Apart from being a strategy against defective memory, diary-keeping is an extraordinary tool in literary craftsmanship. One, it infuses writing with greater realism or a deeper breath of reality if you like. In English literature of the early twentieth century, the technique was popularised by writers like Bruce Cummings, who adopted the pen name, Nero Barbellion, and his major work is entitled, “The Journal of a Disappointed Man.”

As the title suggests, “The Journal of a Disappointed Man” is a bitter-sweet account of a provincial young man who arrives London to start a career in science, then he becomes disillusioned, and begins to stumble from one unhappy love affair to another. His emotional misery is soon compounded by the onset of ill-health which searing pains he details meticulously until the approach of death.

Sadly, Cummings died at the age of 30 in 1919.

Back home, we see the technique of diary deployed by our own Nobel laureate, Professor Wole Soyinka, in his prison memoirs entitled, “The Man Died”. To his jailers who sought to break his spirit by starving him of reading and writing materials for more than two years, “Eni-Ogun” overcame by scribbling his thoughts on toilet-sheets and other forms of improvisation while in prison.

But unlike Soyinka’s case that dwells on the Nigerian civil war, the diary is, of course, implicated in a bitter love story many of us are familiar with, which is documented by one of the former spouses of a one-time Nigerian leader. In a language of spite, the grand old lady chronicles a riveting love story that initially sizzled on British soil, only to devolve into bouts of domestic fisticuff after the couple returned to Nigeria.

Of course, someone took the position of First Lady when her former husband eventually became two-time Nigerian leader. But never mind. To those who might be gloating at hijacking the fruits of someone else’s labour, she reveals some dark secrets. In her tell-all, she details, in black and white, how the future commander-in-chief used to diligently launder, not with washing machine, but bare hands her dirty undergarments in the winter cold of London back in the day.

As if to remind the new mistresses that what they now claim to possess is not exactly factory new, but a fairly-used vessel.

However, Sam Omatseye’s own book is neither about estranged lovers nor forsaken love. “Beating All Odds: Diaries and Essays on How Bola Tinubu Became President” is a meticulous chronicle of events preceding and following arguably the most divisive election in Nigeria’s history. It gives context and content to a phrase recently enrolled in our political lexicon — “EMILOKAN”.

Sam’s book is divided into two parts — the diary section and the other a potpourri of essays published as column in The Nation newspaper. The diary opens on the nineteenth of August, 2022 after the presidential flag-bearer of APC had emerged, and was now arrayed against the candidates of PDP, Labour and NNPP ahead of the 2023 general elections.

The diary closes on the seventeenth of February, 2023, a week to the elections.

In Part 1 of the book, Sam vividly captures the dramatic twists and turns, the high and low moments of the electioneering season. From the insurgency of pastors against APC’ Muslim/Muslim ticket, to the intifada of northern hegemons paranoid at the prospects of the north relinquishing power to the South after Buhari’s eight years at the Presidential Villa. From the feral rampage of Labour’s online trolls, to the unprecedented absurdity of a former Central Bank Governor practically draining the national economy of cash in a desperate maneuver to rig the electoral outcome against Bola Tinubu, the reader is confronted with the prospects of a macabre drama.
Sam’s entries also do not exclude the comedies of Wike’s mocking dance-steps and the accompanying guttural lyrics of “As e dey pain dem, e go dey sweet us” and “Yemdeba… Yemdeba… Yemdeba… Yemdeba.” Nor the leak of the illicit invocation of “Yes Daddy” by one of the candidates in what was supposed to be a nocturnal chat with his spiritual godfather, in the pursuit of a sectarian agenda.

In PDP, we are reminded of how the flag-bearer called the five insurgent Governors “traitors” who don’t respect elders and the accused in turn call Atiku a “prodigal father” blinded by inordinate ambition for 30 years.

In the media, we see top journalists engaged in foul exchanges in the pursuit of conflicting interests until the media elders imposed a ceasefire.

Of course, Sam’s radar also captures the audio apparition of a former leader — one of the so-called “Owners of Nigeria”, a great granddad for sure and prolific, all-knowing letter-writer camped close to Olumo Rock, inciting unsuspecting youths to march on the streets of Lagos and Abuja when early results indicated his anointed candidate was losing, not minding if they ended up as a sacrificial lamb in possible crossfire, all in a last-ditch attempt to truncate democracy and set Nigeria back on the road of June 12.

In a way, this is also a book of vindication that is not just poetic in cadence, but also prophetic in prognosis. The great romantic poet, Percy Shelley, tells us that “poets are the unacknowledged legislators of the world”. With an uncommon prescience, most of what Sam said came to pass indeed. The man he pitched for won. How prophetic his essay entitled, “Again, a Lagos Original”, published on February 20, barely five days to the much-anticipated D-Day, turned out.

