Passengers at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport in Abuja are currently stranded and unable to continue their journeys due to an ongoing protest by labour unions.

The protesters are reportedly members of the Nigeria Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress.

This is following the recent attack on the National President of the NLC, Joe Ajaero, in Imo State.

The PUNCH reports that aviation unions across the country jointly declared the suspension of all flights to Owerri, Imo State, from every airport in Nigeria.

More details to follow…

[Punch]

Elections in Nigeria this year might be nearly over but the war by other means could well receive fresh fire from three state elections this weekend.

The year began with general elections in February and March, and is closing with off-cycle elections in Imo, Bayelsa and Kogi on November 11.

Conducting elections for three governors after the major round of governorship elections in March that covered 28 states, including the legislatures in dozens of states, and the federal elections before that, might ordinarily look easy. 

But they are not. These three off-cycle elections are in fact products of either violent electoral outcomes or bitterly fought court decisions. Apart from the post-election chaos that Nigeria has had to deal with, on a good day, each of the three states on their own, is a political cauldron – a nightmare for organisers, participants and observers alike.

Imo special

Of the five states in the South East, for example, Imo is arguably the most violence-prone with widespread reports of random fatal attacks, jailbreaks, attacks on security personnel, police stations and government facilities. Even Governor Hope Uzodimma, the chief security officer of the state, has lived largely behind heavy barricades and moves about like a general in an active war zone. 

To be fair, the violence in Imo predates him. It goes back to the years of the farmer-herder clashes; the rise in separatist agitations under MASSOB – a much earlier and far less deadly franchise than IPOB; and then followed by the upsurge in a variety of loose cannons. The situation has been worsened by years of poor governance.

But Uzodimma’s dramatic emergence and his brand of politics appear to have brought a new, more dangerous salience to the violence in the state. If you add the ongoing dispute between the national headquarters of the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) and the state government to the mix, then you might understand why this weekend’s election could be a perfect storm.

Labour has vowed to avenge the black-eye its president, Joe Ajaero, received at the hands of security personnel allegedly at the behest of Uzodimma. It has announced a flight ban on the governor and promised to follow up with a ground offensive. 

Inside Bayelsa’s creeks

Bayelsa is chaotic in its own way. Though the state managed to survive the turbulence after the forced removal of Governor Diepreye Alamieyeseigha in 2005, its brand of violence has often stemmed from an explosive mix of hostage taking and crude oil politics. A state with some of the country’s most forbidden creeks, Bayelsa is a logistician’s nightmare. It is also a base of former militants ready, able and willing to outspend politicians to secure their political stronghold.

Bayelsa has enjoyed a fairly unchallenged reign of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) since 1999. A brief intrusion by the All Progressives Congress (APC) came to grief when the Supreme Court ruled that Governor-elect David Lyon could not be sworn in because his deputy filed false documents with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).

But with former PDP governor and junior Petroleum Minister Timipre Sylva now running on the platform of the APC, power could change hands. Yet, PDP stalwarts still licking their wounds from the defeat in the presidential election, are unlikely to stand idly by and watch the fall of a durable PDP stronghold in the Niger Delta.

Kogi, white lion’s den

The omens in Kogi with its history of political violence — the most horrific in recent times being the 2019 murder of PDP Kogi woman leader, Acheju Abuh, who was burnt to death inside her home — are no less frightening. The ruling APC and opposition parties have continued to trade allegations of violence even days to the election and no arrests have so far been made. 

Apart from Kogi where Yahaya Bello is ineligible to contest again, Imo and Bayelsa have incumbents itching to retain their seats. 

In a country where incumbency is a rock to be circumnavigated, the records suggest that unseating an incumbent takes more than guts. Among the miserable tally of incumbents that failed a reelection bid, were Mohammed Abubakar of Bauchi (2015-2019), Ramalan Yero of Kaduna (2012-2015), Mahmuda Aliyu Shinkafi of Zamfara (2007-2011), Ikedi Ohakim of Imo (2007-2011), and current junior Minister of Defence, Bello Matawalle (2019-2023). If performance mattered there would probably have been more. 

Add to this the huge mutual suspicion of the political players, and the mistrust by the voting public and you might understand why only winners come out of every election season, acclaiming democracy and certifying their victory as the popular will.

Voter apathy

Voter apathy remains a serious concern. According to a Guardianreport on Tuesday, “only about 30 percent of registered voters may decide the outcome in the three states combined.” However, from recent history whether at federal or state elections, 30 percent would be good turn-out. 

The presidential election in February recorded 26.7 percent. While other elections are only marginally better, the South East has remained a catastrophically low performer in recent years. The election that brought Anambra Governor Charles Soludo to power two years ago, for example, recorded a historic low turn-out of 10 percent.

If Guardian’s low forecast turns out right, it would be mainly for two reasons. One, the spike in violence in these states in the run-up to the elections, and two, the bitter aftertaste of the general elections held earlier this year. Seven months after the polls, the elections of a number of governors are still being challenged in the courts. Even if the courts existed solely for the pleasure of politicians, there still won’t be enough justice to serve their desperation. 

Political campaigns, if they have existed at all, have been a joke. Politicians in the three states where elections would hold have been making scandalous promises ranging from free tickets to European job fares, to promises to turn water to wine. 

Voters inclined to go out to vote in spite of these ridiculous offers are concerned for their safety because complicit security services and their political paymasters have refused to punish past perpetrators of violence. There is no indication that it would be different this time.

INEC’s albatross

Yet, more than anyone else, INEC knows that its poor handling of the general elections and their aftermath, could also be a strong reason for voter apathy. Voters won’t come out if, on top of safety concerns, they don’t also believe their votes would count. The commission is once again in the spotlight. It cannot afford to fail. 

Again, the commission has promised that polling unit results would be uploaded directly to INEC’s viewing portal even in largely rural states like Kogi and Bayelsa where there are limited communications and electricity infrastructure across large swathes of polling areas. We can’t afford to have another round of excuses this time.

