, creating nationwide concern. Due to its oil resources and geographical location, Rivers State, one of Nigeria’s most strategic states, has become a focal point for political conflict. The State’s political turmoil has far-reaching consequences for Nigeria’s democratic health, as instability in one of the nation’s most economically significant states sends shockwaves through the broader political landscape.

Efforts by political leaders and mediators to resolve the crisis in Rivers have so far proven unsuccessful. Tensions in the State are continuously high, making it a potential battleground for violence. This situation has become so concerning that democracy advocates across Nigeria worry about the ripple effects this crisis could have nationwide. If left unresolved, the unrest in Rivers may undermine the very foundation of Nigeria’s democracy, leading to a potential outbreak of violence.

One of the key reasons this crisis poses such a grave threat is its impact on democratic institutions. The judiciary, police, and security agencies,  which are meant to uphold the rule of law and protect citizens, were intensely scrutinised during the Rivers crisis. In particular, the judiciary has been accused of being politically influenced, leading to a loss of public trust in its impartiality. In Rivers, conflicting court rulings have further eroded confidence in the justice system. This manipulation of legal outcomes raises severe concerns about the future of democracy in the State and, by extension, the nation.

Similarly, the media’s role in shaping public perception and its potential impact on the crisis cannot be overlooked. The media, often accused of bias and sensationalism, can escalate or de-escalate the crisis through its coverage. Its influence on public opinion can either fuel or dampen the flames of political discord. This perception undermines the credibility of these institutions, making them seem like tools of political elites rather than defenders of public safety.

The perceived compromised stance of the Nigerian police on the Rivers crisis has increased the potential for violence, as citizens increasingly lose confidence in the capacity of police to be an impartial law enforcement institution. The general perception is that Nigerian police is an active participant in the crisis. 

The effect of this crisis is not limited to Rivers State alone. It also has broader implications for the national government, particularly the legislative and executive arms. Many Nigerians are now questioning the federal government’s ability to intervene and restore order in the State. The People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Nigeria’s main opposition party, also feels the strain. Because all the key actors profess to belong to the party, the party’s inability to resolve the political turmoil in Rivers is further damaging its public image. Already viewed by many as an ineffective opposition, the PDP risks losing even more public trust as the crisis drags on. A 2023 public opinion poll showed that only 34% of Nigerians had confidence in the PDP, compared to 42% in 2021. The internal divisions within the party, exacerbated by the conflict in Rivers, threaten to fracture it further, potentially weakening Nigeria’s democratic process.

At the core of the Rivers State crisis is a fierce power struggle for control over the State’s vast resources and a vague unknown entity called ” political structure”. Unfortunately, rather than focusing on the development of the State and the welfare of its people, political actors in Rivers are more concerned with personal gain. The fierce competition for political dominance has led to violence, instability, and the neglect of the State’s economic potential. Despite being one of Nigeria’s resource-endowed states, Rivers remains underdeveloped, with inadequate infrastructure and high unemployment. In 2023, the unemployment rate in the State was estimated to be 33%, reflecting the failure of successive governments in the last ten years to translate its natural resources into tangible benefits for its citizens.

Several factors have exacerbated the crisis, including personal ego clashes between political actors, a sense of imperial entitlement among the elite, and the combative nature of political discourse in the State. Political figures in Rivers often engage in inflammatory rhetoric with little regard for diplomacy or civil discourse, which does not represent the average Rivers man who is decent and polished. This toxic communication has only deepened the divisions, making resolution more difficult. However, there are potential solutions to this crisis. Dialogue, compromise, citizens’ action and focusing on the common good can help bridge the political divide. It’s essential for all stakeholders to unite against the crisis, setting aside personal ambitions for the greater good. None of the actors should assume the role of Emperor-in-Chief of Rivers State. It would only lead to self-destruct.

Rivers’ current political crisis bears a troubling resemblance to the events in Western Nigeria during the early 1960s. Known as the “Wild Wild West” era, that period of political instability, violence, and lawlessness culminated in Nigeria’s first military coup in 1966. The crisis in Western Nigeria showed how unchecked political impunity and violence could threaten the very fabric of democracy. Many fear a similar outcome could occur in Rivers if the political actors involved do not change course. The failure to learn from history may turn Rivers State into a ticking time bomb, threatening the country’s democratic future.

Democracy thrives on institutions that remain impartial and strong, but developments in Rivers State threaten critical guardrails like security agencies and the judiciary. Security forces, particularly the police, have been accused of aligning with political factions, eroding public trust and escalating violence. Former President Goodluck Jonathan has voiced concern that the conflicting judgments issued by the judiciary on political matters are eroding confidence in the justice system. The Chief Justice of Nigeria and the National Judicial Council must step in and save the judiciary from self-destruction arising from the Rivers’ crises. 

