About a month ago, when the Ondo State governorship election was some two weeks away, this column examined the possibility of the state enjoying a seamless election and came to the conclusion that even if the election surprisingly comes out well, one irreversible negative aspect would be vote buying which happens in every Nigerian election.

Well, the said Ondo election has come and gone and reports from election observers have confirmed our prediction. According to the Nigeria Civil Society Situation Room made up of civil society organisations (CSOs) working in support of credible elections and governance in Nigeria, there was “widespread vote trading across the state, with voters and party agents openly engaged in the exchange of votes for cash, ranging from N10,000 to N20,000 in all 18 local government areas.”

Vote buying will no doubt be difficult to stop because not many believe it is wrong to buy and sell votes. The public perception is that those against vote buying are people who do not have enough resources to seriously compete with their opponents. In truth, candidates and their political parties are fully aware that votes would have to be bought hence a budget for it is usually one of the first items they work on while preparing for elections. Yet, the same politicians are the loudest among those condemning vote buying. Under the circumstance, the point can be made again today that the fight against vote buying is a charade because it is a game everyone plays. Put differently, the fight will not only always be lost at every election; it would remain a battle that was lost even before it began.  

There are several reasons why the situation is not likely to change in the nearest future. To start with, not many understand the nature and true meaning of vote buying. Whereas some people see the concept only from the point of view of the open trading that takes place on a typical voting day, vote buying is much wider than that. The term, ‘vote buying’ is indeed not just a voting day activity, there is always vote buying before, during and after the casting of ballots. Besides, the trade is not restricted to the use of money; other material benefits are also patently in use in the popular trade. In addition, vote buying is not only used to induce voters to cast their ballot in favour of the buyer, it is also deployed to stop some voters from voting at all. The goal here is to reduce the voting figures in an opponent’s location of strength

It is therefore not enough to stop the buying and selling of votes on voting day which many often focus upon. In fact, the fight against vote buying can hardly gain traction if it does not commence aggressively well before the casting of ballot. This becomes clearer when it is realized that a candidate who raises huge resources to buy votes is encouraged to do so only because he or she had become the flag bearer of a political party. What this means is that the candidate had engaged in perhaps more serious vote buying within the party to persuade party delegates to support him or her as an aspirant. In the recent past, many Nigerian politicians struggled to become delegates of their parties simply because it had become exceedingly lucrative.

Just before the general election of 2023, there were reports of how several hotels garnered huge profits from the lodging of delegates in their rooms many days before party primaries. There were even undisputed reports that during the presidential primaries of the nation’s two major political parties, the average delegate went home with no less than fifteen thousand US dollars ($15, 000) for voting for an aspirant who became the party’s candidate. On this score, it is easy to conclude that vote buying is not as simplistic as the general perception which sees the phenomenon as essentially the buying and selling of votes on the open market day of the casting of ballot. Vote buying is therefore not only costlier before voting day, but attacks on it are less intense as that of the clamour for an end to voting day trading.

Interestingly, reports which highlight voting day trading focus more on how voters produced evidence that they voted for a particular candidate or party before they were paid. There is usually no corresponding searchlight on law enforcement agents who look the other way during the process or who are themselves seen picking up their own loots. Yet since the Electoral Act of 2010, vote buying has been formally categorized as an offence punishable by huge fines and years of imprisonment in Nigeria.Again, vote buying does not end with the casting of ballot, there is collation of votes currently recognized as the elephant in the room whose price may naturally fit its size.The seller is not necessarily a voter who is dispensing with a personal vote; instead, the seller here simply nullifies all the votes bought and sold during the casting of ballots by swapping votes, cancelling some and altering others in favour of the highest bidder.

The immense power of the collation trader is far wider than is imagined as it includes the power to allocate votes to polling units where elections did not even hold. The implication of this is that a candidate who has resources and access to the collation trader may not waste energy in buying votes during the casting of ballots. This is because the determination of the invisible group of collation merchants is final in the declaration of winners. No one knows the exact value of payments made to merchants who work on segments such as the mass thumb printing of unused ballots, as well as the alteration and mutilation of result sheets. Whereas the invitation to different intellectuals to declare winners is capable of giving some semblance of credibility to the process, how can one quantify what is payable to those who read whatever is recorded?