Hear the author: “He (Tinubu) is rich. He is powerful. He has influence. He has changed lives. He transformed a city. Made men and women. Yet he attracts quite a few adversaries. The scriptures say when Isaac roared into success, the Philistines envied him.

“They deny him the right to be human. When he is sick, some wish him dead or eternally crippled. When he is not seen, some conjure his ghost as a dead soul. When he reappears, they won’t even credit him as a revenant, a man who came back from the dead. Rather, they wait for another date with the grave – in their imagination. Through the primaries, he gulped up mileage against his opponents’ little acreage. In the elections season, he bounded from huge crowd to huge crowd with breathtaking regularity. His opponents, including the ‘youth’ among them, waited to take a breath and measure the breadth before the next flight.”

As for those who pronounced a “fatwa” on the writer for exercising a poetic license in coining “Obi-tuarists” in August 2022, Sam could be said to have had the last laugh when the ballots were tallied in March 2023.
For four months, we learnt that Sam was advised, as a precaution, to stay completely off the radar while Obi’s supporters preached hate in what evoked the dark memories of Salman Rushdie’s ordeal after Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeni pronounced a fatwa on his “Satanic Verses”. But, alas, the bullies grew limp and desolate once their idol lost.

But rather than gloat, in an essay entitled “I Pardon All” published on June 19, 2023, conciliatory Sam writes: “It was a pun but they did not see the fun. Yet, I am not writing in jest, but to follow the rhetorical footprints of President Bola Tinubu in his inaugural speech that echoed another great man, Abraham Lincoln. I write, as this essayist has always done, with ‘malice towards none.’

“When I wrote the piece, Obi-tuary, there was a tempest in the land… It was a hectic time for me and my loved ones. I did not go to the office for four months. I was a hermit, except my trips for TVC Breakfast show, and I had got here in disguise. I attended no parties, no public events, and restaurants. I was as Americans say a home buddy. But I forgive all. I forgive them who did not understand English enough to know that I was using a figure of speech.”

Again, the central banker Sam pooh-poohed yesterday is now today’s butt of national joke for presiding over a criminal enterprise. Long before Godwin Emefiele fell on his sword of fiscal perfidy, Sam had seen it coming in a satirical piece entitled “Mefy’s beauty”, published on November 7, 2022. Listen to him: “Godwin Emefiele must think himself a great economist and stylist. Or maybe he sees himself as a sort of reincarnation of Steve Jobs, the Apple avatar who brought design to the service of technology. Mefi, as his acolytes call him, must believe he wants to bring style to the service of the economy.

“So, to do this, he goes to the president, and tells him it is an elixir of good news. Mop up the naira and the politicians who stashed away money will groan. It will smoke out bandits from their barricades. The naira will neigh like robust horse. Inflation will bow. The common folk will renew ‘Sai baba’ chants. His unsung legacy on song.”

As prophesied, Emefiele only ended wrecking a national economy he was hired to nurture. Of course, while the great magician performed all sort of abracadabra at the exchequer, he was egged on by a tribe of media contractors who often outdid themselves in declaring him either “Banker of the Year” or “Banker of the Decade” regularly. But following a raft of serious charges brought against Emefiele in court, the media praise-singers have since lost their voices.
When Emefiele’s campaign posters first appeared on the streets, Sam was one of the few courageous columnists who bucked the conspiracy of silence in the media by voicing outrage against the sacrilege in a piece entitled “Here We Go”.

Here him:
“An abuse of office is going on with Godwin Emefiele. His so-called committee of friends failed to protect the CBN governor. Rallies are around town. Posters are everywhere. He is still mum. If he wants to run for president, he should resign his office. He should not hide under pieties about God or Muhammadu Buhari.

“He wants to have his dollar and pounds in one transaction. He should either run and resign, or stop an amorphous group from trumpeting an ambition for a man whose only image outside of banking is a kneeling posture to some oligarchs.

“It is an abuse of office to enable a shadowy crowd of friends fretting in public over questions of the CBN chief who is stumbling to segue from a technocrat to a democrat. The so-called committee of friends was a shadow show.
“It was a limp exhibition, whose prose called for better editing. Emefiele has a spokesman officially. That is the only voice that counts, not a camaraderie of cowardice hiding under a coterie of friends.”

Unperturbed and unashamed, Mefy’s hired flutists doubled down in a rejoinder splashed in a sponsored two-page advertorial in The Nation newspaper.

Without a doubt, this book is significant because it is the first attempt at documenting a momentous period in our recent history. As many will now agree, never in living memory has the nation found herself dragged into an electoral contest where religion and region were brazenly weaponised.

Nor has the nation ever witnessed an aberration where the sitting administration was viewed, rightly or wrongly, as working energetically and transparently against the victory of the candidate of its own party in a national election.

