I met Quadri Alabi, the child of destiny, on Tuesday, at the News Central TV in Ogba, Ikeja. They – Quadri, his lawyer, Inibehe Effiong and Ms. Hassana Nurudeen, co-founder of Ray of Hope Prisoner Outreach – were coming out of the studios after an interview as I was stepping in for the newspaper review segment of the same breakfast programme.

I held the young lad’s hand, looked into his eyes and wished him well and shook hands with Inibehe, who I thanked for his labour of love.

I didn’t watch the interview live but the breakfast crew of Olive Emodi, Joe Hanson and Gbenga Aborowa, told me it is a must watch. And having watched the video clip, I concur. It is one interview every well-meaning Nigerian should watch because it speaks to the real issues of our law enforcement’s ruination – the fact that the police, the country’s primary law enforcement agency is not fit for purpose.

I referred to Quadri as a child of destiny because right from the day he intuitively jumped in front of Mr. Peter Obi’s campaign convoy in 2023, he came across as someone destined for a divine purpose. If you ask him, as I did last Tuesday, why he did what he did on that fateful day, you will not get an answer just as I didn’t.

During the interview, Hassana Nurudeen said the NGO, which she co-founded with Stephen Oguyinka, together with one Oyiga Michael, a social media influencer, organised a football match at the Kirikiri Correctional Centre between Twitter Influencers and Kirikiri inmates.

It was at that event, part of the group’s prison outreach, that she met a guy called Jonathan, who had been in detention for about four months because he was owing someone N1.2 million. After the match, the NGO did crowd funding to raise the money and secured Jonathan’s freedom.

It was in the course of a thank-you-visit that Jonathan told Hassana that the boy who stood in front of Peter Ob’s convoy was actually his prison mate. She called Quadri’s mother on phone and the distraught woman confirmed his son’s ordeal. She took the case to the court of public opinion by escalating it in the social media, which, by the way, the Sultan of Sokoto recently described as a tool worse than a terrorist organisation. A pity!

When the story went viral on Twitter, many Nigerians, including Peter Obi, called Inibehe to intervene. And he did. After interfacing with Hassana and convincing himself that it was a case of persecution, he took remedial steps to ensure that Quadri regained freedom.

First, he escalated the matter by bringing it to the attention of the appropriate authorities, before proceeding to the court to find out the status of the case, after which he applied for the necessary documentations and then made an application to the Apapa Magistrate Court where the Magistrate who had earlier scheduled the case for April 28 agreed to hear it on April 17. Then the Lagos State Director of Public Prosecution, DPP, Babajide Martins, reviewed the case file and found out “for a fact that truly Quadri had no case to answer.” There was no evidence to support his arrest or the effort to prosecute him for armed robbery. With the DPP’s advisory, Inibehe and his team went back to the court and the Magistrate implemented the advice and Quadri was accordingly discharged.

Inibehe didn’t just jump on the case to chase clout. “I carried out my own personal investigation. I don’t jump on cases because they have gone viral or become sensational. Before I get on any matter, I must have personal conviction and I must have done due diligence. I met with Quadri at the Kirikiri Correctional Centre and had an interview with him for over two hours and thereafter spoke with his mother. I did everything as a lawyer to have them contradict themselves but they were consistent and the sequence of events supported their position. I was convinced thereafter that this was another case of abuse of power by the police,” Inibehe told his interviewers.

What did the police do to investigate the case? Nothing! And if not for providence, Quadri would still be in prison today just as there are hundreds, if not thousands of innocent people languishing in jail for crimes they knew nothing about. Hassana said the NGO secured the release of about 22 inmates who were wrongfully accused and jailed since 2022. In 2024, they secured the release of two minors, one of them a 15-year-old lad who had spent about 10 years in prison unjustifiably.

And what was Quadri’s crime? The touts in his neck of the woods thought he must have made a heck of a fortune after his day in the sun in 2023 and wanted their share. The baale of the Amukoko community where they lived not only joined in the conspiracy but summoned Quadri’s mother, threatening that if the money that had allegedly been given to her son was not split in two, she wouldn’t see him again. What did the police do to investigate this? Nothing!