Another factor encouraging vote buying is the nation’s economic meltdown. It is very difficult to persuade a voter who had not eaten some days before voting and is not sure of his next meal to reject a sale of his ballot that can yield a few cash for the moment. The argument that a voter’s ballot is his strength which should not be sold for a mess of porridge is quite convincing to some people but not persuasive to the poorest of the poor. To the latter, it is worse that no one is saying anything about the huge gains of delegates or the millions that party officials commandeer to play one aspirant against the other. If any type of vote buying is wrong, perhaps it is unfair to focus on the little gains of the poor

Considering that vote buying is basically the exchange of both monetary or other material benefits for political support rather than the purchase of ballots on a typical voting day, those who have been clamouring for an end to vote buying in Nigeria will become more circumspect. They will become more appropriately sensitized to the fact that we are dealing with an ordeal that stretches as far as to the conflicting rulings and all forms of injustices coming out of our judiciary. They will realize that while vote buying which takes place during the casting of ballot is illegal and a crime, a fight against that segment alone is rather cosmetic and incapable of changing the systemic problems of Nigeria’s electoral process. It is therefore time to hold the horn of the Bull.

The goal is not just to stop vote trading but to achieve a credible electoral system. Who says some efficacy will not be attained in the fight if we can reduce our lucrative democratic system? Now that we know that our federal law makers earn N14million per month, the equivalent of the take-home pay of a dozen top executives in the federal service, we ought to know that election to such an office would be capital intensive. The posture of political office holders in Nigeria if viewed through a microscope will virtually reveal their determination to bribe even the Divine, just to get into office. This is part of why the battle to sanitize our electoral system by ending vote trading got lost before it started from the return of democracy to the country in 1999. 

In ??? ?????? ?????? ??? ?????? ?? ??? ???? – ??? ?????? ?? ????, ??? ?? ??? ??? ??? ?????: Essays by Ulli Beier, edited by Wole Ogundele, (2001) Horst Ulrich Beier, famously known as Ulli Beier, had an engaging narrative about the power and powerlessness of dogs. He entitled the narrative, Dog Magic of Yoruba Hunters. In it, Beier related how his dog, which he provocatively named Tańtólóhun, (who can compare with God?)’s weird tantrums, which occurred in Osogbo in the early 1960s, could mirror the insufferable power and limitations of dogs. The motive of telling the story, he said, was to “demonstrate the extraordinary power of hunters over dogs”.

Otherwise very gentle dog, whenever Tańtólóhun saw a particular elderly priest of Oya goddess guest of the Beiers, she suddenly went abrasive. The priest, said the German-Jew literary octopus, had just lost his following and as such, little or no worship activity went on in his shrine. Whenever the priest branched at the Beiers’ home on a visit, Tańtólóhun suddenly went haywire, grew inexplicably aggressive towards the priest, growling and barking. The old priest, too couldn’t explain the oddity. He threatened not to visit the Beiers again unless the weird and wild Tańtólóhun was curtailed. The Beiers’ friends’ explanation for Tańtólóhun’s tantrums was that, “the priest liked to eat dog meat, and because of this, often performed the annual sacrifice for a group of Ogun worshippers in Osogbo… the dog sensed his perverse attitude to dogs and her uncontrollable anger stemmed from that”.

Tańtólóhun’s hatred for the Oya priest intensified. “One day, she even started to tug at his long flowing agbádá with her teeth. Infuriated, the priest shouted that if the dog did it again, he would have to ‘put medicine’ on her. The very next day, the dog rushed out again and this time, the priest turned round, speaking incantations at her.” The second day, as the Oya priest was passing by, Tańtólóhun repeated the same weird bellicosity. “She rushed out again barking and tried to grab the priest’s agbádá. Angrily, the priest turned and spoke his incantations. The dog fled back into the house. But this time, she did not recover. Instead she behaved in the most frightening manner. She rolled her eyes, snarled at everybody and foam appeared in her mouth. We could not be sure that she had not developed rabies. Even if it weren’t so, it was obvious that in her present mood, she would sooner or later attack people. She did not appear to recognise any of us. We quickly evacuated all the people from the house. There were usually a dozen children playing on the ground floor. Then we locked her into the house,” lamented Beier.

Another friend of the Beiers’, the head of hunters in Osogbo, the Olúóde, upon being told of Tańtólóhun’s fate, offered to help. He was promptly ushered into the solitary prison where Tańtólóhun was locked, lest no human be the victim of her madness. Ten minutes after, the Olúóde came out laughing. “The dog followed him, wagging her tail as if nothing had happened. Tańtólóhun had no recurrence of her strange behaviour (again)… The Olúóde said he did not give the dog anything to eat, that all he used was incantations.”