One remarkable thing about the diary Sam kept for seven months is the sense of great suspense, dark foreboding expressed by the writer as the nation tottered dangerously near the precipice.

For instance, hear Sam’s suspense-filled entry on the seventeenth of February, 2023:
“The week before the election shaped out very tense, especially for the ruling party. It seems obvious that the worries that Asiwaju Bola Tinubu expressed about efforts to scuttle his path to victory have never been better revealed than when the president went on television and defied the Supreme Court ruling.

“The president gave ammunition to the other contestants because his decision energised the rage against his government and the APC. He decided against the suggestions of the Council of State, against the ruling of the Supreme Court, against the judgment of the governors and many people in the political class and civil society. His decision was in lockstep with that of the CBN chief, the Labour Party’s presidential candidate Peter Obi and PDP counterpart Atiku Abubakar.”

Overall, there is no disputing that Sam writes with the fragrance of a much-decorated poet and the gravitas of the nation’s most garlanded, most consistent columnist in the last two decades. As The Nation’s columnist in the last eighteen years, not once has Sam failed to deliver every Monday. His multidisciplinary depth surely shines through this chronicle. But even more evident is the authority Sam brings. As a senior editor with vast network of contacts in high places, he surely knows, smells and hears things not open to small players.

However, it must be said that, here, Sam is not a neutral chronicler. Indeed, in Nigeria’s literary community, only a few can be said to be as invested as Sam in Nigeria’s democratic struggle when the cost was most prohibitive. To ignore the history of the popular struggle against military despotism of the 90s is to, therefore, completely miss the spirit that feeds Sam’s muscular metaphors.

Not many will remember that, as Concord editor in 1997, the writer narrowly escaped being captured by then rampaging Abacha goons at the Muritala Mohammed International Airport in Lagos. He and Tunji Bello, his inseparable ideological twin brother, had turned Sunday Concord newspaper into a thorn in Sani Abacha’s flesh. Of course, that close shave with the death squad of the military regime marked the beginning of Sam’s ten-year self-exile in the U.S.

Well, Aristotle said we are all political animals. The difference with Sam is that he does not hide his bias in a sophistry. His partisanship is undoubtedly for Bola Tinubu, a key player in the pro-democracy struggle of the 90s. No wonder, in this book, Sam is unsparing of those he considers traitors to Asiwaju. And they are quite many. From those who climbed on Tinubu’s back to power in Abuja and later denied the help, to those who disowned him in his own hour of political need. They know themselves.

Overall, contrarians are likely to find Sam’s language rather offensive or maybe exaggerated sometimes. But like Khalil Gibran tells us, exaggeration is only a truth that has lost its temper.

However, as magnificent as it appears, Sam’s offering is not without its own production infelicities which border largely on the infiltration of non-English words or phrases. They permeate the entire work. But Sam must be reminded that not everyone speaks or understands Yoruba or his native Itshekiri. Conventionally, such words are italicized or put in inverted comas. These can corrected in the next issue of the book.

All said, the book is, in my view, a razor-sharp snapshot of Nigeria at a critical moment. I strongly recommend you get a copy and read.

Thanks for listening.

Against the run of play, Governor Mohammed Umaru Bago of Niger State ruffled feathers with his speech at the 2023 annual Leadership Newspaper Conference and Awards held in Abuja last week. This speech was an instant hit online and trended at different times on both Instagram and X (Twitter). Governor Bago’s arguments in his speech can be summarised in three ways: First, as a nation, Nigeria cannot achieve economic freedom and eradicate poverty without being productive, especially in agriculture, where we have a comparative advantage.

Second, it is indefensible for a nation with an estimated arable land of 40 million hectares and a reasonable youth population to accept grain donation in whatever guise from war-torn Ukraine; and third, because of natural and human endowment, Nigeria can feed the people and export the excess to other countries. There is nothing Governor Bago said that we do not already know, but as a nation, we have egotistically refused to accept these truths or act on them. These arguments are significant because they were made by a serving Nigerian governor, a member of the powerful club that has enjoyed the monthly sharing arrangement called the Federation Account Allocation Committee( FAAC).

Governor Bago ended his speech by throwing a challenge against the federal government’s promise to deploy and distribute 42,000MT of grains from the strategic reserve, that the Niger State Government will deliver and distribute 100,000MT of grain by June 2025. Make no mistake about it, Governor Bago was not just exercising his bragging right; he was marketing his strategic plan to rescue Niger state from the sharing mentality, economic doldrums, poverty, unemployment, and criminality. A quick review of what the Niger state government is doing to accomplish the vision of food sufficiency might give us a better perspective. Niger state, over the next year, plans to cultivate one million hectares of farmland, inclusive of a 50,000 hectares fully irrigated food production hub. Over 500 large-capacity tractors, 1000 pieces of irrigation and agricultural equipment, 2000 power tillers for smallholder farmers, 2000 petrol water pumps, 3000 solar pumps, and 5000 tube wells to support dry season farming have been delivered. Besides, the government has acquired about 100,000 bags of fertilisers, plus herbicides, pesticides, and fungicides have also been obtained. Governor Bago’s commitment to this agricultural revolution in Niger state is self-evident and realistic.

