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Former Speaker of the House of Representatives, Yakubu Dogara said on Tuesday that the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike funded the 2019 election of Bauchi state governor, Senator Bala Mohammed. 

Reacting to Bala Mohammed’s comments accusing Wike as a transactional politicians and serial betrayal, Dogara detailed how Wike, the hen Rivers State governor mandated Chief Dan Orbih to deliver the PDP governorship ticket to Bala Mohammed and helped raised the fund used for his elections. 

In a statement he personally signed, Dogara who was speaker of the 8th House of Representatives alleged that the Bauchi state governor practically knelt down before Wike in Port Harcourt to collect money for his election from Wike. 

He said: “Governor Bala Mohammed’s recent outbursts against His Excellency Nyeson Wike, the Honourable Minister of the Federal Capital Territory though not entirely surprising have only served to expand the vistas of ingratitude and treachery based on what I know.  

“As I witness this gross injustice, the questions I ask myself, are: is my comfort more important than saying the truth and is my fear of conflict worth allowing harm to go unchallenged? 

 

“I have learned enough over the years to know beyond reasonable doubt that in the face of situations like this, if I choose to prioritize my comfort, I will fail the victim and fail myself. This is because injustice itself is a festering wound, it only grow its worse when brushed aside.

“As someone who knows so much because I was the provocateur of the events between the two that I will speak to, I consider my silence not just cowardice but complicity. Therefore, I am not afraid to stand alone or risk conflict. 

“I should not be misunderstood to be defending Wike but simply stating the raw truth that I know and I really don’t give a damn if the truth makes Wike look good. I have learnt to say the truth as I enjoy my freedom from being a slave to human opinion. 

“For starters, need I remind Governor Bala Mohammed that in 2018 PDP Gubernatorial primaries, when we were not too sure he will win because, his then major opponent, Senator  Abdul Ningi was the one who constituted the State party structure and had a bosom friend as Party chairman, it was Wike we turned  to for help. 

“I had called Wike to plead with him to help us in Bauchi without necessarily disclosing to him that it was Bala Mohammed that we wanted delivered. His response to me, was that are you sure you are in control of the process 100 percent? I said, I wasn’t too sure and he said to me leave it to me, I will help you sort it out. 

“To do it, Wike first of all made his bosom friend and close ally, Chief Dan Osi Orbih the Chairman of the Panel for the Primaries and said I should discuss whatever I wanted with Chief Dan. 

“We got talking and on the eve of the Primaries, Chief Dan was in Benin city and we needed to get him to Bauchi for the assignment, it was to Wike that I turned to again and his response to me was, my brother, I have told you not to bother about this. Tell Chief Dan to come to meet me in Port Harcourt. I did just that and amazingly Wike provided the private jet that flew Chief Dan to Bauchi and out of Bauchi for the assignment. 

“I can say without fear of any contradiction that Wike bore all expenses for the exercise. It’s therefore shocking that this so called transactional character called Wike did not place any condition whatsoever for his support.

“That is just the beginning of the story, I hate to tell, but I must. After the emergence of Bala Mohammed as the party flag bearer and having promised to sponsor all the party candidates if he gets the ticket, we were rudely awoken to the reality that Bala Mohammed had no money for his own campaigns let alone for other candidates of the party.  

“Initially, I thought it was some kind of a funny joke but as time went, I realized to my utter bewilderment that it was true. It turned out Bala Mohammed had lied to us about his financial capacity.  

“So we had a meeting at my then residence at Wuse 2 Abuja to help raise money and we thought since Bala Mohammed was one time Minister for nearly 6 years, he must have built enough goodwill we could harness if we organised a fundraiser for him.

“A committee was put in place and we spent N20 million to organize the fundraiser at the then Lady Kwai Hall, Sheraton Hotels, Abuja. 

Before then, I had asked  Bala Mohammed to give me a list of some of the people he  had helped while he held sway as Minister for FCT.

“He obliged me with the list and after calling just four people on the list that I know so well, what they said to me jolted me and I reserve that for some other day. But suffice to say that I knew the fundraiser will be a flop. Do, I was already thinking of alternatives. 

“And as predicted, we had the fundraiser and to cut the long story short, all we raised from the fundraiser was a paltry N48 million and If you deduct  the N20 million invested in organising it, that leaves you with a net of N28m. I have the records and our stakeholders are there to bear witness to this. 

“When it was obvious the masquerade will soon turn to a human being, I told our then two serving Senators who are alive and can testify that the only option we had was to go to a friend and brother, then Governor Wike for assistance. 

“We got tickets and flew to Port Harcourt with Bala Mohammed without informing Wike that we were coming with him.  On arrival, we were ushered into the Government house and asked to take our seats and wait for the Governor who was still upstairs to join us shortly. 

 

“As soon as Wike walked down the stairs to join us and saw Bala Mohammed his visage changed and I noticed he was cold to me for the very first time.  He asked us to join him at the dining room for breakfast, but excused me while those on my delegation waited. What happened next was nerve raking and humbling, I must say!

“He was like, Speaker why did you bring Bala to my house without even caring to find out what our mission was.  I said to him, I thought he is your friend since both of you served in the same cabinet under President Jonathan. 

“He said to me let me tell you what you don’t know. When we were ministers, Bala Mohammed allocated plots of land to all Ministers except me. He also recalled how he humiliated him when he went to see him in his office as a colleague Minister just to get an approval to increase the number of floors on a building he had in Abuja, not to beg for plot which he refused to allocate to him. 

“He said Bala Mohammed kept him in his waiting room for hours and later sneaked out of the office. That from that day, he made up his mind never to have anything to do with him again. 

“He added, I wish, you had told me it’s Bala you were rooting for but whatever you want I will assist you guys because I don’t say no to a brother but I assure you, you will regret your decision if Bala Mohammed becomes Governor. The rest is history. 

“He said to me let’s join them at the dining so that I can confront  him with these issues for you to know that I am not making things up. We joined them at the dinning and Wike confronted Bala with these issues in the open and in our very presence. 