Beier, the man who told that story, was born July 30, 1922, and exited this plane on April 3, 2011. Beier gave Nigerian literature teeth to bite in the twilight of and immediate post-colony (1950 to 1967). His interest in traditional Yoruba culture and arts was almost an obsession. While teaching at the University of Ibadan, the German-Jew veered off to live in Western Region cities of Osogbo and Ede in his quest to conduct anthropological researches on the Yoruba. Inspired by philosopher and French intellectual, Jean Paul Sartre’s essay Orphee Noir, in 1957, Beier founded the magazine, Black Orpheus which became the first African literary journal in English and a leading market for the publication of contemporary Nigerian authors. He also, in 1961, co-founded the Mbari Artists and Writers Club in Ibadan as an ensemble for new writers, dramatists and artists, where they could gather and weave the tapestry of their arts. It is on record that Beier fired the writing zeal of writers like Chinua Achebe, Wole Soyinka, among many others. In 1962, he co-founded the Mbari Mbayo, Osogbo Club with Duro Ladipo and translated his drama, published as Modern Poetry (1963). In 1966, Beier published his own play, The Imprisonment of Obatala, using the pseudonym, Obotunde Ijimere. He was husband to Susanne Wenger, the famous Austrian-turned-Nigerian Osun sacred grove priestess, who, upon dissolution of her marriage to Beier, married the local drummer, Lasisi Ayansola Onilu.

Sorry, I digressed. Last week, former President Olusegun Obasanjo, at the Chinua Achebe Leadership Forum, which held at the Yale University in the United States, threw a mound of earthly pigment Yoruba called ògúlùtu. When you throw ògúlùtu, it scatters in conceived and incidental directions. He threw the ògúlùtu in the direction of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, president of Nigeria. But again, as the Yoruba say, it is a ripe baby orange which invites slingshots of rods and pebbles on its mother (omo osàn níí kó póńpó bá ìyá è). In Yale, Obasanjo took a swipe at not only Tinubu but unnamed Nigerian leaders he called “Baba-go-slow” and “Èmilókàn,” under whom he said Nigeria had become a failed state.

Immediately I read it, I knew Tinubu’s Tańtólóhun dogs like Ulli Beiers’, would relapse into their weirdest bellicosity. Tinubu keeps a kennel of Rottweilers he unleashes on perceived haters. Atiku Abubakar is one of them. While delivering his keynote address entitled “Leadership Failure and State Capture in Nigeria”, Obasanjo outlined Nigeria’s worsening challenges, which included pervasive corruption, mediocrity, immorality, misconduct, mismanagement, perversion, injustice, leading to a state capture. He also alleged that the Nigerian judiciary had been reduced to wriggling maggots which feast on rotten flesh of politicians. He also took a swipe at Tinubu’s wobbly leadership, the concerning state of the economy and the sagging credibility of Nigeria under a government that advertises so much motion but no movement. “More than N700 billion in cash bribes were paid by citizens to public officials in 2023,” he further alleged.

Immediately after this, the Oya priest received one of the vilest attacks from Tańtólóhun. In the narrative of the Beiers’ dog above, it will be recalled that the German-Jew literary octopus’ friends’ explanation for the dog’s weirdness was that the Oya priest might have been suffering for his perverse attitude to dogs, especially his penchant for turning the dog’s kindred into buffet during annual Ogun worshippers’ sacrifices. Ogun worshippers are notorious for not only wickedly beheading dogs during such sacrifices but turning the hapless animal’s meat into delicious barbecue.

So, in the bid to stave off accusation of bad governance that is almost a refrain on the streets of Nigeria, simply re-echoed by Obasanjo, like Beiers’, Tinubu’s Tańtólóhun dogs went berserk, growling and barking for the whole of last week. In a statement titled, ‘Former President Obasanjo was not an ideal leader to emulate,’ Tinubu’s Chief Tańtólóhun leading the pack, accused Obasanjo of hypocrisy. “He presided over the worst election in Nigeria (and now) demands the sack of the leadership of the Independent National Electoral Commission.” He barked ad-nauseam on the Obasanjo third term agenda, how Chinua Achebe, “a universally acclaimed moral, cultural and literary icon” had “scant regard for Obasanjo,” and rejected “the third highest national honour bestowed on him… in 2004,” the unconstitutional impeachment of four PDP governors, the Halliburton bribe scandal, dud investment of $16bn in electricity, “which left the country in utter darkness,” the aluminium smelter company, ALSCON sale, among others. Onanuga growled however that his boss was “diligently (working) to overcome the country’s economic challenges” and advised Obasanjo “to temper his self-righteousness in his public discussions regarding our nation’s temporary difficulties” and spend “his remaining years…reflecting on the missed opportunities during his own time in leadership, both as military head of state and civilian president”.