Governor Bago’s challenge in his speech and what he is doing in Niger state is founded on solid historical precedence and economic reasoning. Before we discovered crude oil in commercial quantity and started depending on it as a mono-product, which made us lazy in thinking, diminished the value of hard work, and elevated monthly sharing of FAAC to a religion of sorts, sub-national governments (regional governments) relied solely on agriculture to develop the regions. Some of the iconic infrastructure projects were executed with money realised from groundnut, cocoa and palm oil trade. The choice of agriculture as an engine of economic growth was because of its multiplier effect. It has an excellent capacity to create employment and wealth. Those reasons are still valid today. The neglect of agriculture and the food production supply chain led Nigeria into many of the economic malaise we are suffering today – from food insecurity, unemployment, criminality and poverty to a shortage of foreign exchange. Some countries that were our contemporaries developed their food production and supply, which became the mainstay of their economy.

Governor Bago’s speech represents a significant shift in thinking in recent times, giving some hope. Some state governments have started working towards creating a clear vision of increased productivity, providing an enabling environment for such productivity, and building on this productivity to improve their internal revenue generation. These governors are using food security in Nigeria as fuel to engage in food production in a way that has not been done in Nigeria for a long time. They understand that the question of food security in Nigeria starts with food production, then food processing, food distribution and food commercialisation, both locally and abroad. But first and foremost, ramping up food production is the first step in tackling the food insecurity conundrum. It is a matter of how much food Nigeria produces. It is determined by what individual states bring to the table. In that regard, the message of self-reliance from the Niger governor is on point. Production of food for local consumption and export is vital for Nigeria’s economy because it solves two significant problems that have recently thrown Nigeria’s economy into a wild spine – food inflation and scarcity of foreign exchange.

Increasing our production capacity and, by extension, enhancing our internally generated revenue is imperative. States waiting to go to Abuja to pick up peanuts monthly is not sustainable. States, by the design of the 1999 constitution, ought to be growth centres – actively participating in creating the institutional framework, structures, and environment to make this possible. However, only a few states have taken advantage of this vantage position to lift their people out of poverty. Most states function as salary payment centres. This must change if any meaningful development strides will take place in Nigeria.

The era of states becoming a leech on the centre, milking the Nigerian state dry, is over. Every state must look inward and decide the best path to economic progress. Each state must have the mentality that if the tap of crude oil is switched off today, how will it become sustainable? This calls for chief executive officers of the states (governors) to wear their thinking caps now, holistically review their productive comparative advantages, develop an audacious strategic plan, and execute such to achieve a clear vision for the state. Anything less than this is not acceptable to Nigerians.

The idea that consistent productivity at the sub-national level is one critical ingredient among many ingredients that will get us out of the economic mess we found ourselves in is more germane today than ever. The significance of this statement is that state governments are responsible for figuring out the best strategy to make their states viable and contribute to wealth creation and employment generation. Each state must tap into their comparative and competitive advantage to contribute to the national food basket.

A strategy for economic viability will require dealing with internal security issues coupled with medium- and long-term planning. The most crucial short-term action critical to agricultural production presently is to provide security and a safe environment for such economic activities to occur. The states must make farming safe and allow farmers to return to their farms without fear of attacks from bandits or terrorists. Insecurity is a great headwind against agricultural productivity.

Agro-industrialisation is crucial in massive food production and increases local revenue and foreign exchange generation. We are embracing new agro-technology and jettisoning old agricultural practices that have provided suboptimal productivity over the years. This is also a time to bring real entrepreneurs into the food production and processing value chain. State governments should leverage various public-private partnership investments available to bring in seasoned investors and ‘agropreneurs’ to work together to put in place modern mechanised agricultural facilities for the mass production and processing of food. Recently, I had a long discussion with the governments of Edo, Jigawa, Nasarawa and Akwa Ibom State who are leading in this new PPP arrangement and are collaborating heavily with the private sector (both local and foreign) to produce food for all and revenue to the state and our economy. I could feel a new mindset away from the “sharing mentality”.

Still on agro-industrialisation, agricultural exports accounted for about 90% of Nigeria’s foreign exchange earnings in 1960. In quarter one of 2023, three products alone, Cocoa seed, sesame, and cashew seed, even without maximising our potential, gave the country N297 billion. In 2022, Malaysia’s gross domestic product from palm oil export was estimated to be 36 billion Malaysian ringgit (approximately $8 billion).