Governor Siminialayi  Fubara has a duty to steer Rivers towards stability. Having been elected to govern, he is responsible for driving the development of the State and should be allowed to provide leadership. His failure to discharge that responsibility of leadership will stain his legacy. Former Governor Nyesom Wike, now the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, must focus on his new role and allow the current governor to handle Rivers’ challenges.

As history has shown, violence is not a solution to democratic issues. The burning of Local Government Area secretariats and other violent acts break the rule of law. Such actions damage the State’s reputation, set her development in reverse gear, and undermine the very foundations of democracy. Political actors must recognise that self-help and violence are counterproductive in resolving democratic challenges. The Inspector General of Police has to live above board and act in the spirit and letter of the law to protect lives and properties. 

Political leaders involved in the Rivers crisis must urgently exercise restraint and responsibility. The people of Rivers deserve a break from the constant chaos and conflict that has plagued their State. Rivers’ people who bear the brunt of this crisis must rise to the occasion, foster discussions, express dissatisfaction with irresponsible politicians and demand good conduct.

As a stakeholder in Rivers’ politics and her development, speaking out is my moral duty. Silence is no longer an option in the face of such widespread destruction and lawlessness. 

I refrained from commenting on the crisis for nearly a year, hoping that reason would prevail. However, it has become clear that without solid voices defending democratic values, the state risks descending further into instability. Intellectuals and other thought leaders must step forward to provide reasoned discourse and help guide the State through these turbulent times. Rivers risks sliding into anarchy without these voices, and Nigeria’s fragile democracy could be at risk.

Nigeria has changed dramatically in the last few decades. Unfortunately, it is not for the better. Strange events and ugly developments that were hitherto unimaginable in this part of the world a few years ago have become our daily reality. Going through regular national news reports and commentaries, one finds it difficult to accept that this is still the same country we grew up in — with so much hope and expectations. A little while ago, many would have laughed off the idea of openly raising money through social media channels to pay ransom to kidnappers. When in the past we read reports of suicide bomb attacks and similar acts of terror in places like the Middle East and Afghanistan, did we not convince ourselves that such occurrences were impossible here? Today we know better. On the economic front, things have changed even more dramatically. Neighbours whose compatriots once flooded the streets of our urban centres in search of jobs and means of survival now mock us openly, deride our currency and make jest of us on social media platforms. Who could have thought this possible in the 1970s or even 2000s? Shall we talk about the alarming poverty and unemployment rates, the unmitigated collapse of public education, loss of faith in public institutions and all the other socio-economic problems that have forced many bright minds to pack their bags and move elsewhere (the ‘japa’ syndrome) because for them, there is just no other way to make it. How about millions of families for whom the bare necessities of life have become articles of luxury? It gets more alarming when one realises that majority of the families and individuals who would now think twice before buying a regular loaf of bread were until a few years ago, comfortable middle-income earners.

We were once a nation of optimists who held very strong hopes that we were on the ascent on the development ladder. It would have been very difficult to believe that we will still be struggling with electricity problems in 2024. The assurance was that by the dawn of the new millennium, the problem of perennial power failure would be a thing of the past.

The truth, and we must never be ashamed to admit it, is that we have failed to live up to the expectations of millions of people around the world who had imagined in the 1950s and early 1960s that this land will attain superpower status, or something very close, by the dawn of the new millennium. A lot has gone wrong in the last 64 years of our political independence but the least profitable way to use our time at this auspicious gathering is to devote any part of it to blame trading. We know of course that for many politicians and many public commentators, our worst setback was the incursion of the military in national politics. The military on their part had often cited “patriotic zeal” and failure of the “political class” for their unsolicited interventions. For the masses, however, there is no distinction between the military rulers and the political elites; both are simply lumped together as “leaders” and blamed for the seemingly unending woes of the country. These “leaders” include bureaucrats in the civil service, university administrators, judicial officers, community leaders and everyone else who exercises some form of authority in different jurisdictions. In a continuing cycle of blames, the “leaders” often point to the “system” for its failure and this is always supported by claims of coming to power with “very good intentions.” Unfortunately, there is no clarity on the “system” construct and how to interrogate its involvement in our national woes. The truth is that the people are tired of the regurgitation of excuses by those with access to public microphones. They just want things to work — their children going to schools where they are taught in a conducive environment by properly trained and motivated teachers; they want access to basic amenities including electricity, pipe-borne water and good roads. Our people want a community where the institutions of state are effective and responsive; they want the emergency services to respond as soon as they are contacted, without hindrances or excuses, they want to go to the courts and get justice in good time, they want to go to bed each night with both eyes closed, certain that they will not be jolted awake by masked gunmen, or find themselves in the middle of nowhere, surrounded by kidnappers for whom the sacredness of human life is an abstract idea that can only be scorned.  For our young ones, all that they ask is an opportunity to make a living and pursue their dreams without structural limitations. It is unfortunate that many of us are yet to fully appreciate the haemorrhage of human talent from our country fuelled by the ‘japa’ phenomenon but the situation has assumed an alarming proportion. As someone who has worked with hundreds of very smart young people in different capacities, it breaks my heart to see that so many of them have been forced by circumstances to take their talents and values to other places. We may not like what is happening but unfortunately, not much has been done to convince the younger generation of Nigerians that there would be light at the end of what has been a very long, dark tunnel. Our best brains in health sciences, software engineering, and finance could have stayed back to serve their fatherland if we had put our acts together.