No one wants to hear about glitches, attempted hacking, failing batteries or poor networks. The bulk of the complaints in the last general elections, which later became the subject of litigation, have been about INEC’s competence, credibility and the transparency of the process.

Elections in Edo and Ondo are next, but the three this weekend offer the commission redeeming grace. All said, since the elections would be held in states outside the top 10 in the country’s voter population, they offer INEC one big chance to repair its image.

As the Independent Electoral Commission (INEC) gears up for the  Saturday off-cycle elections in Bayelsa, Imo and Kogi states the role of technology  in the polls will be a focus of  attention beyond the three states. This is because the observers and critics of the electoral body would be watching if it could improve on its performance. All  eyes will again be on INEC’s chairman, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, as they say.

It is somewhat reassuring  that INEC has assured that there would be no technical glitches in its operations in the three states. Not a few commentators have reckoned  that the elections of governors in the states would be a litmus test on the performance of INEC, including the effective use of technology.

So INEC has again raised the bar for itself and the expectations would remain high  in the process.

Instead of the demonisation of INEC  the emergent issues from the commission’s assurance should be constructively critiqued.

The role  of technology has become pivotal in Nigerian elections especially after election of President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015. To start with, the Buhari campaign strategy was considered a leap compared to  the more conventional mode of electioneering. The campaigns were vigorous in the social media and  his messages were spread more on handsets than on  bill boards and posters. And remarkably, INEC employed biometric voting cards  in the bid to bolster the integrity of the voting process. The Permanent Voters Card (PVC) was rated as a revolutionary thing to happen to the electoral process in many informed quarters.  Little surprise, therefore, that  35 days to the end of his tenure Buhari looked backed at his success at the 2015 poll and

said “God, through technology and PVC, made me President.” The former President spoke  in an exceptionally grateful tone as he  played host (for the last time in Aso Rock) to well-wishers who paid him Sallah homage.

Given the Buhari story, would you blame any politician or pundit who sees the application of sophisticated technology as the panacea to all the problems of election?   

Politicians and their strategists as well as some civil society organisations  are making the electorate develop  a deep faith the in the role of technology in electoral efficiency. The corollary to that trend should the increased efforts on the part of INEC to make clarifications on exactly what role technology is  playing in the electoral process  at any point in time. The specific role shouldn’t be understated and by no means should it be exaggerated. Hopes should not be raised unduly. 

Due lessons should be learnt from the experiences of liberal democracies around the world. The limits of technology and the risks involved in its use should be made explicit in the discussions of problems of elections. This is a  proposition that should not be glibly dismissed as the thinking  of a 21^st Century  Luddite.

Caution is the Word.

In 2005, Germany experimented with electronic voting. Two voters contested the process at the German Constitutional Court. The court upheld the  following argument: “All essential steps of an election are subject to the possibility of public scrutiny unless other constitutional interests justify an exception . . . The use of voting machines which electronically record the voters’ votes and electronically ascertain the election result only meets the constitutional requirements if the essential steps of the voting and of the ascertainment of the result can be examined reliably and without any specialist knowledge of the subject . . . The very wide-reaching effect of possible errors of the voting machines or of deliberate electoral fraud make special precautions necessary in order to safeguard the principle of the public nature of elections”

There is the ample  evidence that the   evolution of the German electoral process continues because 17 years  after that court ruling. More than 23 million online voters participated  in the social election  to elect council members to  supervise the running  health and pension schemes. Apart from  the digital voters the traditional postal voting was also permitted in the poll which took place on June 12 this year.

This trend made some analysts to arrive at the following conclusion: “We argue that precisely (the) contrast between the recently strongly increasing number of postal voters, the new technological possibilities available, and the great willingness of the German population to vote online, on the one hand, and the absence of any concrete plans regarding e-voting in political elections on the part of politicians on the other hand, make Germany an interesting case for our analysis.” 

In the light of the foregoing, the clarification that INEC should be  making continuously is  in many respects. For instance, there is relatively a greater clarity about the essence of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) than the INEC Result Viewing (IReV) portal. Really, INEC’s  promise of IReV is that of taking the  picture of the polling unit results and uploading them in the IReV portal  in the bid to make the process more transparent. But INEC’s critics have accused the commission of not fulfilling its promise of  “transmitting in real time” the results of the elections. Now, in the present context of INEC’s operations, “transmitting” and “uploading” of results seem to mean quite different things.

Meanwhile,  the flagellation of INEC by those who insist that it failed to “transmit” results continues. It would be a surprise if INEC is not expected to “transmit real time” the results of the governorship elections Bayelsa, Imo and Kogi states.

However, the energy expended on making a fetish of transmission of results  should be better devoted on the nitty-gritty of the election  – what will actually take place at  the polling unit.

The simple fact is that it is not yet electronic voting in Nigeria. Yet, given the way pundits make magisterial pronouncements  on the work of INEC regarding the deployment of technology  you would think that voting in Nigeria is completely electronic.

That would be a mistaken view of the process.

The fundamental thing is the act of the voter thumb-printing the ballot paper in the polling booth. This balloting that takes place after the BVAS must have captured the biometrics of the voter is  the strongest  proof of the election. BVAS only  tells you who is the  authentic voter. 

Therefore, political parties and candidates ought to pay a greater attention to having loyal polling agents on ground  at the polling unit to sign the result sheets rather hankering for  “real-time transmission” of results in the social media. The integrity of the result sheets may prove to be more important than some other factors  for a candidate in some circumstances. Operational efficiency of INEC in ensuring that voting materials arrive at the polling units as scheduled on the election date are very crucial aspects of the process. So also is ensuring that eligible voters secure their PVCs early enough.
Some aspects of the electoral process  have  been successfully aided by computer, but not all. It is important to disaggregate the voting process to know the limit of application of technology at this level of Nigeria’s  development. Four  important steps come to mind in this respect. First, the choice is made by the voter by composing the ballot. Secondly, the ballot is submitted into the box. Thirdly, the submitted ballots are recorded in the result sheets. And fourthly, the results are tabulated. At  present in Nigeria, BVAS has been acknowledged  to be helpful in record  keeping particularly to authenticate the voter while the technology of  IReV has been useful in recording and tabulation. But the first step, the composition of the ballot which is the real  act of choice making by the voter,  is not yet computer-aided. It involves neither  the Internet nor scanning.  That’s  why voting in Nigeria cannot be said to be electronic in a fundamental sense.