The Beiers’ Tańtólóhun had every reason to growl at the dog-eating Oya priest. It however didn’t reckon with an eternal Yoruba aphorism which preached caution. In traditional African Yoruba society, cloth dry-cleaning was a craft natives embarked upon. Early in the morning, these alágbàfò stormed homes of their clients to collect stacks of used clothes which they took to streams to wash. After washing them, for the clothes to last longer and give them fascinating smells, alágbàfò garnished them with a blue dye called aró. The aró’s cost is then added to their fees. So, when a bedwetting client haggled the price of the aró, the Yoruba say while the whole world was entitled to so haggle, it ill behoves a bedwetter to do same.This, Yoruba express as, “ó ye gbogbo eni k’ó yo’wó aró, sùgbón kò ye atòólé.” Did the bedwetter take into consideration the unpleasant task of divorcing their clothes from oozing smell of urine and the indignity behind their affliction?

So, even if the whole world could cast off the beam in Obasanjo’s eyes, it is not the governance bedwetters of Aso Rock of today. While Tańtólóhun was entitled to be miffed at the Oya priest for peremptorily turning its kin into gourmet meal, does she think the world, too was blind to how she pounced on reptiles and rodents, devouring them? Moreover, Tańtólóhun should have known, again as Yoruba say, that it is not all leaves that the Babaláwo plucks nor is it every palm tree that the palm wine-tapper climbs. While some leaves are sacred, with all of them taboo to be plucked after the morning dew had ceased its water blessing, if a palm-wine tapper does not carefully select the tree to climb, he could be stung by a deadly puffadder which has made the palm-tree top its place of hibernation. Ayinla Omowura, Yoruba Apala music colossus, expressed this as “gbogbo ewé kó l’òjáwé ńjá, gbogbo òpe kó l’onígbà ńgùn” and warned the climber and leave-plucker to beware.

To start with, I am not aware of any of the allegations made by the Tańtólóhun dogs against the Oya priest that is a lie. In human relations, Obasanjo has been described as the proverbial African witch who seeks the destruction of her benefactors. He makes mincemeat of his benefactors. An example touted in this regard is Chief S. B. Bakare, the Ijesa multi-millionaire of the 1970s/80s who rescued him from the bullets of Colonel Bukar Suka Dimka. Obasanjo is also one of the most hated Nigerian leaders alive, mostly due to his kénimánìí (lest others have) and kénimátóni (lest others attain my status) traits. Both are epistemic analytical standpoints of human relationship used in understanding and interpreting people’s actions and inactions. Obasanjo has always fought his kin to the hilt, beginning with Obafemi Awolowo and MKO Abiola, his secondary school senior. The ostensible reason is for him to be the only Yoruba to attain his national height. He once riled the world when he said that the presidency Awolowo sought unsuccessfully was delivered to him on a platter. Rather than his kin, Obasanjo preferred lifting people of other ethnicities. The few kin of his who were struggling to be at the top, like Mike Adenuga Jr., Obasanjo attempted to destroy them.

Not minding the above, a saying that will readily dissolve Tinubu’s Tańtólóhun dogs’ tantrums against Obasanjo is that even if a hyena develops boil – a painful, pus-filled bump – on its face, it is beyond the remit of the chicken to point it out. A chicken is too miniature in people’s estimation compared to a hyena, just as no one dare peer light into the dilating eyes of the lion. Obasanjo is too elephantine in stature for anybody to demean.

In Nigeria’s 25 years continuous governance, one tree that makes its democratic forest is Obasanjo. It may sound intangible, but we know that Obasanjo has an ancestry that he can point to. I doubt if there is any other leader who is emblematic of this country and who the rest of the world connects than him. I once traveled with Obasanjo to Congo Kinshasa and saw how Felix Tshisekedi and the whole DRC laid red carpet for him. From Nigeria’s first loan of US$13.1 million from the Paris Club of Creditor Nations, taken from the Italian government in 1964 for the building of the Niger Dam, her debt rose to US$36 billion in December 2004. Obasanjo, on June 29, 2005, used his international leverage to have the Paris Club give a US$18 billion debt relief package to the country. No other leader, before and after him, has succeeded in doing this. Many institutions of government which Nigeria enjoys today, the EFCC, ICPC etc – though they are almost comatose now – were all built by him. He brought dignity to Nigeria and his years in government lifted this country’s pride tremendously. More importantly, he didn’t disgrace the Yoruba race.