Governor Bago has thrown an open challenge to the federal government and his fellow state governors. There is a need for constructive engagement and healthy competition around subnational food productivity. Most importantly, the food imperative allows some states to improve their domestic revenue situation. Agricultural productivity has become an economic lifeline for the states, especially in the north. Kofi Annan argued that “Food security is not only a moral issue but also a strategic one: without food, people have only three options – they riot, they emigrate, or they die. None of these are acceptable options”.

The fight against poverty, unemployment, hunger and malnutrition is one of the most significant challenges of our time, and it’s a challenge that can be won in Nigeria. Nigeria can work towards achieving food security by applying the essential spirit of Bago’s challenge. Quality and affordable food is the fundamental to Nigeria’s development. We must take care of the basics before travelling to the moon. Nigeria’s development hinges on this!

In 1975 Brigadier General Murtala Mohammed GCFR (November 8, 1938 – February 13, 1976), who was at that time a brigadier, approached Chief Frederick Rotimi Alade Williams SAN (December 16, 1920 – March 26 2005) to be the chairman of the 50-man Constitutional Drafting Committee. Chief Williams told Brigadier Murtala Mohammed that he would accept the job on two conditions, among which is that Professor Benjamin Obi Nwabueze (December 22, 1931- October 29, 2023) from Atani in Anambra state must be a member of the committee. Chief Williams told me this story himself when I covered proceedings of the committee which were usually held in his residence in Ilupeju, Lagos. I asked why he insisted on his friend, Professor Nwabueze to be a member of the committee; his reply was “Who else but Ben?”.

Eventually, Professor Ben Nwabueze was appointed a member of the 50-man committee. The committee was inaugurated on October 18, 1975, at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Victoria Island, then headed by Professor Bolaji Akinyemi (82), from Ilesha, Osun state, who later became the Nigerian Foreign Affairs Minister under General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR.

The committee was inaugurated before Brigadier General Murtala Mohammed was assassinated on February 13, 1976. The Secretary of the committee was Alhaji Gidado Idris, who was then the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture in Kaduna state. He later became secretary to the Constituent Assembly and later Secretary to the Government of the Federation under General Sani Abacha GCFR (September 20, 1943 – June 8, 1998).

At the Constitution Drafting Committee, Alhaji Gidado Idris was assisted by Mr R.C. O. Nwokedi, Senior Assistant Secretary, Cabinet Office, Lagos, Mrs O.O. Onajide, then Head of News and Current Affairs Mid-West Television, Mr A. Obilade, Lecturer in Law, University of Lagos and Dr O.A. Obozuwa, former Lecturer in Law, Lagos State University and a Commissioner, Public Service Commission, Bendel State.
Other supporting staff of the committee by then were Mr E. Omofuma, Mr O. Ogunade, Mr J.O. Oyefeso, Mrs A. T. Kole, Mrs M.M. Wuraola, Mr J.E. Ikebude, Mr R.O. Akpabio, Mrs J.O. Adeyemi-Wilson, Mrs V.O. Odunuga, Mrs M.M. Albert, Mrs P.C. Adiele, Mr A. O. Iyiola, Mr E.O. Ajiboye, Mrs J.T. Okechukwu, Mr E.I. Ojogwu, Miss A.E. Anwana, Mr J. A. Adesanwo, Mr Ben Enahoro, Mr N. Orekan and Mr P. Nwajei.

After the inauguration of the committee, Professor Nwabueze was made a member of the Legal Drafting subcommittee headed by Chief Rotimi Williams. Other members of the subcommittee at that time were Chief Richard Osuolale Abimbola Akinjide SAN(4 November 1930- 21 April 2020), who later became the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation in 1979, Alhaji Olufemi Lateef Okunnu(90), former Minister of Works, Dr Tajudeen Olawale Ayinla Idris(June 6, 1940- August 30, 2018), who later became Commissioner for Education under Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande and Chief James Ajibola Idowu Ige, SAN(September 13, 1930 – December 23, 2001) who was elected the governor of Oyo state, 1979-1983 and Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, 2000-2001.

The rest members of the committee were Justice Muhammadu Buba Ardo(1930- October 5, 1991) from Fufore, Yola in Adamawa state, former Chief Justice of North Eastern state (175-1976), Justice of the Supreme Court(1978-1979), Mr. S.M. Liberty, Attorney General of Borno state and Mr. Kanmi Ishola Osobu from Ilesha in Osun state.