Besides, a greater premium should be placed on cyber security as any digital system could be vulnerable. The mystification of technology is not helpful given the peculiarities of the Nigerian system. The techno-ethical anxiety that envelopes the development of the Artificial Intelligence should temper the faith in the efficacy of technology in solving all the problems of election.

Credible elections would ultimately be a product of a liberal democratic culture. The application of technology alone will not  develop such a culture in which elections would be conducted credibly  and results accepted in a festival of democracy.

In philosophical terms, it may not be out of place to imagine that technology cannot replace completely the human factor in the administration  of elections. 

Justice for  Ajaero

The assault on the president of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), Comrade Joe Ajaero, in Owerri last week is unacceptable.

Whatever the dispute might be such a treatment of a fellow human being should not be permitted in any civilised setting.

The issue here  is the dignity of the human person which is a fundamental human right guaranteed by the 1999 Constitution.

So no person with an iota of humanity in him or her would justify this barbaric act on any ground.

The NLC’s position  is that Comrade Ajaero was in Owerri to lead a  workers’ protest against the Imo state government over poor working conditions. In a counter-position, the Imo state government has accused Ajaero of partisan involvement in the politics of the state. The state government says  it has fully paid workers their wages.

To be sure, a lot of questions could be raised with  Ajaero’s  mission to a Owerri. Organising a workers’ protest a few days to a crucial election in a state  is not the wisest step to take by a labour leader in the circumstance. Ajaero is from Imo state. Worse still,  the reported security problems in Imo state are well known. The Labour Party, a creature of NLC, is presenting a candidate to contest the election. For clarity, Ajaero’s support for the Labour Party is legitimate. He has not violated any law by supporting the candidate of  a party formed by NLC. But that fact alone should make it clear to him that partisan motives would easily  be read to any labour action at the eve of a governorship election in the state.  This should put him naturally in an awkward  position. So a greater tact should have been deployed.

If  Ajaero has probably  committed a tactical  error by his ill-fated mission to Owerri, those who attacked him have certainly  committed a crime. Ajaero’s error could be organisationally corrected by the NLC; but his criminal attackers should be arrested and prosecuted and there must be restitution.

The police failed to protect Ajaero against the aggressors. The police should not  fail to bring the perpetrators of the assault on  Ajaero to book.

The Imo state government should not rationalise, let alone, justify this brutal act. The state government should instead resolve whatever disputes it has with labour using the machinery of industrial relations.

The federal government should move quickly to engage the NLC and the Trade Union Congress (TUC) in discussions  to avert their threatened nation-wide strike against next Tuesday  to protest the assault on Ajaero. It is a good thing  that labour has acknowledged that a  highly responsive call from the National Security Adviser (NSA), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, prevented the situation  from getting worse in Owerri on that day.

On its part,  labour should temper its understandable anger and  reconsider its position on the strike and opt for other less disruptive ways of seeking redress on this unfortunate  matter.

For the past several years, the joke in Abuja is that whenever Nigeria encounters dire financial straits, the late General Sani Abacha looks down on us from beyond and drops a hefty sum into the national coffers. While I disagree with a friend who insists that Nigeria may have used Abacha for money rituals, more than a few were delighted last Friday when President Bola Tinubu announced that a fresh tranche of $150 million is on the way. “Thank you for the good news on the return of Abacha loot,” Tinubu told Catherine Colonna, the visiting French Minister of Europe, and Foreign Affairs, who delivered the news. “We appreciate your effective cooperation concerning the return of Nigeria’s money. It will be judiciously applied in attaining our development objectives.”  

As I wrote in my book, ‘The Last 100 Days of Abacha’, the massive loot amassed by Abacha was done mostly through crooked oil deals, debt buy-back scams, and siphoning money directly from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). But it says so much about us as a people that more than a quarter of a century later, no effort has been spared to interrogate why Abacha was able to take more than $4 billion from the treasury so easily. If only to learn lessons that will ensure it does not happen again. A bullion van from the apex bank delivering stacks of public money, in local and foreign currencies, to an individual, no matter how highly placed, is beyond corruption. That is what Yoruba people would call, ‘Tani o mu mi?’, which I once explained in a column as impunity writ large.  

Perhaps it is also deliberate that nothing is being done to learn lessons from the past. After all, there is nothing Abacha did that is not being done today in the Nigerian public space. The difference may be only in quantum. Having built a system in which we have allowed individuals to overpower the state and critical public institutions, accountability now means nothing. In Nigeria today, when people are in positions of authority whether in the private or public sector, they elevate themselves (with the acquiescence of the people) to ‘Kabiyesi’ (he who cannot be questioned). And when they abuse their powers and public trust, the same people hail.  

Before I conclude with why we must change that paradigm to enable our country to progress, it may be important to rehash how ‘Abacha loot’ came about. At least for the benefit of those who still do not understand the weakness of critical institutions in Nigeria. It was done mostly through the ubiquitous ‘security vote’ that is still being abused at all levels in Nigeria today. The then National Security Adviser (NSA), Alhaji Ismaila Gwarzo, would write a memo, Abacha would endorse the request, and the then CBN Governor, Dr Paul Ogwuma would release the cash which was then laundered through banks in Switzerland, France, British Virgin Islands, United Kingdom, Liechtenstein, Luxemburg, Spain, and the United States. 