Yes, Obasanjo’s lust for power, that me-and-only-me (àf’èmi, àf’èmi) spirit, sowed the seed of his third term ambition which he now shamelessly denies. However, none of his several limitations could be as destructive as to have some insolent and abrasive Tańtólóhun dogs compare him with Tinubu. Yes, they are both lucky to have risen this high; Obasanjo, in spite of his perceived wickedness, selfishness and Tinubu, for the mucks that glue to his past and present. The lofty pride that oozed off Obasanjo while in office cannot be said of the government that the Tańtólóhun dogs were last week unleashed to bay blood for and defend. Barking and growling, their teeth tugged at the agbádá of the Oya priest, they were a pitiable sight as they attempted to stave off Obasanjo’s deadly punches. What did Obasanjo say that is untrue about the pestilence that the Tinubu government has brought on Nigerians in the last 18 months? Nigeria today mirrors every definition of a failed state. Is it the excruciating hunger, go-slow, corruption, a felonious judiciary, an INEC that has gone to the dogs and whose chairman needed to be sacked to allow sanity into Nigeria’s electoral system? What?

Let me close this homily by asking the Olúóde, who has the powers to put a leash on his Tańtólóhun dogs, to do so immediately. In doing so, I will borrow two advisory sayings of the Yoruba. In one, they caution that, even if a Tańtólóhun dog is suddenly seized by insanity, it should mind the billowing red-eye of the fire – “t’ájá bá ńsínwín, k’ó má wo’nú iná òyèlà.” In another, Yoruba warn that anyone who assumes that the way an edible vegetable called tètè is grated and made into soup is same way another variant of the vegetable, the wild dáguńró, is eaten will be eating poison!

The Fuji music house of commotion

Like every lover of Yoruba traditional music, language and culture, I have of recent been inundated with requests to lend a voice to the newest raging fire in the Fuji music genre. Since the passage of Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Balogun, popularly known as Ayinde Barrister or Agbajelola Barusati, there have been longstanding tiffs on whom of the trio of Ayinde Omogbolahan Anifowose, KWAM 1; self-named King Saheed Osupa (K.S.O.) and Wasiu Alabi Pasuma, was the “King.”

These musicians’ recent quest for supremacy is not new. From time immemorial, supremacy battles have been part and parcel of Yoruba music. Apparently now tempered by modernity, in the olden days, the battles were fought with traditional spells, incantations and talisman aimed at deconstructing and liquidating their rivals. Mostly fought on genre basis, I submit that pre and post-independence entertainment scene would have been livelier, far more robust than it was but for the acrimonious liquidating fights of those eras.

In the Sakara music, Abibu Oluwa, a revered early precursor of this Yoruba musical genre, who reigned in the late 1920s and 1930s, had Salami Alabi Balogun, popularly known as Lefty Salami, Baba Mukaila and Yusuff Olatunji as members of his band. Oluwa praise-sang many Lagos elites of his time, especially Herbert Macaulay to whom he sang his praise in the famous track named “Macaulay Macaulay.” In it, he sang the foremost Nigerian nationalist’s alias of Ejonigboro – Snake on the Street and prayed that he would not come to shame.

Sakara also produced the likes of S. Aka Baba Wahidi, Kelani Yesufu (alias Kelly). It was sung with traditional Yoruba instruments like the solemn-sounding goje violin whose history is traced to the north, and the roundish Sakara drum, beaten with stick and whose appearance is like that of a tambourine. Sakara music is often called the Yoruba variant of western blues music because of its brooding rhythm though laced with a high dosage of philosophy.

When Oluwa died in 1964, he literally handed over to Lefty who, born on October 1913, died December 29, 1981. Lefty, a talking drummer under Oluwa, churned out over 35 records before his demise, one of which was a tribute to Lagos monarch, Oba Adele (Adele l’awa nfe – Oba Adele is the king we want) and another to the Elegushi family. I dwelt considerably on Sakara because it is believed to have had considerable influence on other genres of traditional African Yoruba music, especially Apala and Fuji, with the former sometimes indistinguishable from Sakara.

Apala music, whose exponent is said to be Haruna Ishola, originated in the late 1930s Nigeria. Delivered with musical instruments like a rattle (Sekere) thumb piano, (agidigbo) drums called Iya Ilu and Omele, a bell (agogo) and two or three talking drums, Apala and Sakara are the most complex of these genres of traditional Yoruba music, due to their infusion of philosophy, incantations and dense Yoruba language into their mix. Distinct, older and more difficult in mastery than Fuji music which is considered to be comparatively easy to sing, Ayinla Omowura, Ligali Mukaiba, Kasumu Adio, and many others were Apala leading lights of the time. The three genres have very dense Islamic background.