“Bala admitted and pleaded for forgiveness assuring that he is now a changed man. The two Senators with me that day can confirm this to anyone who wants to establish the veracity of these narratives.

“To cut the long story short, we passed the night at the Government house and the next morning Wike called and directed that his cash assistance be handed over to me to pass to Bala. I said, your Excellency, it’s better I call him so that he can collect the assistance himself least he thinks you are still angry with him. 

“I sent for Bala and when he came Wike’s aide handed over the package to him and he collected it while almost kissing the ground. Wike therefore gave us the lifeline we needed to kick start Bala’s campaigns. 

“If Bala has forgotten how much we left with that day, I will remind him. Wike didn’t stopped there, he gave us a private jet to ferry us back to Abuja. And I must add that was not the only time Wike helped  Bala with resources and logistics. 

“What is baffling is that the so called transactional Wike did not demand for anything in return nor place any condition for all that he did. Believe me this is not the end of the story but let’s leave it here.

“With all these, my question to Bala is what happens to the golden adage that you don’t attempt to break the calabash from which you once sucked honey? For Bala, power is a poison and anyone who questions how he wields it, for that reason, is an eternal heretic that must be crushed at all cost. 

“Every sane person knows that true freedom doesn’t insist on expressing itself to the harm of others especially those that stood by you in your time of desperate need. For it is not in vain that they say, “a friend in need is a friend indeed”. 

“Unfortunately, for those of us who know Bala too well, there is no room for debate about whether he is a rogue or mere scoundrel, as much as there is no debate about his moral bankruptcy, rooted in a contempt for truth. 

“His mental pathology reveals a man that harbours grand delusions to the extent that he would not recognize the truth, whether about his private or political life, if confronted by it in an identity parade. As someone who is false to his friends and neighbours, it is impossible for him to be true to the public. 

“Between Wike and Bala, Bala should be told in unequivocal terms that it is better to be hated for what you are than to be loved for what you are not. It is obvious that Bala is not near anything that he is projecting to the public. 

“When Wike was his benefactor, he said he knew Wike had done better than him and referred to him as, “ someone who is courageous, focused and determined, a person qualified and competent to help salvage Nigeria”. His words not mine. 

 

“Now that Wike cuts off the benefits, he is a dead wood, former friend and a “transactional politician”. As a known wimp, he believes that Wike is now on the robs and he is punching so hard so that he can appropriate the glory from whatever pyrrhic victory that may ensue. 

“Is it not ludicrous for someone who is mostly disliked for no reason other than he is shady, to call someone transactional? Time will not permit me to list those Bala has betrayed which includes his known godfather and our father, Baba Waziri, Alhaji Bello Kirfi, Elder statesman and former minister under President Shehu Shagari in the second republic. 

“Bala represents everything but decency which I said before that I doubted he will ever have. Those who thought I was too harsh including an ally of Wike who pleaded  with me not to talk about Bala again are increasingly noticing this. 

“I am sure they are now convinced that we cannot continue to run a therapy session for a troubled pyromaniac nay reptilian brat like this who consistently seeks to elevate himself by putting others down and who inhales rather than think before he talks. 

“After all, it was saint John Chrysostom who said, “we must not mind insulting men, if by respecting them we offend God”. 

[TheNation]

The Transmission Company of Nigeria has announced an electricity disruption in parts of Akwa Ibom State.

TCN’s spokesperson, Ndidi Mbah, disclosed this in a statement on Tuesday.

She explained that the outage, which is scheduled between 11am and 6pm on Tuesday, was due to maintenance of TCN’s 60 Mega Volt Ampere power transformers at the 132/33kV Uyo Transmission Substation.

Areas affected are Abak, Ikot-Ekpene, Afaha Ube, and Idoro.

 

“The Transmission Company of Nigeria, TCN, announces scheduled maintenance on one of its 60MVA power transformers at the 132/33kV Uyo Transmission Substation on Tuesday, January 28, 2025, from 11:00 a.m. to 6:00 p.m.

“As a result, there will be an interruption of bulk power supply to the Port Harcourt DisCo, affecting the distribution of electricity to end-users in Abak, Ikot-Ekpene, Afaha Ube, and Idoro for the duration of the maintenance period.

“The power interruption is necessary to ensure a safe working environment for our engineers while they perform the maintenance work. TCN assures all that the bulk power supply will be restored immediately upon completion,” she stated.

[Punch]

Nigerians celebrate January 15 of every year as Armed Forces Remembrance Day (AFRD). Also known simply as Remembrance Day, it is a day set aside to honour the servicemen of the Nigerian Armed Forces and veterans of the First and Second World Wars as well of the Nigerian Civil War. The name was changed to ‘Armed Forces Celebration and Remembrance Day’ in 2024 to underline the fact that it is also about celebrating members of the Armed Forces still in service as well as the fallen heroes in those conflicts.

In fact, most members of the Commonwealth and several non-Commonwealth countries celebrate Remembrance Day ( also known as Poppy Day) on November 11 to honour the end of the First World War because the War ended ‘at the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month’ of 1918, in accordance with the armistice signed by representatives of Germany and the Triple Entente (the United Kingdom, France, and Russia) – though the War effectively ended with the signing of the Treaty of Versailles on 28 June 1919. With the end of the Nigerian or Biafran Civil War on 15 January 1970, (which was the day the instrument of surrender was handed over to Olusegun Obasanjo by Philip Effiong of the Biafran Army), Nigeria adopted January 15 as its own Remembrance Day.

I think it made a lot of sense then to use January 15 as Armed Forces Remembrance Day, especially given General Gowon’s symbolic declaration that there was “No Winner, No Vanquished” in the war – even if we all know there was a clear winner. Using January 15 as Armed Forces Remembrance Day was then meant to honour soldiers on both sides of the ‘brotherly’ conflict who paid the supreme sacrifice and to celebrate the unity the end of the war was meant to usher. Unfortunately given that January 15 was also the Day the First military coup took place, Nigeria’s Armed Forces Celebration and Remembrance Day has unfortunately turned to be a Day to re-open old wounds on both sides of the conflict because every finger pointing leads to counter-finger pointing.