Having followed the Abacha case since 2000, I have written several columns on the looting and a book on his political transition programme that ended with five political parties endorsing one candidate (Abacha) for presidency. As an aside, most of the political gladiators of today, including governors, senators and House of Representatives members were in bed with Abacha. But that is not the business of this column. Meanwhile, it was Abacha’s successor, General Abdulsalami Abubakar who blew open the scandal. On 13th July 1998, five weeks after Abacha’s death, Abdulsalami instituted a Special Investigation Panel (SIP) to establish “cases of swindled public funds and recover same back to the federal government coffers”. The panel was also to identify the culprits and recover all properties or assets illegally acquired by the culprits. The findings were staggering.   

The whole thing started two weeks after Abacha pushed the late Chief Ernest Shonekan aside, specifically on 30th November 1994. Gwarzo first requested $100 million to combat ‘an economy that was deflected and distorted through the black market’. As many now remember to his credit, the Naira exchange value was relatively stable throughout Abacha’s era. It was because of a peculiar (some would say primitive) ‘Abachanomics’ that you would not find in any textbook. But it worked! 

As indicated in Gwazo’s memo, the dollar was to be sold through Bureau De Change dealers at the then prevailing exchange rate, with a view to mopping up the naira, and beefing up its value. Having apparently been briefed by Abacha, then CBN Governor, Ogwuma released the cash in the following sums: $95 million and £3.2 million. The transaction was indeed carried out even though the money eventually returned to the CBN was not up to what was received, according to the SIP report. However, as I concluded in an earlier piece on this issue, the import of that first transaction was the realization by Abacha of just how easy it was to directly take money out of the CBN. It became a perfect scam. All that was then needed was a memo from Gwarzo seeking approval for any sum of money in the guise of ‘security’ and the CBN would release such demand in cash! 

The following are a few of the documented transactions: On 13th and 15th February 1995, Gwarzo collected $200,000 and $600,000 respectively (totalling $800,000) from the CBN. This was sequel to Abacha’s approval of his letter dated 15th February 1995 where he requested for $4 million and £2million ‘to take care of some developments in a number of areas…’ The $800,000 was part payment for the approved sum of $4 million while the balance was paid in Travellers’ Cheques. On 29th December 1995, Gwarzo collected from the CBN the sum of $5 million based on Abacha’s approval of his letter to deal with ‘situation at hand’!

By 1996, the frequency of requests had increased even though most of the funds collected from the CBN for that year were for ‘foreign operations.’ On 8th May 1996, for instance, Gwarzo collected $9 million from the CBN on behalf of Abacha. He reportedly sent $7 million to then President Matthew Kerekou of Benin Republic as ‘assistance to the country to pay outstanding workers’ salary’ with additional $2 million for Kerekou himself. On 5th July 1996, Gwarzo collected from the CBN the sum of $8.1 million and £5.2 million based on a 14th June 1996 request endorsed by Abacha, to support the aspiration of five presidential candidates in Niger Republic. On 23rd August 1996, Gwarzo collected $30 million from the CBN following Abacha’s approval of his 20th August 1996 memo, requesting the said money to ‘assist our immediate neighbours and others within this sub-region’. A month later, on 30th September 1996, Gwarzo collected $50 million and £20 million from the CBN sequel to another memo dated 24th September 1996, requesting the money to ‘prop some African and other Third World countries to assist in Nigeria’s democratization and economic recovery’. On 13th November 1996, Gwarzo collected $5 million and £3 million from the CBN ‘to take care of foreign dignitaries who will attend the burial ceremonies of the first President of Nigeria, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.’ On 9th December 1996, Gwarzo collected $5 million from the CBN sequel to Abacha’s approval of his 21st November 1996 memo where he requested the said sum ‘to finance the purchase of ten Toyota Land Cruisers, and ten Peugeot 505 saloons for the Republic of Mali’. On 18th December 1996, Gwarzo collected $66.5 million and £20 million based on Abacha’s directive to meet ‘some requests from Heads of State of some Francophone countries, and to cultivate African solidarity.’ 

It is only in a system like ours that the memos (mostly badly written) from the NSA, though approved by the Head of State, would compel a release of such staggering sums of public money. By 1997, the requests began to assume political undertones. On 21st February 1997, Gwarzo collected from the CBN the sums of US $60 million and £20 million for ‘pro-Nigeria propaganda’ abroad. On 28th April 1997, Gwarzo collected $60 million and £30 million sequel to Abacha’s approval of his 22nd April 1997 memo, requesting the funds for ‘public relations to international communities and organizations’. On 9th July 1997, Gwarzo collected $5 million from the CBN, following Abacha’s approval of his 23rd May 1997 memo, to meet all ‘demands and commitments as directed’. On 10th September 1997, Gwarzo collected $60 million and £30million from the CBN ‘to finance a campaign for a seat on the Security Council of the United Nations Organisation.’ On 25th October 1997, Gwarzo collected $80 million and £40 million ‘to sponsor military intervention in Sierra Leone, and garner support for same in the West African Sub-region.’ A month later, on 8th December 1997, Gwarzo collected $120 million and £50 million sequel to Abacha’s approval of his memo dated 26th November 1997 simply to take care of security.  

By 1998, Abacha was facing both local and international pressure, especially following the conviction of several retired and serving military officers, including the late General Oladipo Diya, for a phantom coup. On 19th January 1998, Gwarzo collected from the CBN the sums of $100 million and £50 million to ‘counter insinuations that Diya’s coup was not real, and the government framed them to remove and replace the coupists with stooges.’ The interesting thing about this particular transaction was that while re-bagging the money, according to the SIP report, ‘four cartons containing a total of about US$8 million were set aside’ in Gwarzo’s own residence. On 1st April 1998, Gwarzo collected from the CBN the sums of $65 million and £30 million for ‘public relations at home and abroad, to counter the European Union campaign against the transition programme.’ On 30th April 1998, a few weeks before Abacha died, Gwarzo collected $80 million, £50 million and N250 million for the purpose of conducting ‘an enlightenment campaign on the virtues of an Abacha Presidency’.   