The latest entrant of all the three genres is Fuji. Pioneered by Ayinde Barrister no doubt, for an Apala musician biographer like me, I am confused that Omowura, as far back as early 1970s, asked listeners in need of good Fuji music to come learn from him – “Fuji t’o dara, e wa gbo l’owo egbe wa…” Sorry, I digressed.

While KWAM 1 emerged with his Talazo music from the ashes of his being a music instrument arranger for Barrister’s musical organization in the early 1980s, the feud in the house after Barrister’s death erupted when narratives allegedly oozed unto the musical scene that KWAM 1 referred to himself as the creator of Fuji music. He however promptly denied the claim. For decades, Osupa and Pasuma were locked in horns over supremacy of the Fuji music genre. In August 2023, the two however seemed to have decided to thaw their feud as they shared stage with Wasiu Ayinde, at Ahmad Alawiye Folawiyo, an Islamic singer’s 50th birthday celebration in Lagos. KWAM 1 glibly acted as their senior colleague at the event.

As an indication that they are no bastards of the teething and recurrent supremacy battles that emblemize traditional Yoruba music, the three Fuji music icons seem to have gone into the trenches again. It first started with Taiye Currency, an Ibadan-based alter-ego of Pasuma picking a fight with the musician who self-styled himself Son of Anobi Muhammed’s Wife. In a viral video, Currency had disclaimed reference to Pasuma as his “father” in the music industry. In another video not long after, KWAM 1, like some kind of father figure, was shown asking Currency to go and apologize to Pasuma.

A few days ago, a video of Osupa went viral. Therein, he was chastising a particular hypocrite he called “Onirikimo” and “alabosi”, who is “stingy and is ready to shamelessly collect money from those under him.” Osupa also claimed that this “shameless elder” had strung a ring of corn round his waist and should be ready to be made fun of by hens. Watchers of the endless tiffs among these Fuji icons swear that KWAM 1 was the unnamed Fuji musician Osupa was casting aspersion on.

The trio of Sakara, Apala and Fuji music also witnessed such petty squabbles. While many claim that the fights were promotional gambits aimed at having their fans salivate for their hate-laced musical attacks against one another, some others claim that the rivalries were genuine. In the Apala music scene, Haruna Ishola and Kasumu Adio fought each other to the nadir, with Adio, who sang almost in the same voice and cadence as Ishola, suddenly vamoosing from the musical scene. Rumours and speculations had it then that a mysterious goat bit Adio and rendered him useless. While Ayinla Omowura also fought Fatai Olowonyo, Fatai Ayilara, among others in the Apala genre, the duo of Yusuff Olatunji and S. Aka also feuded till their last days. This is not to mention the interminable fight between Kollington Ayinla and Barrister.

If the tiff between the trio of KWAM 1, Osupa and Pasuma is about age and Yoruba traditional respect for elders, KWAM 1 would easily go away with the trophy of the best of the three. However, if philosophical depth, musical elan, research of lyrics and deployment of Yoruba language are at issue, none of the other two musicians can unbuckle Osupa’s sandals. Osupa began his musical career in 1983 as a teenager and has gone through the mills, his late father being a musician, too and Awurebe music lord, Dauda Epo Akara’s musical contemporary.

Unlike their predecessors, the three Fuji musicians are literate and should thus address their musical issues in more mature manner. Osupa even recently bagged a degree from the department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. One thing they should know is that, whether one is supreme to the other or not, their fans will readily queue behind the brand that delights them.

At 75, TRIBUNE Newspapers remain a Badge of Honour.

I always like to make the point each time I get the opportunity to refer to the Nigerian Tribune as Nigeria’s oldest surviving private newspaper. Just do a quick check, you will not find too many organisations today in Nigeria with that life span. So Tribune has always been a thing of pride right.

from the days of its founding. Many are those who wear the Tribune tag-it was and remains indeed a badge of honour.

Yes, the newspaper organisation has gone through the valleys and the mountain, but it’s pride of place abides. And I am just so delighted to be a part of this inspiring story!

There are few things you don’t forget in life. For me my time at the African Newspapers of Nigeria, ANN, the publishers of the Tribune titles is one.

For instance, it is in Tribune and around our encounters and experiences there at Imalefalafia that I forged some of the best friendships of my life, which today are still soaring. And this is where my recollections ought to start.

Wale Adebanwi, Adeolu Akande, Johnson Otitoyomi, Segun Olatunji, Bode Opeseitan etc represent for me, not just a bulwark for a young man trying to understand the contradictions between an imagination of a great country and people on the one hand, but also make sense of the fact that the nation is led by a rather underwhelming governmental leadership-mainly then the soldiers who forced themselves on us all in this space called Nigeria.