 
 

In an article on January 21 2016 entitled ‘January 15, 1966 and after: We remember differently’, I responded to issues raised by Emir of Kano HRH Alhaji Muhammadu Sanusi who was quoted as warning that “Nigeria may experience a repeat of the January 15 1966 military coup if some parts of the country continue in violence and disunity.” Emir Sanusi reportedly made the remarks on January 14 of that year at the 50th commemoration of the death of the Sardauna of Sokoto, Sir Ahmadu Bello. He was quoted as condemning “the situation where some individuals were trying to rewrite history by portraying themselves as the victims instead of the aggressors” (The Herald, January 15 2016). Emir Sanusi was probably referring to the agitation by Biafra separatist groups such as the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and the Indigenous Peoples Republic of Biafra (IPOB). Following from this, some have called for the history of the Civil War to be taught “truthfully.”

In my response, I remarked as follows: My aim in this piece is not to challenge the Emir’s condemnation of “the situation where some individuals were trying to rewrite history by portraying themselves as the victims instead of the aggressors” but rather to show that for every piece of our history, there are contending narratives and that people on opposite sides of an ugly event often remember differently and therefore will often interpret that event, including the apportioning of blame about it, differently.

It is for the above reason that social scientists argue that truth is relative, that what we call “the truth”, is in fact socially constructed and experiential rather than an ‘objective reality’ or an immutable fact. Following from this, historiography (the art of history construction) is never neutral in the ideological, philosophical and political contestations in any plural society. I am sure if Hitler were to be given an opportunity to write about the history of the Second World War his version of “the truth” will be manifestly different from the current dominant account about that ugly chapter in world history.

The truth is that there are contending perspectives on the January 15 1966 coup, the July 29 1967 coup and on what caused the Civil war.

There are a few facts about the coup which are not deniable: it was extremely bloody -as most military coups by junior army officers are wont to be. And it didn’t need to be, even if the coupists wanted to overthrow the civilian government.  The ring leaders were mostly Igbo and Christians and there was regional imbalance in both the casualties and those spared.  It was also argued that Major-General Ironsi who became Head of State following the coup did nothing substantial to punish the coup plotters allegedly because they were his fellow Igbo. The anger of the North was therefore understandable.

Those who try to deny  the ethnic (and religious) character  of  the coup counter- argue that the conspiratorial nature of coups and the consequences of failure which attracts the death penalty means leads coup plotters often recruiting from their close-knit groups (ethnic, regional or religious) and that subsequent coups in the country  followed the same pattern.  It is also argued that if the coup was a conspiracy by Igbo officers, it was also botched by Igbo officers – Ironsi in Lagos and Ojukwu in Kano.

If the coup of January 1966 was lopsided, the Northern revenge coup of July 1966 was even more so. Not only was Ironsi killed in a brutal manner, several Igbo military officers were killed. Then came the pogrom, which killed tens of thousands of Igbos, and which continued even after Gowon had firmly established himself as the Head of State after the death of Ironsi. While there is a consensus that the Northern counter coup of July 1966 and the anti-Igbo pogrom that followed were disproportionate in their grotesqueness to the sins of the January 15 1966 coup makers, their defenders argue that reactions are rarely equal to the original actions, and that Igbos living in the North did not show humility after the January 15 1966 coup. What seems obvious is that much of the Igbo anger about the civil war is focused on stories of the pogrom following the counter coup of 1966 and the devastating impact of the Civil War- kwashiorkor, deaths, opportunities lost and Igbophobia. 

What caused the war? Depending on which side you are, explanations of what caused the civil war differ. For many on the federal side, the war was simply caused by the desire of the people of the former Eastern Nigeria to secede from Nigeria as the  Republic of Biafra and the decision of the rest of the country to fight to keep Nigeria one.   For most Igbos, the Civil War was simply a war of self-preservation caused by the pogrom against the Igbos in the North. 

Obviously these two narratives are simplistic. They are at best among the trigger events to the war. The proximate causes of the 1966 Coup, which was initially received with jubilation across the country cannot be divorced from the controversies around the 1962 census over alleged inflation of figures in some regions, the acrimony over the 1964 federal elections and the ‘Operation Wetie’ in the Western Region (nicknamed the ‘wild wild West’) in 1965 in which there were widespread looting, arson and burning of political opponents alive. Some ahistorical narrations of the January 15 1966 military coup often gives the wrong impression that Nigeria was an oasis of peace and tranquillity before the coup ‘messed’ things up. It wasn’t.

I believe that if we are really serious about moving forward as a nation, we need to re-think the celebration of Armed Forces Remembrance Day on January 15 as it has degenerated into being a day of opening healing wounds on both sides of the conflict. One of the effects is that we remain stuck in the ugly events of the past rather than making conscious efforts to move beyond them. It is important for the ‘combatants’ on both sides of the argument to bear in mind that what is called truth is relative and socially constructed.

What is need is the use of historiography – the art of writing history in a way to achieve a given end – to heal the wounds of January 15 coup, the wounds of the Civil War, the wounds from the subsequent coups in the country as well as the pains of several aggrieved communities, including those who suffered from the Asaba Massacre of October 1967. This is what Rwandans seem to have done to help them heal from the effects of the 1994 genocide in the country. Outside the coups and the Civil War several communities across the country such as the Ogonis, Odi, Zaki-Biam and Zangon Kataf still have institutionalized memories of hurt. 

One of the key lessons from the First Republic which many people gloss over is that domination leads to resentment. During the First Republic the Igbos dominated not just the public service but also the officer corps of the army (which was probably another reason for the preponderance of Igbo soldiers among the January 15 1966 coup plotters). The residual resentment against Igbo made it easier to mobilise other parts of the country against them during the war and also stoke the fear of domination among the other ethnic groups in the Eastern region.