I can continue with highlights of the illicit transactions as detailed in the SIP report, but the point is already made. Sadly, as we do with all issues in Nigeria, ‘Abacha loot’ has become another subject of humour. But the joke is not on Abacha; it is on us all. The absence of mechanisms for checks and balances and the inability of the people to hold public officials to account created the humongous pillage by Abacha. And nothing has changed. Establishing fanciful ‘anti-corruption’ agencies will not deal with such a systemic problem. To the extent that erecting a fence at the top of the cliff is far more productive than building a hospital below, we must work to build a more resilient system where every individual, no matter how highly placed, can be held accountable for the choices they make, particularly with public trust. When we do that, Nigeria can commence the march to progress. 

Money Matters in Marrakech 

Yesterday’s absence of senior officials of President Bola Tinubu’s government at the opening sessions of the Africa Investment Forum (AIF) in Marrakech, Morocco, does not speak well for an administration seeking investment opportunities. While I don’t believe in the kind of foreign jamborees many of our public officials indulge in on the pretext of investment drives, an African Development Bank (ADB) engagement is far more important than the United Nations General Assembly where Nigeria featured one of the largest contingents in September. 

As Nelson Okwonna, the management consultant to the Kaduna Green Economic Zone project, reminded me yesterday here in Marrakech, this is the first time Nigeria would have its citizens at the helm of three critical financial institutions on the continent and such opportunity may not come again for a long time. With Dr Akinwumi Adesina at ADB, Samaila Zubair at African Finance Corporation (AFC) and Benedict Oramah at Afreximbank, other countries in similar position as ours would leverage on such good fortune. While ‘Market Days 2023’ (with the theme, ‘Unlocking Africa’s value chains’) has attracted an assemblage of high-net-worth investors and seasoned professionals across different fields, most Nigerians I have encountered, including President Olusegun Obasanjo and former Kaduna Governor, Nasir el-Rufai are here in their private capacities. 

 It is even more remarkable that in declaring the Forum open yesterday, the King of Morocco, Mohammed VI, not only harped on the need for an integrated, prosperous Africa that would pave the way for the creation of regional value chains, but also referenced the economic collaboration between his country and ours. “The Morocco-Nigeria Gas Pipeline project is part of that endeavour. It reflects my resolve to lay the groundwork for genuine regional cooperation,” the monarch said. “The project will enable all countries along the pipeline route to have access to reliable energy supplies and to be more resilient to exogenous energy price shocks.”

Founded in 2018, the AIF was designed as a vehicle for channelling capital towards critical sectors on the continent. Incidentally, Adesina, a Nigerian and former Agriculture Minister, and current ADB President, envisioned the idea. In a brief chat with AIF Senior Director, Ms Chinelo Anohu who runs the programme, the whole idea was conceived to reject the beggarly disposition that has for decades held Africa back by leveraging on the human and material resources to seek win-win partnerships and investments from within and outside the continent. This, as she argued, would require a collaboration with all critical stakeholders, including governments, the private sector, and NGOs.

Within the past five years of operation, the AIF has reportedly mobilised $143 billion in investment interest. Anohu, former PENCOM Director General under whose stewardship Nigeria recorded a geometric rise in pension assets, (from N2.4 trillion in 2014 when she took over to N6.5 trillion by the time of her exit from the commission in 2017), said the AIF is different from many of such forums where people gather just to talk, “it is a platform for mega deals for the advancement of Africa.” That the Forum commenced on the day the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) released the ‘Least Developed Countries Report 2023’ which listed no fewer than 33 of the continent’s 54 nations among the world’s Least Developed Countries (LDCs) makes it even more important. But the ADB President and AIF visioner, Adesina, was upbeat in his opening remark at the plenary yesterday morning. 

In a speech he delivered both in English and French, Adesina said African economies witnessed a real GDP growth of 3.8% in 2022, which was higher than the world average of 3.5%. “African economies provide some of the best investment opportunities in the world. Do not believe me for my optimism, believe the data,” Adesina told the audience of over a thousand, adding that the size of the food and agriculture market in Africa will be worth $1 trillion by 2030. “The African Continental Free Trade Area presents a consolidated market size of $3.4 trillion. The future of electric vehicles in the world depends on Africa'” he said. “The size of the electric vehicles value chain is estimated to increase from the current $7 trillion to $57 trillion by 2050. That future depends on Africa. That is because Africa accounts for the largest source of the green metals for the development of electric vehicles, including platinum (70%), cobalt (52%), manganese (46%), bauxite (25%), and graphite (21%).” 

Quoting a recent Bloomberg report, Adesina says that the cost of manufacturing of lithium-ion precursor batteries in Africa is three times less than in the United States, China, and Poland. Africa, he added, has the largest sources of renewable energy in the world, including hydro and solar. “So, whether it is in oil and gas, minerals and metals, renewable energy, agriculture, or the labour force that will drive the global growth, Africa is where to be. Investors should see Africa not from what they hear, but from what the facts say.” Moody’s Analytics, according to Adesina, “did an analysis of default rates on infrastructure financing globally over the past 14 years. Guess what they found: Africa’s default rate is the lowest in the world: 2.1% compared to Eastern Europe: well over 10%; and Asia: well over 8%.” 

Echoing the same optimism expressed at the 7th Korea-Africa Economic Cooperation Ministerial Conference attended by CEOs of Korean corporations, heads of financial institutions as well as ministers and business leaders from Africa in September, Adesina described the continent as one that cannot be ignored by investors. “Africa is not as risky as you hear. It is a continent of opportunities, waiting to be tapped,” he concluded.

Adesina’s speech was followed by a presidential panel discussion with President Samia Suluhu Hassan of Tanzania, President Faure Gnassingbé of Togo, President Azali Assoumani of the Union of Comoros & Chairperson of the African Union (AU), President Julius Maada Bio of Sierra Leone, Prime Minister Mia Mottley of Barbados, and Prime Minister Edouard Ngirente of Rwanda. Many of the African countries were represented at the Forum by the Finance Ministers but the real movers and shakers are from the private sector. Nigerians who will speak at some of the sessions include Faruk Saleh, the CEO, Metro Capital Advisory Group, Tunde Folawiyo, CEO of Folawiyo Group, Olufemi Adeagbo, CEO of Comnavig, Obi Asika, Chairman of Dragon Africa, Dotun Popoola, an artist whose work would be on display and Dr Philip Mshelbila, the CEO of Nigeria LNG Limited.