Mr Osobu was educated at the famous Ilesha Grammar School before proceeding to the University of London. Before he died in 1995, he had a flourishing bar practice in Lagos of which many lawyers including Wole Obayomi, currently a partner and Head of Tax, Regulatory and Peoples’ Service (TRPS) Practice of KPMG and Mr. Adeyinka Olumide-Fusika SAN, passed through. Till he died in Ibadan, myself, Toye Akiyode, Yinka Guedon, Gboyega Amoboye (The Governor), Femi Ogunleye (now the Towulade of Akinale in Ogun state), Labake Adebiyi alias Everything Labakus, Jimi Aderinokun, Dapo Aderinola, Tunde Fagbenle and other journalists were associated with him. Egbon Kanmi Ishola Osobu alias PEOPLE’S LAWYER, a human rights activist was also closely associated with Fela Anikulapo-Kuti
The last member of the subcommittee was Alhaji Abdulganiyu Folorunsho Abdulrazak (November 13, 1927 – July 25, 2020) from Ilorin. He was the first lawyer from northern Nigeria and the father to the present governor of Kwara state, AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq.

Professor Nwabueze married in December 1961, Rose Achike, with three sons and three daughters. He had his education at the London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London, England, 1956-1961, lecturer, later senior lecturer, University of Lagos, 1962-1965, senior lecturer, University of Nigeria, Nsukka, 1965-1967, acting dean, University of Nigeria, Usukka,1967-1970, Professor, School of Law, University of Zambia, 1970-1976, also dean, School of Law, 1971-1976, joined United Bank for Africa, Lagos and awarded Nigerian National Merit Award in 1980.

In January 1993, under the Transitional Council, then headed by Chief Ernest Adegunle Oladeinde Shonekan GCFR (9 May 1936 – 11 January 2022), he was Secretary (Minister) of Education and Youth Development). In October 2013, Professor Nwabueze was appointed to the National Conference Advisory Committee but withdrew on health grounds. He was replaced by Mr. Solomon Asemota, the Chairman of the Governing Council of the Christian Social Movement of Nigeria as well as Coordinator of the Ethnic Nationalities Movement (ENM).

Atani, his hometown, is the headquarters of Ogbaru Local Government in Anambra state. Atani is also the hometown of my favourite musician, Chief Stephen Osita Osadebe(March 17, 1936- May 11, 2007).
In 2004, I was in Atani when my friend, Chief Chris Nwabueze Ngige (71) from Alor in Idemili South Local Government of Anambra state, was the Governor of Anambra state. A very quiet town.

Professor Ben Nwabueze was later made the chairman of the sub-committee on National Objectives and Public Accountability of the Constitution Drafting Committee. Other members of the committee were Kanmi Ishola Osobu and Professor Emmanuel Uwamagbuhunmwun Emovon (February 24, 1929 – February 20, 2020) from Benin City, former Vice Chancellor of the University of Jos, who later became the Minister of Science and Technology under General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR. The rest members were Dr A.Y. Aliyu, lecturer of Public Administration, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Chief Paul Wanteregh Unongo (September 26, 1937, to November 29, 2022) from Jato Aka in Kwande Local Government Area of Benue state, who later became Minister of Power and Steel under President Shehu Shagari GCFR and Alhaji Ibrahim Imam (1916 – April 1980) a Kanuri politician from Borno, who was the secretary of the Northern People’s Congress and later became a patron of the Borno Youth Movement. He was elected into the Northern House of Assembly in 1961, representing a Tiv district. Before his election in 1961, he had represented his district of Yerwa in 1951 after supporting a strike of Native Administration workers.

It was in this subcommittee that Professor Nwabueze served his country best. His footprints are all over in the 1979 constitution. Professor Nwabueze’s subcommittee’s main objectives were

1. To consider and make recommendations on the desirability of embodying National Objectives and Directive Principles in the Nigerian Constitution
2. To suggest what such principles and objectives should be
3. To consider and make recommendations regarding constitutional arrangements to ensure observance of and conformity to such principles and objectives including the procedure to amend this part of the Constitution and
4. To examine and make recommendations on institutional and other arrangements to prevent corruption and abuse of power on the part of all persons holding public offices or exercising power (be it executive, legislative or judicial).

The committee recommended that the Federal Republic of Nigeria be one, indivisible and indissoluble, sovereign state based on the principles of democracy and social justice and accordingly,

• Sovereignty belongs to the people from whom the government, through this constitution derives all its powers and authorities;
• The welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government;
• The government shall be responsible and accountable to the people;
• Participation by the people in their government shall be ensured in accordance with the provisions of this constitution;
• The press, radio, television and other agencies of the mass media shall at all times be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in this constitution and to ensure and facilitate the responsibility and accountability of the Government to the people;
• The state shall not adopt any religion as the state religion but the freedom of every individual to preach, to teach and to practice the religion of his choice shall be respected and protected.