We also saw that pattern of resentment when Buhari’s nepotism and the favouring of Muslims from the North in his government led to the profiling of the Fulanis (even the ardent critics of Buhari’s clannishness) and to the introduction of a new lexicon,, ‘Fulanisation’. Under the Tinubu government, we also hear murmurs of ‘Yorubanisation’. The bottom line is that the temporary advantages nepotism confers on any group has a short shelf life, and often ends up being an albatross on the people so favoured, including those who never benefitted from the government in question or were even critical of that government’s parochial practices. 

Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University and founder of Adonis & Abbey Publishers (www.adonis-abbey.com). He can be reached at: 0705 807 8841 (WhatsApp and Text messages only).

 

Gospel singer, Mercy Chinwo, has accused her former manager Ezekiel ThankGod aka Eezeetee of sponsoring false news about her son.

Mercy and her husband, Pastor Blessed Uzochikwa, welcomed their first child, a baby boy, on October 28, 2023. Soon, it was rumoured that the baby was fathered by another gospel musician Nathaniel Bassey.

 

Addressing the rumour, Mercy alleged in a video posted on social media on Tuesday that Mr Ezekiel was behind it.

“One of my major crimes was when I did a song with Pastor Nathaniel Bassey. Because this man hates Pastor Nathaniel Bassey you went as far as sponsoring fake news about an innocent child, my son; and you said my son was not my son and you paid bloggers,” she said, with tears in her eyes.

“Because you hate Pastor Jerry Eze you won’t want me to go for his event. The people you fight I must fight them with you and when I ask you questions ‘Why don’t you like them?’ You will start harassing me.”

She reiterated some of the issues her lawyer, Pelumi Olajengbesi, raised in a statement she published on social media on January 25.

Mercy noted that she did not initiate any court action against Ezekiel regarding her music catalogue, adding that he was playing the “victim” despite being a “bully”.

According to the ‘Excess Love’ singer, the toxicity of her relationship with Ezekiel forced her to relocate from Port Harcourt to Lagos.

“You have bloggers, I have God,” Mercy said, assuring that all would be well with her despite the attacks.

[Vanguard]

‘How did we get here?’ You hear this ever so often when expectations are dashed and people receive rude wake-up calls, especially when overwhelmed with the enormity of the weight of the economic deprivation – hardly a day passes without hearing this question from one Nigerian or the other as they gasp accepting something unpleasant and feel resigned to fate.

However, despite the difficulties Nigerians are going through which have been aptly described in some quarters as “T-Pain” – many have referred to what they are going through as unspeakable economic brutality, Nigerians are still sports-loving people. The passion shown by many Nigerians during football seasons in Europe is unmatched and out of this world. Me, my sons and my dear friend, ‘Yemi Ayandiji, go all out for our respective premier league teams, wishing them to ‘humiliate’ their opponents. Steering this to an unlikely area, one which there is the tendency many of our political leaders would love not to mention because they are equally caught in the web of this dire act, which undermines the prosperity of the people they swore oaths to protect and preserve, the wanton dollarisation of our economy, appears to have taken central rostrum leading to a keenly contested battle between the naira and dollar.

 

Over the years, the naira and the dollar have been two currencies trying to outdo and ‘humiliate’ each other in our socio-economic circle but sadly, for several years now, the dollar has been making headway, edging out the naira and hampering monetary policy possibilities in the process due to the massive pressure on the naira, in a country where there are laws governing our economic and financial conduct.

 

The Nigerian economy has become a stage where the naira is being taught unforgettable lessons as far as the ‘currency battle’ is concerned. The crisis in the forex market has reached a crescendo which is affecting every sector of the economy. A watershed moment in the life of the country where so much has been said about how the journey that diminished the value of the naira began. The way and rate at which Nigeria’s economic fortunes took a dramatic turn for the worse, though anticipated by many experts given the leadership deficit and deep-seated corruption which has caused a ripple of concerns and crashed confidence, is as mysterious as it is tragic. As you analyze the state of things about four decades ago and what is happening now, it provides a window into how devastated things have grown economically.

 

The dollarisation of our economy, which commenced in the mid-1980s when the dollar started to seize the role of the naira as a medium of exchange in Nigeria, has taken the country to uncharted economic territory and opened the gate to punch the knife against our fortunes. Urgently reversing this trend made worse by several videos of political leaders spraying bundles of dollars at parties, property values, and luxury apartments priced in dollars, some ivy schools and high-end hotels insisting fees are settled in dollars, etc, is critically essential because it forms a big part of the direction this nation goes economically.

Way back in the days growing up in the ancient town of Kaduna, the administrative seat of Northern Nigeria, I witnessed how domestic production blossomed in different sectors of the economy – especially agriculture, manufacturing, transportation, etc. The country’s industrial base was one of the most active in Nigeria and Africa with the likes of Peugeot Automobile Nigeria Limited (P.A.N.), Bata Limited, several textile industries, etc, taking pivot podium in national and international discourses. Nevertheless, with the rate of corruption spanning and the increased appetite for dollar consumption by Nigerians especially by the wealthy, there was a clear potential for the economy to spiral downhill as it is being experienced now.

It is vital that I do not miss the opportunity to highlight that the shift, mostly by the rich and political class, to the dollar is not in the interest of this country and I cannot characterise it as nationalistic. There are a number of events one can call bizarre – or how do you explain vendors insisting that certain transactions must be sealed in dollars in Nigeria? As far as I’m concerned, there’s no innocent explanation as to why certain Nigerian companies would demand that payments for services must be dollarised.

 

Speaking on the sidelines of the World Bank/IMF annual meetings in Washington DC, the minister of finance and coordinating minister of the economy, Wale Edun, was quoted by Nigerian Tribune of October 24, 2024, “The federal government is actively pursuing plans to de-dollarise the Nigerian economy by strengthening demand for the local currency”. He revealed further, “Local service providers, regulators, and others are being encouraged to “invoice in naira rather than dollars”. I am particularly hopeful that this assertion by the honourable minister would not be to just score political points; rather, that addressing this issue will truly finally get on the way and feature prominently on the key to-do list of this government, using every tool in her arsenal to rein it in by first tackling the extremely low production of goods and services and the raging inflation which are leading people to want to store values in dollars.