The Forum ends tomorrow.

 • You can follow me on my Twitter handle, @Olusegunverdict and on www.olusegunadeniyi.com   

Professor Ebiegberi Joe Alagoa, popularly known as E.J. and generically as “Kala Joe”, was the celebrant at a glorious ceremony in the capital of Bayelsa State on Saturday August 26rh 2023 to mark his 90 th birthday which had actually fallen on the 14th of April.

The celebrant has created an impressive legacy of scholarship in Africa by his use of traditional sourcesto interpret the historical relevance of indigenous information about the origins of the Nembe communities,His deployment of this methodology in his masterful historical text entitled The Small Brave City State impressed me greatly when I first encountered it in the late 1960s or early 1970s. It was therefore with considerable pleasure and conscious respect that I had the opportunity of meeting and being able to interact with him in later years.

In achieving this acquaintance, I have observed that Professor Alagoa’s professional concerns are held with profound moral sincerity by him, and that all his works have been undertaken to impart this element of sincerity to those who are the subjects as well as the students of his expertise. His intellectualconscientiousness’ has remained vital and extraordinarily alive throughout his long years of existence and his devotion to true scholarship has never waned.

As a consequence, his devotion to service to his ancestral community has been deployed through the implementation of his devotion to the highest standards of historiography,

In spite of the fact that he has been elevated to Emeritus stature in retirement for several decades now Professor Alagoa has not only remained active but he has led the charge to record the realities of the life experiences of the Izon peoples of the Niger Delta as an integral value systemfrom ancient to modern times.An extensive anthology of reports, and analytical essays edited by the trio of himself, the late Professor Tekena Tamuno, and the late poet John Pepper (Bekederemo) Clark entitled THE IZONOf The NIGER DELTAis the most credible evidence of this. In the first chapter which is an introduction to the work written by himself he states that the work would “provide a global history of the Ijo people from their homeland in the Niger Delta through their interactions with other nationalities across Nigeria, and their dispersal or migration, forced or voluntary, through West and Central Africa and over the Atlantic to Europe, the Americas and the West Indies or the Caribbean.”At the time that the editors of the work embarked upon this task all of them had attained their seniority in excess of seven decades and were in retirement, with EJ being the oldest and undoubtedly leader of the team.

As the sole survivor and having reached his ninth decade his humility and continued professional concern is exemplary. In spite of the enormity of the breadth of work involved in putting this remarkable volume together it stands as an undoubtedly important contribution to contemporary universal African studies of our times. For this reason, if for no other, all Africanscholars owe Professor EJ Alagoa an enormous debt of gratitude.

His exemplary engagement with scholarship at the level ofcommunal memoryright from the outset of his illustrious career has lasted until these very late years of professional relevance and he has served as a guide and a setter of standards for all those who have encountered him. He has beena promoter of cultural consciousness across the generations anda generous supporter of the principles of harmonious inter-disciplinary collaborationthroughout his life.

These remarkable attributes have preserved his role as a professional collaborative pedagogue at the upper echelons of both academia and literary practice in Nigeria. Because of this one publication that mighteventually beregarded as one of his most important contributions to Nigerian history is the comprehensive biography of the pioneering Nigerian journalist entitledErnest Sisei Ikoli 1893-1960.

This remarkable work of recovered and deeply researched information is authored by E.J Alagoa and Professor John Horace Ememugwem tells the story of a brilliant and precocious individual whose humble Nembe antecedents did not prevent him from carving out an influential domestic and international reputation for himself in the period of colonial rule.,

The book will set the Nigerian historical record straight on many issues and provoke a comprehensive re-assessment of several others. In establishingsuch social criteria by practicing this level of scholarly professionalism at this late stage of his life Professor Alagoa has established a fundamentally valuable standard for younger scholars to emulate as they endeavour to serve society. That will be his legacy whenever he answers the home call but it is particularly rewardingthat he has lasted this long with the ability to perform his scholarly service, and that he has remained devoted to using scholarship to serve his community. It was therefore no surprise when the Governor of Bayelsa State Senator Douye Diri delivered the following message after the weekend ceremony,“ This evening, I joined family members, friends, associates and other well-meaning Bayelsans to celebrate an academic giant, distinguished scholar, renowned author, historian par excellence, teacher, mentor and great son of Ijaw nation and Bayelsa State, Emeritus Professor of History, Ebiegberi Joe Alagoa to celebrate his 90th birthday. I wish to acknowledge his untiring contributions to the promotion and preservation of our culture as Ijaw people through his many books. On behalf of the Government of Prosperity and the great people of the State, I congratulate this great and global icon. Congratulations and may God continue to keep him in sound health”.

The Fellowship of the Association of Nigerian Authors is awarded in recognition of service, and to signify respect for elders who have been devoted to supporting, the principles and objectives of the profession of authorship.

As such this undoubtedly prestigious designation carries a substantial burden of obligations for those who have been honoured. Since most of those who garner such an award might have been practicing their professional vocation for an extended period it is usually assumed that they have been granted the award because their opinions remain relevant to the profession. In that light the purpose that such awardees fulfil in responding to the recognition granted to them by the award of this honour is usually voluntary rather than obligatory.

It is usually assumed that those who have been awarded the Fellowship are people who have at least been devoted to the maintenance of high standards and positive principles of communicating ideas through the conduct of the profession of authorship and are likely to be willing to undertake the task of passing on the most profound legacies of the profession to subsequent generations. As a consequence, the growth and continuity of the professional legacy in the future can be defined as a major objective of the organisation that devises and donates the award and designates it a special honour.