It was Professor Nwabueze’s subcommittee that recommended the fifteen codes which a public officer must adhere to. If those codes had been enforced, I am sure this country would have been a better place. The codes were “a leader shall not put himself in a position where his personal interest conflicts with his responsibilities as a leader, or which enables him to explore others; without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing paragraph, a leader shall not;

• Hold more than one public office
• Engage in any private, trade or profession
• Receive any remuneration, gain or profit other than the emolument payable to him in respect of the specified office held by him.
• A leader shall not, after he retires from public service and while receiving a pension from public funds, accept a remunerative position as chairman, director or employee of a public company or receive any other remuneration from public funds in addition to his pension.

Notwithstanding anything in paragraphs 3 and 4, a leader shall entitled to earn, in addition to his emoluments as a leader—

(a) interest on money deposited in a bank, building society or other financial institutions;

(b) dividends or other profits from stocks or shares held by him in any registered company;

(c) interest on Government stock;

(d) gains or advantage derived through personal labour on land owned or occupied by him.

No person shall own or occupy more than one plot of State land throughout the country. Any person who at the coming into force of this Code owns or occupies more than one plot of State land shall sell the excess over one plot to the State. The price—(a) as regards the ground shall be at a rate at which allocations of State land in the area in which the plot is located are made by the Government at the time of sale; (b) as regards any building erected on the plot, shall be such as may be agreed or determined by the court in default of agreement.
A leader shall not ask for nor accept any property or benefit of any kind for himself or any other person on account of anything done, to be done or omitted to be done by him in the discharge of his duties, nor accept gifts of whatever nature other than from relatives and personal friends.
A leader who holds a position as President or Vice-President of the Republic, minister, permanent secretary or head of any public corporation, university, or other parastatal organization shall not accept. (a) a loan except from a bank, building society or other financial institution; (b) any benefit of whatever nature from any company, contractor, business or their nominee or agent.
No person shall offer to leader any property, gift or benefit of any kind as an inducement or bribe for the granting of any favour or the discharge in his favour of the leader’s duties; a leader shall not do or direct to be done in abusive of his office, any arbitrary act prejudicial to the rights of any other person; a leader shall not put to his personal advantage or to the advantage of any other person materially or otherwise any information acquired by him during his term of office as a leader; a leader shall not be a member of, belong to, or take part in the organization or management of the Ogboni or owegbe societies or any other secret society of a similar nature.

Every leader shall, (a) within three months after the coming into force of the code or after taking office, as the case may be, (b) at the end of each year (c) at the end of his term of office, submit to the Code of Conduct Bureau of the Government which employs him, a written declaration of all property or assets owned by, or liabilities owed to, him, his spouse or unmarried children under the age of twenty-one; any false information in such declarations shall be deemed to be breached of this code; any property or asset acquired by a leader after the initial declaration required by paragraph 13 (1) (a) above and which is not fairly attributable to income, gift, or loan approved in this Code shall be deemed to have been acquired in breach of this Code unless the contrary is proved.

An allegation that a leader has committed a breach of or has not complied with the provisions of this Code shall be made to the Code of Conduct Bureau, which shall, unless the person concerned makes a written admission of such breach or non-compliance, cause the matter to be heard and determined by the tribunal referred to in Article of the Constitution.

A leader who does any act prohibited by his Code through a nominee, trustee, or other agent shall be deemed ipso facto to have committed a breach of this Code”. By being the Chairman of the subcommittee, Professor Nwabueze automatically became a member of the Constituent Assembly. Other chairmen of subcommittees that became automatic members of the Constituent Assembly were Alhaji A.G.F. Abdul-Rasaq (sub-committee on the executive and the legislature, Alhaji Nuhu Bamali (sub-committee on the judicial system), Dr. Pius Okigbo (sub-committee on economy, finance and division of powers), Alhaji Aminu Kano (sub-committee on citizenship, citizenship rights, fundamental rights, political parties and electoral laws, Dr. Obi Wali (sub-committee on the public service including the Armed Forces and the Police) and Chief F.R.A. Williams (Legal Drafting sub-committee).

On November 1, 1977, Professor Nwabueze was appointed the chairman of the business of the Constituent Assembly. Other members of the business committee were Alhaji Abdul Razak, Dr Pius Okigbo, Chief Olu Awotesu, Dr K.O. Mbadiwe, Chief Samuel O. Mbakwe, Mr D.G. Vembeh, Chief Frank N. Inok, Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, Alhaji Shehu Malami, Dr, Iya Abubakar, Dr. Mudiaga Odje and Dr. F.O. Nwator.