As young people, these friends of mine and myself, we were almost obsessed by the national question and we didn’t only debate the many controversial developments of those days -especially in the early 90s, but we saw ourselves being journalists as well-positioned to create the awareness that can bring change.

This was part of the reason i chose to become a journalist. We all tapped in the vision and example of the Sage Papa Obafemi Awolowo and resultantly formed the audacity to question our leaders if things weren’t going the way we knew it ought to.

I started freelance reporting in 1989

during my final session at the University of Ibadan and did a few articles in Tribune and then The Guardian. In deed by the time I graduated in 1990 and finished my national service I had a letter of employment from Tribune. The editor then, the quintessential journalist and one of our mentors, Mr. Folu Olamiti gave me the offer.

But while my friends were already working there by then, I didn’t quite join as a staff until 1995. Mr. Biodun Oduwole was then the Editor- in- Chief. Mr. Segun Olatunji about that time too had become the Editor of Tribune on Saturday, while Adeolu Akande and Wale Adebanwi were line editors or Bureau Head as the case may be.

Oduwole invoked the image of the debonair director of the stage of life that was Tribune in those years. One thing you would grant him is the ability to pin-point the right man for the job in the newsroom, with limitations though as he still had to revert often to a Managing Director who wasn’t a journalist.

So he gave me the job as Special Projects Editor on the Tribune titles with my friends-particularly Adebanwi, making the pitch for me as they were already there. I worked directly under his editorial guidance and he deployed me to some major news developments including the banishing of the Sultan by Abacha and the eventual passing of the Great Zik.

I can never forget the stunt I pulled when the Sultan, Ibrahim Dasuki, was banished from the throne. Oduwole had enough confidence to deploy me even though I could barely speak Hausa. He said I should go and get the exclusives! Well that was the deal we reached for him to offer me the job in the first instance-to get the exclusives! So i did special news and special reports.

So back to the Sultan Dasuki story. As his banishment was announced I went to his private house in Kaduna and found my way to his living room, where I sat with other dignitaries and sympathisers, like I was one of them. That was where I got all my exclusive stories, sitting down like one of the important dignitaries and there were quite a few, not too much though in the sitting room.

So i heard his relatives and associates speaking to the people often in Hausa but mainly in English since there were many of his non Hausa friends and associates also seated. No one could even go look for him in Sokoto anyway since the banishment was announced, that was how his private residence in Dogondaji area of Kaduna became the default venue for well wishers.

So i heard his family and relatives first hand what they told people about the dynamics, reasons why he was removed and so on. I didn’t know how I found courage to sit down with the people there because I was literally a stranger who gate-crashed into Dasuki’s home called Dogondaji House in Kaduna. Dignitaries were trooping in and out and saying lots of things but nobody challenged me. So, I wrote an exclusive story about it, but asked my editors not to use my byline that could blow my top!

As special projects editor, those were the kind of national stories that i covered.

So I flew around Lagos, Sokoto and Kaduna pursuing different leads. This was in April 1996. The next month that same year, I was sent to Nnewi in Anambra State when the Great Zik, Dr. Nnamdi Azikwe passed on the 11th May.

Then, in January 1997, I became the editor of the Nigerian Tribune on Saturday. I think three of us did the written test and were interviewed for the role. A senior newsroom colleague Mr. Akinjide Akintola came second. I did overall better than him by just one point. I became then one of the

youngest newspaper editors in the country having graduated about 7 years ago. Tribune gave me that rare opportunity!

I remember the Editor in Chief telling me then “Laolu you got it just by the skin of your teeth;” Mr. Oduwole was a top notch master of the English Language.

Now as an editor in charge of a weekly publication, I felt there was now a fairly significant platform to fight for the restoration of democracy and civil rule. So with my formidable team of reporters such as then Mrs. Dupe Olubanjo, Mrs. Omotayo Lewis, Sanya Adejokun, Rotimi Oladunjoye,

Bayo Oladeji, Bode Odeseye and several good others, we balanced my quest with adequate local human angle stories.

We did several stories about how Nigerians abroad were giving the military regime a tough time because of its reputation. I remember there was a time that the United Nations was considering imposing sanctions on Nigeria after the Commonwealth had imposed sanctions over the execution of the Ogoni nine including Ken Saro-Wiwa.

One of such US based prodemocracy copies was when the Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka and then Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United Nations did a face to face oral confrontation before the New York City Council who were considering renaming the street besides the Nigerian House in Manhattan, New York-just a stone throw from the UN headquarters-after late Kudirat Abiola. Gambari opposed it on behalf of the Federal Military Government of Nigeria while Soyinka supported it on behalf of different Nigerian groups abroad including NADECO. It was a front page story on Tribune on Saturday.