By accepting the honour the awardee accepts the principles and objectives that the award promotes as a responsibility that he or she will be prepared to advocate.

However, in order to fulfil that pledge those honoured must be prepared to acknowledge the relevance of changing values to the fulfilment of that responsibility, The transmission of ideas and values from concept to reality is perhaps the major purpose of the profession of authorship. For this reason, the adoption of such western languages as English and French in the former colonies while not being ideal is understandable.

The advantage of literacy which these languages enjoyed
over indigenous languages because of their advanced orthography during the years of colonization is the foundation of the contemporary literary profession of countries like Nigeria.

The practical challenge facing every Nigerian author
regardless of subject matter is how to be genuinely original and fundamentally credible while narrating their vision or expressing opinions in an alien language.

The concept of alien thought as a fundamental value in linguistic expression is a
valid one and must be kept in circulation in the intellectual conversation of the nation.

This is an integral issue in the process of communication in Nigeria that all writers must be aware of not only when writing or assessing literary works. In
building a foundation for the conceptualisation of books about life in Nigeria the entire process of the exchange of ideas should be an accurate reflection of the nation’s socio-political realities.

Listeners may well ask how this relates to my theme today.

Well these are the kinds of ideas that those who are honoured with recognition as elders have the responsibility to encourage and even provoke in the next generation of Nigerian authors.

It is in fact a compulsive historic imperative
that those who receive honours today have a duty to ensure that new ideas will survive as vibrant realities in the future. In fact.one could say they are honour bound to be responsible for the survival of innovative concepts and values beyond
the era of their recognition. That is a primary responsibility of anyone honoured by any professional body in any field of endeavour in contemporary Africa today.

This article, the induction lecture for the ANA Fellowship Award Ceremony, was
delivered at the Mamman Vatsa Writers Village, Abuja on November 2nd this year.

The Pan Yoruba Socio-political group, Afenifere, berated the National Assembly on Wednesday for approving and procuring vehicles worth N160 million for its members despite the economic hardships experienced by Nigerians.

The foremost Yoruba group’s position was contained in a communique issued at the end of its meeting held at the residence of its leader, Chief Ayo Adebanjo, in Isanya Ogbo, Ogun State. The group expressed that the lawmakers are insensitive to the current suffering of ordinary Nigerians.

In the communique signed by the Secretary-General of the group, Chief Sola Ebiseni, it was stated that there was no justification for the procurement of the vehicles, and the lawmakers should focus on fixing the roads across the country instead of purchasing vehicles for themselves.

The communique read: “Afenifere refuses to appreciate the calls for more sacrifices from Nigerians by the government, which members continue to maintain obscene and ostentatious lifestyles.

“It is most preposterous that members of the National Assembly are approving vehicles worth N160 million Naira for themselves because of the deplorable state of Nigerian roads, as if the responsibility to fix the said roads rests with the taxpayers.

“The Executive is unable to convince the people of the need for a yacht worth billions of Naira beyond ostentatious living. The costs of fuel have risen prohibitively, and the exchange rate of Naira is climbing astronomically without any verifiable economic policy.”

Afenifere also expressed displeasure with the outcome of the Supreme Court judgment on the 2023 Presidential election, stating that “Afenifere viewed with dismay the recent judgment of the Supreme Court, which ratified the irregularities, particularly in the Presidential Election.

“Unfortunately, by the Supreme Court’s decision, the electoral reforms achieved through the agitations of Nigerians for quality control through technological devices and the billions of Naira spent on infrastructure in that regard have now gone to waste.”

Regarding the alarming insecurity and the resurgence of cattle herders’ menace, the group observed, “the alarming resurgence of insecurity caused by the activities of armed cattle herders terrorizing farmers, killing people, maiming, and raping women, has made some host communities uncomfortable living with these killer guests.

“While Afenifere appreciates the constitutional rights of every Nigerian to live in any part of the country of their choice, it is essential to ensure that such citizens live in peace with their hosts and respect their culture and economic prosperity.

“Afenifere reiterates our opposition to open grazing of animals and reaffirms a preference for ranching as the world’s best practice of animal husbandry. There is no better time than now to consider that state governments be allowed to play greater roles in the security of their states by establishing their internal policing mechanism.”

The group reiterated its stance on the call for the restructuring of the country, stating, “the need to restructure Nigeria using the reports of the 2014 National Conference and the APC/El-Rufai Committee on Federalism as the irreducible template.

“Afenifere remains committed to the ideals and principles of true federalism. We are proud of our decision and efforts on the 2023 Presidential Election and remain convinced that it was the right step towards a united, secure, and prosperous Nigeria and its continued corporate existence.

“Nigeria is a federation of entrenched ethnic nationalities that has failed to evolve into a nation because of the deviation from the foundational principles of federalism.

“Unless Nigeria is ruled based on true federalism, which guarantees inclusiveness, fairness, egalitarianism, justice, and a sense of belonging to all its constituent groups, it will remain a mere geographical expression with no sense of common nationalism and patriotism.

“In this connection, the only way forward is to change the military-imposed constitution now and re-enact a constitution in line with the foundational federal principles.

“Afenifere calls on the civil society and well-meaning Nigerians to join hands in ensuring that the Federal Government immediately sets the necessary modalities in motion in this regard.”

Those present at the meeting included Chief Ayo Adebanjo (Leader), HRH Oba Oladipo Olaitan (Deputy Leader), Senator Kofoworola Bucknor-Akerele, Senator Femi Okunrounmu, Chief Supo Sonibare, Chief Pekun Awobona, Chief Segun Ojo, and Dr. Gbola Adetunji, among others.