Furthermore, this situation, which has assumed what can best be described as an absurdity, should not be happening in the first place. The Central Bank of Nigeria Act of 2007 and the various CBN circulars on dollarisation prohibit the use of foreign currencies in Nigeria. Section 20 of the Central Bank of Nigeria Act, 2007 (“CBN Act”), provides that currency issued by the Central Bank of Nigeria (the “CBN”) is legal tender in Nigeria at its face value. The unregulated use of the dollar has led to a monumental demand for it, worsening the value of the naira. Unfortunately, the regulatory authorities that should enforce these regulations are caught flat-footed, and they appear as if they have little to go on when there is a preponderance of cases out there in the public domain.

Gigantic resources are allocated to these government agencies year in and year out, and they have to give as much as they can and serve the interests of the Nigerian people. It is a real and chilling possibility that if it continues at the rate it currently is, the value of the naira will continue to slide and that means the quality of life most Nigerians yearn for would be a mirage and unattainable. To show the seriousness and the illegality of the dollarisation process, the legal sage and human rights activist, Femi Falana (SAN), filed a suit at the Federal High Court in Lagos against the Central Bank of Nigeria claiming that, “the seeming non-performance of the defendant’s statutory obligations culminated in dollarisation of the country’s economy, which in turn affected the country’s economy negatively contrary to the objectives of the defendant as enshrined in Section 2 of CBN Act”. It is therefore crucially imperative that these authorities roll the dice and curb these excesses to save our economy.

Economies are typically tied to the strength of their currencies. What determines the strength of the currency? Is it not the goods and services provided by the economy? The stronger the currency, the more resilient and robust the country’s economy would likely be. Once the demand for a nation’s currency wanes and shifts to other currencies, the value of that currency, expectedly, drops. Yes, the dollarisation of our economy weakens the naira and leads to an unsavoury wave of events like hiking inflation, erosion of purchasing power and value, spiking of poverty, etc. However, a strong naira value only would not guarantee a strong economy and usher in wealth for the people, there are other germane factors. There is a proverb in Tiv Land which says: “When you see a rat running into the fire, then you know that what it is running from is hotter than the fire”.

 

Without a doubt, one can safely assume that what is ‘pursuing’ Nigeria and causing unmet economic expectations is beyond just the dollarisation of her economy. It is hotter than it. There are much bigger and deeper issues. The country cannot continue to be import-dependent, relying almost exclusively on importations to service domestic markets. Also, there is an urgent need to re-jig domestic production and the industrial base, the likes experienced back in the day. The much talked about lack of respect for the rule of law and corruption which looks to have been legalised and described as “Official” by Simon Kolawole in one of his classic pieces, “How do you preach national values in a country ravaged by official corruption, low public morale, and discontent?”, are some of the other factors, smithereens of the economic puzzle, and key ingredients required in the making of that giant recipe, economic growth, and development. If left unchecked, they have the capability of dooming any prospects left in getting the country out of the economic woods, annihilating the potential inherent in the implementation of the wide-ranging economic policies of this administration and curtailing any chance left of creating what may be a decent situation for an economic comeback.

Just as he did by pulling off the execution of those policies which remained mere rhetoric with past administrations, President Bola Tinubu must demonstrate once again that he has the spine to arrest these anomalies which threaten the economic sovereignty of the nation and one which I think constitute threats to our national security.

The Nigerian people’s increasing desperation for a reprieve from these economic and financial pains is palpable. Hankering for a quick change in their financial status should be a call for the government to act quickly and without any hesitation. Nigerians understand that with each failed attempt to get the nation to address these problems, the capability of setting a narrative of ever-flipping the era of economic downtroddenness and turning things around slips further and further away. In several ways, nonetheless, I must say that President Tinubu has not been all talk with no action.

Well, he has shown that he likes to make uncommon deals. However, a suite of economic policies by this administration which are designed to toss the dragging and suffocating economy a lifeline and revamp decision-making and government policy would remain elusive if the fiscal and monetary matters are not reconciled to achieve an efficient macroeconomy management.

 

While you may not completely agree with him on many issues, you cannot but like and appreciate Tinubu’s spunk at the way he tenaciously and relentlessly pushes through on a number of fronts these policies even in the face of stiff opposition. Nigerians only hope that he can exercise and extend a similar resolute character to fix the widespread dollarisation of the economy and the many other social issues, the likes of which the country has not experienced in modern-day Nigerian history. Nigerians, hoping politics would be put aside and the humanity in our political leaders would rise, cannot wait to put their chins up and put their shoulders which have been bent, for a considerable number of months now due to the crippling economic situations of the country, back up, hoping that our resources, which are as good as you can ever find, are deployed to meaningful use to better their lives.

Ande, a financial and political economy analyst, writes from Lagos and can be reached via eyitayoande@gmail.com

US President Donald Trump has again hinted at the possibility of running for president for a third time. 

The US Constitution does not permit anyone to be elected president more than twice.

Trump spoke with House Republicans at a gathering on Monday.

“I’ve raised a lot of money for the next race that I assume I can’t use for myself, but I’m not 100 percent sure,” he said.

 

“I think I’m not allowed to run again.”

“Am I allowed to run again?” he continued, prodding Mike Johnson, house speaker. “Mike, I better not get you involved in that”.

Johnson, a former constitutional lawyer, chuckled at Trump’s comments. Other lawmakers at the event also had a good laugh about it all.

 

Trump previously dismissed insinuations that he would seek a third term. However, after winning the 2024 presidential election, he light-heartedly hinted that he would be open to a third term during a chat with Republican lawmakers.

“I suspect I won’t be running again, unless you do something,” Trump had said.

“Unless you say, ‘he’s so good, we have to just figure it out.’”

Last week, Andy Ogles, a Republican house member, introduced a bill seeking to allow Trump to run for a third term.

 

Ogles said Trump “has proven himself to be the only figure in modern history” capable of “restoring America to greatness”.