But the defining moment was the story we did on then Chief of General Staff and number two to General Sani Abacha-Lt. Gen Oladipo Diya. That was the story responsible for my final decision to leave the country for 17 years!

It was sometime in November of 1997, i think. The advance team of Gen Oladipo Diya, discovered that there was a bomb that was planted in his jet when he was supposed to travel. While he was still on his way from the presidential villa to the airport in Abuja, the bomb detonated, and he cancelled the flight.

So, we did the story, Who Wants Diya Dead, for the Tribune Saturday edition, which I was the editor.

I think either on that day or on the Sunday after my story came out, there was an announcement that Diya had been arrested alongside other people because they planned a coup.

I have since read the Editor in Chief, Mr. Oduwole’s recollections of this unnerving event, how he was caught up in Abuja on the same day!

My brother-in-law was Diya’s chief security officer, Major Seun Fadipe. He knew nothing about the story.

Our reporter in Abuja, Mr. Bisi Abidoye, wrote the story, and as the editor, I fleshed it up and casted the headline myself.

After the story was published, the Editor in Chief told me point blank that I was in trouble with then much dreaded State Security Services (SSS). It was in fact possible they were already trailing me. It was a very dark moment for me because on the family end there was turmoil and fears over the fate of Major Fadipe and the other “coup plotters.” Thank God there lives were spared eventually but by then I took no chances-was already cooling my heels in New York and the rest is history!

So Tribune was indeed a rugged platform for those who believe in the greatest good for the greatest number. I benefited from its largesse in that wise and we used it as a voice for the voiceless and a voice of reason just like Papa Obafemi Awolowo had envisioned. What a badge of honour that we all who had the unique opportunity to serve and work in Tribune wear.

With our dear aunty, Dr. Tokunbo Awolowo-Dosunmu now at the helm, let the banner keep flying! Congratulations to Apa ma ku at 75!

Akande, who is currently the host of INSIDE SOURCES TV show, was presidential spokesperson 2015 to 2023 & editor emeritus, Tribune on Saturday, 1997-1998

There have been divergent opinions about the economic policies adopted by the administration of President Tinubu since it came into power on May 29, 2023. Those opposing the policies can be categorized into two groups: those who are ignorant about the workings of the policies but are genuinely concerned about the short-term hardships they have caused, and opposition parties and their followers who have decided to oppose any policy introduced by this government. The President has repeatedly stated that he was aware of Nigerians were going through.

One striking observation is that many of those opposing the economic reforms of this government are suggesting a return to the status quo—reversing the removal of fuel subsidies and the floating of the naira. This suggestion is absurd, as these policies are the very ones that have destroyed the Nigerian economy over the years. Trillions of naira that could have been used for building infrastructure, improving healthcare and education, enhancing the military capabilities of the Nigerian security agencies, and funding research and development were spent on fuel subsidies and defending the naira.

When President Tinubu assumed office, the country was in dire straits: high levels of insecurity, poor infrastructure development, a debt service-to-revenue ratio as high as 97%, a forex backlog of  $7 billion, and many state governments struggling to pay salaries. The Nigerian economy was in a state of comatose in need of radical reforms. During his national broadcast on the occasion of Nigeria’s 64th Independence Anniversary on October 1, 2024, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu stated that Nigeria must either reform for progress and prosperity or continue business as usual and risk collapse. It is common sense that to achieve different results, things must be done differently.

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank have commended the economic policies of this administration and emphasized the need for them to be sustained. The good news is that the reforms have already started yielding results. The Federal Government has commenced the implementation of a national minimum wage, with state governments following suit at varying rates. Insecurity levels have dropped, students are benefiting from a student loan scheme, the inherited forex backlog has been cleared, the debt service-to-revenue ratio has fallen to under 70%, foreign direct investments worth over $30 billion have been recorded in the past year, and the nation’s foreign reserves have risen to $40 billion. These are indicators of progress.

In 2025, with oil production expected to hit 2 million barrels per day and domestic refining capabilities improving, the value of the naira is likely to strengthen, creating a positive multiplier effect on the cost of goods and services. The living standards of Nigerians will improve as their purchasing power increases and inflation drops. Businesses will thrive in 2025, leading to higher employment rates as household consumption rises and the cost of doing business decreases. Additionally, the impact of the current administration’s efforts to diversify the economy, improve infrastructure, and enhance security nationwide will further boost economic activity in 2025. These projections are based on the assumption that there will be no major pandemics or other crises locally or globally.