[tribuneonlineng.com]

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of twenty (20) qualified Nigerians to serve as Federal Commissioners in the National Population Commission (NPC) with nine current Federal Commissioners being appointed to a second term in office:

(1) Hon. Emmanuel Trump Eke — Abia

(2) Dr. Clifford Zirra — Adamawa — Reappointed

(3) Mr. Chidi Christopher Ezeoke — Anambra — Reappointed

(4) Barr. Isa Audu Buratai — Borno — Reappointed

(5) Bishop Alex Ukam — Cross River

(6) Ms. Blessyn Brume-Ataguba — Delta

(7) Dr. Jeremiah Ogbonna Nwankwegu — Ebonyi

(8) Dr. Tony Aiyejina — Edo — Reappointed

(9) Mr. Ejike Ezeh — Enugu — Reappointed

(10) Mr. Abubakar Damburam — Gombe — Reappointed

(11) Prof. Uba Nnabue — Imo — Reappointed

(12) Ms. Sa'adatu Dogon Bauchi Garba — Kaduna

(13) Dr. Aminu Ibrahim Tsanyawa — Kano

(14) Hon. Yori Afolabi — Kogi

(15) Hon. Olakunle Sobukola — Ogun

(16) Hon. Temitayo Oluseye Oluwatuyi — Ondo

(17) Sen. Mudashiru Hussain — Osun — Reappointed

(18) Ms. Mary Ishaya Afan — Plateau

(19) Mr. Ogiri Itotenaan Henry — Rivers

(20) Mr. Saany Sale — Taraba — Reappointed

The President charges the new and returning NPC Federal Commissioners to successfully implement all measures taken by his administration to produce and effectively appropriate accurate population data with which lasting solutions to Nigeria's socio-political and economic challenges can be conclusively developed and executed.

Chief Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

November 8, 2023

The pan-Yoruba socio-political organisation, Afenifere, has decried the rate of insecurity in some parts of the country as a result of the attacks by some armed herdsmen on farmers.

The group noted that the criminal activities of the bandits against farmers raised the need for the creation of state police to enhance proper security at the grassroots level.

This was contained in a communique issued by the Secretary-General of the association, Chief Sola Ebiseni, and made available to our correspondent in Akure on Wednesday. The communique was issued at the meeting of the group at the residence of its leader, Pa Ayo Adebanjo in Ogbo Ijebu, Ogun State.

The communique partly reads, “Afenifere observed the alarming resurgence of insecurity occasioned by the activities of armed cattle herders terrorising farmers, killing, maiming the people and raping women for which some of the host communities are no longer comfortable living with the killer guests.

“While Afenifere appreciates the constitutional rights of every Nigerian to live in any part of the country of his/her choice, it is important to stretch and ensure that such citizens live in peace with their hosts and respect their culture and economic prosperity.

“Afenifere reiterates our opposition to open grazing of animals and reaffirms preference of ranching as the world’s best practice of animal husbandry. No matter is better than now to consider that state governments be allowed to play greater roles in the security of their states by establishing their internal policing mechanism”

On true federalism, the group called on the federal government to adopt the report of the 2014 Confab or the Nasir El-Rufai Committee on Federalism to restructure the country and change the 1999 constitution.

The group stated,” Nigeria is a federation of entrenched ethnic nationalities which has failed to evolve into a nation because of the deviation from the foundational principles of federalism. Except Nigeria is ruled based on true federalism which guarantees inclusiveness, fairness, egalitarianism, justice and a sense of belonging to all its constituent groups, it will remain a mere geographical expression with no sense of common nationalism and patriotism.

“In this connection, the only way forward is to change the military constitution now and re-enact a constitution in line with the foundational federal principles. Except this is done now and quickly all the errors that occasioned the type of electoral shenanigans witnessed during the 2023 general elections and the technical judgement by the Supreme Court legitimising the same will fester ad infitum.

“Afenifere therefore calls on the civil society and well-meaning Nigerians to join hands in ensuring that the Federal Government immediately sets the necessary modalities in motion in this regard. Afenifere further endorsed the resolutions of the Southern and Middle Belt Leaders Forum to which Afenifere belongs, on the need to restructure Nigeria using the Reports of the 2014 National Conference and the APC/El-Rufai Committee on Federalism as the irreducible template.”

Aviation unions in Nigeria on Wednesday directed their workers to withdraw services to all public and private Owerri flights (both inwards and outwards) with effect from midnight.

The unions said the strike is indefinite until otherwise directed by the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria (TUC).

The unions are the National Union of Air Transport Employees (NUATE), the Air Transport Services Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (ATSSSAN), the Association of Nigeria Aviation Professionals (ANAP), the National Association of Aircraft Pilots and Engineers (NAAPE), and the Amalgamated Union of Public Corporation Civil Service Technical and Recreational Services Employees (AUPCTRE).

The directive by the aviation unions was in compliance with the joint session National Executive Council (NEC) session of the NLC and the TUC on Tuesday.
NLC President, Joe Ajaero was attacked in Owerri, the Imo State capital, last Wednesday just before a planned protest in the state to press the state government to heed the demands of the workers in the state.

The NLC and the TUC had since ordered shutdown of essential services in Imo as protest for the attack on Ajaero and declared a nationwide strike effective November 14, 2023.

In a strike notice to aviation workers on Wednesday, the five bodies ordered their members to withdraw services to all inwards and outwards Owerri flights.

The strike notice was co-signed by NUATE General Secretary, Ocheme Aba; ATSSSAN Deputy General Secretary, Frances Akinjole; ANAP Secretary General, AbdulRasaq Saidu; NAAPE Deputy General Secretary, Umoh Ofonime; and AUPCTRE General Secretary, Sikiru Waheed.

“In addition, the person of Hope Uzodimma, the Governor of Imo State is hereby declared persona non grata at all airports in Nigeria until he purges himself of bestial tendencies. Our unions will make further efforts through our international affiliations to blacklist Hope Uzodimma worldwide.” The notice partly read.

“Furthermore, all aviation workers in Sam Mbakwe International Cargo Airport, Owerri are hereby directed to stay at home, also with effect from midnight today (08/11/2023) as directed by NLC and TUC.

“By this notice, the airports’ managements, airlines operating into and out of Owerri, intending airport passengers into and out of Owerri, and the general public are hereby advised about this situation so as to be forewarned.”