From October 6, 1977, when the then Head of State, General Olusegun Obasanjo GCFR, inaugurated the Constituent Assembly, till the assembly adjourned sine die in March 1978, Professor Nwabueze sat next to Chief Rotimi Williams. The two were inseparable. Despite his later years’ pronouncements on political issues, Professor Nwabueze should be judged on the preamble of the report of the sub-committee on National Objectives and Public Accountability of the Constitutional Drafting Committee which he co-authored in 1975. That preamble was his legacy. The preamble defined Professor Nwabueze.

In the preamble, he wrote “Government in Nigeria, as indeed in other developing countries, has tended to be preoccupied with power and its material perquisites. Given the country’s conditions of under-development, power offers the opportunity of a lifetime to rise above the general poverty and squalor that pervades the entire society. It provides a rare opportunity to acquire wealth and prestige, and to be able to distribute benefits in the form of jobs, contracts, scholarships, gifts of money and so on to one’s relatives, and political allies. Such is the preoccupation with power and its material benefits that political ideologies as to how society can be organized and ruled to the best advantage of all hardly enter into the calculation.

Perhaps the Constitution is in part to blame for this. The Constitution in Commonwealth Africa speaks only in terms of power and of rights, but never of duties. The latter are taken for granted. The Constitution assumes that those who wield the power of the state will be conscious of, and responsive to, its obligations and responsibilities. And so it says nothing of the duties of the government towards its subjects. Our experiences have shown this to be a wrong approach to constitution-making. As a charter of government and the fundamental law of the land, the Constitution should make it clear that powers are bestowed upon the organs and institutions of government, not for the personal aggrandizement of those who wield them from time to time, but for the welfare and advancement of the society as a whole. It should therefore cast on the State definite duties towards its subjects

A constitution should indeed do more. It should proclaim the principle on which the state is organised and spell out the ideals and objectives of the social order. Every constitution is set and operates in the context of certain organising ideas but these are often left unexpressed. Again this approach to constitution-making is outdated. A constitution should not be simply a code of justiciable rules and regulations; it is a charter of government, a government involves relations and concepts that are not amenable to the test of justiciability.

The objectives may be immediate, specific policy goals or long-term ideals. The former are not likely to excite controversy; they are the things Nigerians expect their government to secure for them—food, clothing, water, medical facilities, education, etc. Spelling them out in the constitution provides a yardstick for judging the performance of any government. It invests them with the quality of a constitutional directive to the organs of the state to inform and guide their actions by reference to the declared principles. It would also serve as a reminder to government functionaries that their position is one of trust involving powers as well as duties.

The latter implies ideology. Ideology arouses a certain mysticism and suspicion among us. Yet every new nation has a special need for a nationally accepted ideology. For unless the goals and the fundamental attitudes and values that should inform the behaviour of its members and institutions are clearly stated and accepted, a new nation is likely to find itself rudderless, with no sense of purpose and direction. By defining the goals of society and prescribing the institutional forms and procedures for pursuing them, ideology seeks to direct and concert the efforts of actions of the people towards the achievement of those goals. In this way, it seeks to unite the society into one nation bound together by common attitudes and values, common institutions and procedures, and above all an acceptance of common social objectives and destiny.

The need for an ideology in Nigeria is all the greater because of the heterogeneity of the society, the increasing gap between the rich and the poor, and the growing cleavage between the social groupings, all of which combine to confuse the nation and bedevil the concerted march to orderly progress. Only an explicit ideology which sets the parameters of government and informs its policies and actions can generate a spirit of cooperation, peace and unity.

If the national ideology is enshrined in the constitution, then this may make it appear less of a political slogan, investing it with the quality of a constitutional, albeit non-justiciable norm, and thereby making it easier for political leaders, and even judges, to establish and show the desired identification with it.
It may be argued that the aspirations, goals and values of a society are not unchanging for all times; they may not even be a true reflection of current values but only what the present generation of leaders believe them to be or think they should be; to enshrine them in the constitution would therefore be an imposition, and would create a false and unwarranted image of popular acceptance. These sentiments might equally serve as an argument for not having a constitution at all.

Whilst unquestionably values are relative to time and place, every society should attempt to formulate the values that are relevant to its time and place; their embodiment in the constitution does not entitle them to any more immutability than the frame of government instituted in the constitution. The important thing is that the values and objectives declared should be the fundamental ones widely shared in the community, and not the sectional objectives and goals of particular social and economic policies of a ruling party.

It cannot be disputed that the ideology that is most relevant to our society today and one that is accepted by most Nigerians is that of socialism operating within the framework of participatory democracy and the ideals of liberty, equality and justice. It is the only effective answer to the conditions of under-development, inequality and exploitation that exist in the country. The long-term objectives of socialism in Nigeria should be to place in the hands of the State and people the ownership and control of the means of production and distribution”.

Professor Obiefuna Benjamin Nwabueze served his country the best way he could.