[TheCable]


The news that Gen. Ibrahim Babangida is set to launch his autobiography next month, 32 years after he left office as our fourth military dictator, is one of the surprises of 2025, but will the memoire answer the many questions Nigerians have been asking? I had long given up expecting a memoire from IBB. He has a lot to tell Nigerians and I hope that he would be honest and candid. Gen. Gowon also owes Nigerians a full account of his story. Coming this late, will IBB’s book be worth the wait? Will he give honest answers to the many puzzles that dogged his administration or is this a mere attempt to burnish his image and rewrite history as he prepares for the final phase of his life? It’s been a generation since Gen. Babangida hurriedly put together a contraption called interim national government and left office after an eight-year deceptive dictatorship. His transition programme was a farce, illusory and wasteful. Nigerians have moved on and practically forgotten about him.

A lot of those who were either members of his regime or active participants in the polity in those days have either passed away or are too old to bother about what he writes. IBB’s book may therefore escape a rigorous scrutiny from eyewitnesses to the events of that era like other such accounts from Obasanjo and other civil war actors. Given IBB’s notorious predilection to obfuscate facts and dribble the country when he was the Head of State (the press did not name him ‘’Maradona” for nothing), this book will likely be a mere addition to the shelf. Nothing new will come out of it. But I want to be surprised.

What will IBB write about the coldblooded assassination of Dele Giwa, one of the nation’s finest journalists, in the morning of Sunday, October 19, 1986, through a parcel bomb delivered to his home in Ikeja, Lagos? What reasons will he give for the annulment of the June 12, 1993 general election, an event that set off the most cataclysmic political crisis in the country after the civil war? Will IBB write candidly and honestly about Gloria Okon; the $12 billion Gulf windfall; Nigeria’s membership of OIC; Ebitu Ukiwe matter; Vatsa’s coup; Orkah’s coup and his endless transition programme? Nothing defines the IBB junta and his persona like the heartless killing of Dele Giwa. I look forward to reading a full and honest account of the sad event in his book.

Babangida had always struggled to live with the negative impressions Nigerians have of him. He believes that he should be treated like a respectable global statesman in the mold of Gen. Obasanjo. He has consistently denied complicity in the numerous atrocities that happened under his watch, hoping that somehow, we would forgive him. He had always toyed with the idea of coming up with a memoire, but he was never sure of how well it would be received. In 2018, he told journalists that he was not sure that ‘’Nigerians would like to read about a dictator’’, a self-deprecating way of lowering expectations in whatever he came up with. With Chief MKO Abiola; Prof. Humphrey Nwosu; Chief Gani Fawehinimi; Dr. Beko Ransom Kuti; Admiral Augustus Aikhomu; Admiral Ebitu Ukiwe; Dr. Chu SP Okongwu; Gen. Sani Abacha and many others who fought against him; worked and walked with him gone, who shall offer counter narratives? In his own memoire published a few years before his death, Prof Nwosu, the INEC chairman (it was then known as NEC) who supervised the 1993 presidential election laid the blame for the annulment on IBB’s insatiable appetite to prolong his stay in office. I’m eager to read the general’s response.

Of the 28 original members of the Armed Forces Ruling Council (AFRC), the regime’s highest policy and legislative body, only IBB who served as its chairman, is alive. He’ll be 84 in August. Many of the newspapers that thrived during his time have died. A lot of the journalists that covered him are now old; some suffering from memory loss and other impairments. IBB therefore has enough motivation to engage in revisionism and embellishment of his story. He should, however, be reminded that Ray Ekpu, who was the deputy editor-in-chief at Newswatch magazine, is alive and well; and is writing his own memoire. Funmi, Giwa’s widow and Billy, his young son who collected the parcel bomb from gateman and took it to his father, are also alive. The other key members of the Newswatch family like Dan Agbese; Yakubu Mohammed; Soji Akinrinade and Kayode Soyinka who was with Giwa at his study when the bomb exploded, and a few others are also well and kicking. I am sure that they will read IBB’s book with considerable concentration.

At this point, I remember the firebrand lawyer and civil rights activist, Gani Fawehinmi, who fought tooth and nail to save Dele Giwa as the regime’s killing machine was closing in on him. Even after Giwa’s assassination, Fawehinmi continued to fight to uncover the truth and bring the suspects, who were the intelligence chiefs in the military, to justice.

I had a taste of IBB’s repression. I was a young reporter of only 27 years of age at The Guardian newspaper when the regime locked me away for three months in 1988 for doing nothing other than my work as a journalist. I am eagerly waiting to read this autobiography.

In early 2022, when Osita Ngwu expressed interest in representing Enugu West constituency in the Senate, many dismissed his aspiration as a pipe dream. Many notable political heavyweights had lined up for the coveted seat after Senator Ike Ekweremadu, who was serving his fifth term, had declared that he would no longer run for the position. Although he was visible in the dominant Peoples Democratic Party in Enugu State – having helped fund the party’s governorship campaigns in 2015 and 2019 – and his philanthropy had made him a household name in the senatorial district, Ngwu was not among the probable candidates. His lack of political experience, having not held any political office before, made his Senate bid seem a bit too ambitious. 

When the chips finally fell into place in 2023, however, Ngwu defied all odds and emerged as a worthy replacement for Ekweremadu. His victory was outstanding in several ways: he was the only PDP Senator to emerge from Enugu State and the entire South East geopolitical zone. Having survived the ‘Obi hurricane’ and found his way into the Red Chamber of the National Assembly, Ngwu was aware that he inherited oversized shoes, considering his predecessor’s 20-year tenure and the three terms he served as Deputy Senate President.  One of the youngest in the 10th Senate, he knew he had to put in extra effort to match the high expectations of his constituents.

                     Senator Ngwu and Gov Peter Mba…two of a kind

Senator Osita Ngwu, fondly called ‘RG’ by his admirers, rose to the challenge in grand style. Not only did he emerge as Vice Chairman of the Senate Committee on Niger Delta Development Commission and influential member of many Senate committees, he is also the only first-time Senator with a major portfolio as the Senate Minority Whip. In the esteemed chamber of the Nigerian Senate, he is easily one of the most visible and recognizable faces with compelling contributions on national issues that resonate across the Chamber.