 Commendations and appreciations are in order to the brave and courageous ones who have resisted the temptation to leave. Thank you for your patriotic services, that is if you are not waiting for an opportunity to leave! At any rate, it is depressing to observe that the opportunities we took for granted at the conclusion of our tertiary education in the 1970s and 1980s have disappeared for the majority, however brilliant they may be. So, we have clearly regressed. It may not be very pleasing to our ears but the truth is that all of us, in one way or the other, have contributed to this sorry state of affairs. For many of us who had the advantage of quality education in public schools, the idea of training our own children in private schools, or perhaps overseas for those who can afford the cost, tells a pathetic story of its failure. There is no mild way of saying it because we refused to pay attention to what was unfolding before us. What is happening today is that we are simply paying for our failure to read the signs and do what was needed to resist the destruction of the structures and institutions that helped us to fulfil our dreams forty, fifty years ago.

We must now become very desperate to undo whatever it was that dimmed the hopes and dreams of an entire generation. The theme of this Conference, Governance Reimagined: Mapping the Future, is very apt for a time like this because it invites us to reflect on where we are and then imagine where we could be if we made a few but very important foundational changes. As we had said on several platforms, getting out of the present quagmire requires a new paradigm because just like Albert Einstein said, “We cannot solve our problems with the same level of thinking we used when we created them.” The assignment before us is to evolve new ways of tackling the existential problems that confront us because we shall be doomed if we remain aloof and imagine that we shall be spared when the ship ultimately wrecks. The unfortunate truth is that there may be no life boats to jump into.

We are often not as powerless as we imagine especially in a democracy where the king has the same voting right as a commoner. The reality of the time invites us to gird our loins and get to work. The first step to progress is to believe that Nigeria is not beyond redemption and that we have within us, all that is required to fix it. It is also important to appreciate that there is very little we can do about the past but if we start doing the right thing today, we can remap the future as the theme of this Conference invites us to. The natural question to follow is: what is the right thing? How can a young accounting professional be the champion of the new paradigm that can turn things around for a country of about 220 million citizens? What new paradigm are we even talking about? Why is clarity of essence in this conversation? Simple: The days of empty jargons are long gone because we can no longer mask our failures with words that have no meaning to the ordinary person. It will therefore serve us well to understand what we seek to achieve, and what is expected of us as individuals and as a collective.

One, the right thing speaks to our obligations and duties as citizens. Thankfully, we learnt so much about citizenship even as pupils in primary school. The time to make the most of that knowledge might just be now. As accountants, I am certain that almost everyone in this room pays their taxes and other statutory fees to the government regularly so we may not have much of a problem in that area. How about being effective in our responsibilities as leaders, discharging our duties faithfully and to everyone, without ill-will or affection? How often and quickly do we contact the law enforcement agents when we are confronted with inordinate requests or presented with evidence of fraudulent transactions in the course of our duties? Do we see the wrong things and then choose the convenience of inaction? Do we seek to be part of the wrong thing for financial or other benefits? Do we still keep faith with our civic obligation of joining the process of electing leaders who will serve the best interest of the people or are we often too busy that we concede our rights to participate in the electoral process to persons who are easily manipulated — individuals who are only motivated by chants and lures of ethnicity and religious posturing? How many of us are active in the political circuit or do we only consider ourselves as ‘core professionals’ who have no business being in politics? Well, the evidence of the last 25 years of democratic practice has shown that politics should be everyone’s business because its outcome impacts everyone. Like Charles de Gaulle once said, “politics is too serious a matter to be left to the politicians.”

These are excerpts from the Lead Presentation by Dr. Alex Otti, OFR, the Executive Governor of Abia State at the 54th Annual Conference of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria on Tuesday October 8, 2024, at Abuja.