As we are often reminded, the duties of legislators are threefold: to make laws for the good governance of the country, to represent their constituencies, and to carry out oversight functions on the executive arm of government. While he has spectacularly risen to the occasion on all three fronts, Senator Ngwu has gone above and beyond to attract many life-enhancing projects to his constituency within just 18 months in office. These projects which are fairly spread across Enugu West constituency, range from road construction to provision of potable water, agriculture, education, community markets, civic centers, skill acquisition and empowerment programs as well as healthcare facilities.

Nsude community, one of the 81 wards in his constituency, has benefited significantly. A modern community market is nearing completion, courtesy of the Senator, while a water project in Umuaka village is already in place, with another borehole slated for completion next month. Students in the community, like hundreds elsewhere, have benefitted from the JAMB Center he set up at St. Mark Catholic Mission, Nsude while others have taken part in the Senator’s skill acquisition and empowerment programs as well as the annual sports competition.

                      With Agunecheibe III of Nsude, Igwe George Onoh

But by far the biggest project attracted by the Senator to the community is the planned construction of the 3 kilometer old Native Authority road that will commence from Amagu, through Umuaka to the old Mission Market and up to the Enugu-Onitsha expressway. The significance of these, as well as the potential impact of the new community market, water and road projects in the community is not lost on them. For a community that has never had it this good, there is no honour too big to confer on RG in appreciation. So on January 11, 2025, the community rolled out the drums to celebrate the young Senator whose short stay in office has captured the imagination of his constituents like no one had ever done. 

The ceremony in his honour, attended by top government functionaries and dignitaries from the five LGAs that make up Enugu West, was a testament to the impact Ngwu has made. From the Speaker of the State Assembly, Rt. Hon. Uche Ugwu, to the member representing Ezeagu in the ESHA, Chima Obieze, to the Chairman of Udi Local Government Area Hon. Hyginus Agu and his predecessor, Nze Phillip Okoh, dozens of the political elite, business and traditional leaders in the area, thronged the event venue in solidarity.  

In honouring him with the prestigious title of Ohamadike, Igwe George Ejikeme Onoh (Agunecheibe III of Nsude), waxed philosophical. Surrounded by the President-General of the community, the Onowu, an array of clergymen, Ndi Ozo as well as the community’s traditional and political leaders, Igwe Onoh said the Ohamadike title best defines the manner in which the Senator has impacted the trajectory of development in the area and also projects into the future that holds bright prospects for his political career.

Senator Osita Ngwu has impressed his constituents with his superlative performance and a puzzling humility. From his humble upbringing in his Okwojo Ngwo hometown, he learnt early in life the virtue of hard work. An alumnus of Enugu State University of Science and Technology (ESUT), he acquired his Bachelor of Engineering degree in 2001, and earned a Masters degree from the prestigious Business School of the University of Roe Hampton, in the United Kingdom.

                                     Ohamadike, Senator Osita Ngwu

Starting off as a trainee engineer, Ngwu rose to great heights, first as Project Manager in Baywood Continental Limited to become the Chief Operating Officer and ultimately, Executive Director at ZB Joint Ventures, two notable oil and gas service companies in Nigeria. He oversaw the delivery of crucial projects, one of which was a gas pipeline project for Total Exploration and Production Nigeria Ltd and the tank upgrade projects for Shell Petroleum Development Company Ltd.

With this impressive string of successes, he veered into private entrepreneurship in 2016. In less than 10 years, his multimillion Naira businesses now employ over 700 individuals across many disciplines. But it is his genuine love for people and his commitment to philanthropy and public service that ignited his passion for public service and eventually lured him into politics.

The honour accorded him is rare in Nsude, the head of Oshie Clan of Agbaja Kingdom in Enugu State, and Senator Osita Ngwu becomes only the second national political figure, after Chief James Ibori in 2005, to receive such high recognition. Coming after the one hosted in 2023 by his Ngwo Community, the Nsude reception drew a mammoth crowd with several dancing troupes. It was an honour the Senator gratefully welcomed and dedicated to Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State for his inspiring leadership, with a promise not to relent in pursuing the expectations of the people at all times. 

Sheddy Ozoene, Editor-In-Chief of People&Politics, is the Vice President of the Nigerian Guild of Editors.

Yesterday, the authorities of the Nigeria Police Force arrested Mr. Omoyele Sowore for alleged cyberstalking. In admitting him to bail, the suspect was asked to produce a surety who is a Grade Level 17 officer in the Federal Public Service.

It is pertinent to draw the attention of the Nigeria Police Force and other law enforcement agencies in Nigeria to fact that the Court of Appeal declared the involve Force of top level civil servants in the bail of criminal suspects in the the case of Dasuki V. Director-General, S.S.S. [2020]10 NWLR PT.1731 PG. 136-143 where Adah JCA (now JSC) held as follows:

"Let me quickly say that of concern it is to us that as a court we must be ready and sensitive enough not to allow or do anything that will run foul of the law. The issue of involving civil servants or Public Officers in the Public Service of the Federation and the State in bail of people accused of criminal offences has never been the practice in Nigeria or any part of the civilized world. It was an oversight on our part to allow it in. Our Civil and Public Service Rules do not have any room for it. Expecting a Level 16 Servant to own property worth N100,000,000, will be running counter to the Public Service Rules and by extension the war against corruption. It is in this respect that I will act ex debito justitiae to ensure that the aspect of involving serving Public Servant below the status of Level 16 Officer in either the state or Public Service of the Federation or any of its agencies be removed and I so order.”

In view of the clear and unambiguous state of the law, we are compelled to call on the Inspector-General of Police, Dr. Kayode Egbetokun, to cancel the illegal bail condition for Mr. Omoyele Sowore and release him from police custody without any further delay.

 

The once-venerated tradition of awarding honorary doctorate degrees by Nigerian Universities has, unfortunately, become the exclusive preserve of the highest bidder. This is one of the casualties of the country's complex social and political dynamics. The prestigious accolades, meant to celebrate and acknowledge individuals whose exceptional achievements and significant contributions have demonstrably impacted various fields and contributed to nation-building, have been co-opted and distorted, often awarded for reasons far removed from genuine merit. 

What was intended as a symbol of excellence has been twisted into a tool for social climbing, political patronage, and shallow pursuit of status. The erosion of integrity surrounding honorary doctorate awards in Nigeria has reached a critical point, moving beyond mere misapplication and descending into a disturbing display of moral compromise and institutional decay. The once-prestigious recognition, intended to celebrate extraordinary achievements and contributions to society, has been so thoroughly debased that it now often serves as a badge of shallow status, a transactional commodity, and, alarmingly, a validation of individuals whose actions actively undermine societal values. 

This erosion of credibility is further compounded by the increasing lack of transparency surrounding the selection process. The criteria for awarding these honors have become so nebulous and subject to manipulation that it often appears that decisions are made based on personal connections and financial inducements rather than demonstrable merit. This lack of transparency breeds cynicism and casts doubt on the integrity of the institutions themselves. The absence of publicly available guidelines and the seemingly arbitrary selection of recipients have transformed what was meant to be a celebration of excellence into a source of public ridicule. Moreover, the abuse of honorary doctorates further entrenches existing social inequalities. 

By conferring prestige upon the already privileged, these awards inadvertently contribute to the marginalization of those who have dedicated their lives to genuinely impactful work but lack the means or connections to access such accolades. It reinforces a skewed perception of success, where hard work, intellectual pursuit, and genuine community service take a back seat to political connections, financial clout, and the flaunting of superficial accomplishments. This has a chilling effect on the aspirations of young people who aspire to make a real difference but lack the means to engage in transactional relationships. 

The proliferation of these awards, often bestowed upon individuals lacking any demonstrable connection to academic excellence, community service, or significant contributions to nation-building, has transformed the process into a charade. The public perception of these awards has understandably plummeted, with many now viewing them as little more than a transactional exchange, a means to boost personal prestige or to curry favor with powerful figures. 

The once revered symbol of academic accomplishment has been reduced to a mere bauble, a trinket devoid of genuine meaning or significance. The institutions, by their actions, have diminished themselves, eroding public trust in their judgment and commitment to genuine merit. The fundamental purpose of an honorary doctorate degree is to recognize extraordinary accomplishments that have fundamentally-materially benefited society. It is to shine a spotlight on those who have pushed the boundaries of knowledge, driven innovation, or made substantial contributions to the betterment of humanity. 

Historically, these awards were conferred on scholars, scientists, artists, and philanthropists whose legacies were clearly tied to positive national development. These honorees served as inspiration, their achievements are testament to the power of hard work, dedication, and intellectual prowess. However, this noble tradition has been significantly ridiculed in Nigeria. However, the current landscape awards are bedeviled by political maneuvering and the display of crass materialism. It is increasingly common to see politicians, regardless of their actual accomplishments, receiving such honors - often in what appears to be blatant quid pro quo scenarios. 

Similarly, wealthy individuals, many of whom have gained their fortune through questionable means, are routinely bestowed with these honors, ostensibly for their "philanthropy," though it is often a display of their financial might. Even popular musicians and entertainers, whose contributions, while valued in their respective fields, do not necessarily align with the intended purpose of the award, are now recipients of honorary doctorate degrees. The erosion of the criteria for these awards has effectively devalued their significance, rendering them little more than participation trophies for the powerful and privileged.

The ramifications of this perversion of the essence of honorary doctorate go beyond the simple devaluation of an academic honor. It creates a culture where true merit is often overshadowed by political connections and financial clout. By elevating individuals who have not necessarily achieved significant accomplishments to a level of academic reverence, it sends a dangerous message to the youth and upcoming generations.  It means hard work, intellectual pursuit, and genuine contribution are no longer valued or perceived as the primary paths to success and recognition. Instead, a narrative is being reinforced that influence and wealth are more powerful currencies than demonstrated competence and societal benefit. 

Moreover, the misuse of honorary doctorates, just like many other situations in the country, inadvertently fuels social stratification and marginalization. By showering accolades on those who already possess power and influence, it effectively further entrenches their dominance, leaving out those who have dedicated their lives to genuinely impactful work. Those individuals who might have made significant impact but lack the means to 'buy' their honors are made to feel valueless, further impacting their motivation and contribution to nation building.

Beyond the well-documented issues of political patronage and the rewarding of wealth irrespective of merit, a particularly concerning trend is the bestowal of these honorary degrees upon individuals who openly promote immorality and unethical behavior. We now see figures who glorify materialism, promote hedonistic lifestyles, or engage in activities that are antithetical to the nation's ethical and moral fabric being lauded with these academic honors. 

This normalization of questionable behavior by academic institutions sends a chilling message to young people, implying that success, however achieved, is worthy of praise, even when it flies in the face of established values and responsible citizenship. By bestowing these awards on individuals who often actively contribute to societal breakdown, institutions betray their responsibility to uphold moral standards and instead become complicit in the promotion of detrimental behavior. This not only dilutes the prestige of the award, but also undermines the moral compass of society itself.

The Nigerian academic community must take a critical look at the state of awards of honorary doctorate degrees. A comprehensive overhaul of the process is urgently needed, one that prioritizes merit, demonstrable societal impact, and a commitment to upholding ethical standards. This requires a rigorous review of the criteria for these awards, a transparent selection process, and a firm commitment to preserving the integrity of academic recognition. Until these fundamental changes are made, the honorary doctorate degrees will continue to assume a symbol of institutional decay and a testament to the troubling prevalence of moral compromise within the Nigerian system.

What should be a beacon of excellence has, through abuse, become a marker of questionable values. The award process must be free from political influence and based solely on demonstrable merit and significant societal impact. It is time to reverse this disturbing trend and restore the honorary doctorate to its intended purpose: a prestigious recognition of true excellence and a catalyst for positive change, not a validation of dominance and an instrument of marginalization. Only then can it serve as a genuine beacon of inspiration for future generations.