On the day Quadri was arrested, he was coming back from work and didn’t know that there had been a fight earlier in the day in the neighbourhood. The touts stole his phone and money before handing him over to the police who locked him up in a cell with four strangers. In the morning when the complainants – a man and his wife – came to the police station, the suspects were paraded and they couldn’t identify him. Yet, the police at Amukoko Police Station detained him for a week before charging him to court in January. In Kirikiri prison, because he couldn’t afford to pay the marshall, he was subjected to the indignity of cleaning up faeces from morning until 6pm.

Inibehe, who insists that Quadri’s case is a painful example of the putrefying corruption, monstrous impunity, and pervasive injustice in the Nigeria Police Force, demanded that the Lagos State Police Commissioner, Jimoh Moshood, and Inspector General of Police should, as a matter of urgency, remove the DPO of Amukoko Divisional Headquarters, CSP Ismaila Olaniyi and subject him to orderly room trial along with the Investigating Police Officer, IPO, Inspector Odigbe Samuel, and other officers who participated in what he called the “evil, sinister, oppressive, and corrupt scheme of framing-up a teenager for armed robbery at the behest of rogue Area Boys.” He also demanded a N100 million compensation and public apology from the police.

“There are many Quadris languishing in detention centres across Nigeria because of the unbridled criminality, lawlessness, and lack of accountability in the Police institution and the weakness of the justice system. History will vindicate the just,” he said.

But CP Jimoh Moshood, would have none of that. Insisting that Quadri’s statement after arrest indicated that he was 18 years and not 17, he emphasized that no one was above the law, regardless of age. “I personally checked the record at Amukoko Police Station. He wrote down his age as 18, and that is the basis on which we proceeded with the investigation.”

Pooh-poohing Quadri’s birth certificate presented by Inibehe, Moshood said the documents must be verified. “The best person to confirm someone’s age is their parent. A birth certificate or affidavit of age declaration must be thoroughly investigated. These days, with AI and digital tools, anything can be fabricated.”

The irony is that the police neither verified the documents nor sought clarification from Quadri’s mother.

But his argument sounded hollow, as always. Anyone who knows Moshood right from his days as the Force Public Relations Officer will not be surprised because he is one officer with whom every conversation sooner than later runs off the rails. With him, well-reasoned arguments might as well be whispers in the wind and no matter how compelling the points are, they won’t get through. So, Nigerians need not bother with his defence of the indefensible.

But it is sad that even in the face of incontrovertible evidence, CP Moshood is still lying about the facts of the matter. First, his claim that the DPO personally arrested Quadri after receiving a distress call is a lie. It is also not true that Quadri made a confessional statement as claimed by Moshood who should know that by law, as ruled by the Supreme Court, if someone is to make a statement that may implicate him, it must either be on video or in the presence of a counsel.

But what I found most bizarre is Moshood’s rage that Inibehe took Quadri to a “presidential candidate after his discharge.”

Warning that politics should not be mixed with criminal investigations, he said: “If someone commits a crime, it doesn’t matter if they are close to a presidential candidate or a media personality—they should face the law… When the boy was asked to go, the lawyer took him to that presidential candidate first.”

That got me thinking. Could it be that the reason the police framed a 17-year-old minor for armed robbery was because of his presumed association with Peter Obi, the political establishment’s bête noire? That, indeed, is the tragedy of Nigeria under President Bola Tinubu’s watch.

The Federal Government Staff Housing Loans Board (FGSHLB) says it has begun the compilation of list of retired civil servants who have defaulted on the full repayment of housing loans obtained.

Mrs Ngozi Obiechina, Head of Information and Public Relations, FGSHLB, disclosed this in a statement on Thursday in Abuja.

Obiechina quoted the Executive Secretary of the Board, Mrs Salamatu Ahmed, as saying that the move was aimed at recovering mortgaged properties from retirees who failed to meet their loan obligations.

Ahmed noted that the decision followed a recent memo issued by Mrs Patience Oyekunle, Permanent Secretary, Career Management Office, Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation (HCSF).

According to her the memo reminded public servants of the mandatory requirement to obtain a Certificate of Non-Indebtedness to the FGSHLB and MDA Staff Multipurpose Cooperative Society as a precondition for retirement.

The executive secretary said that the board would take necessary legal steps to repossess properties where applicable, in line with the terms of the loan agreements.

She said this was in line with the provisions of the Public Service Rules 021002 (p), issued by the Office of the Head of the Civil Service of the Federation.

”I am directed to bring to your attention the provision of Public Service Rule (PSR) 021002 (p), which mandates all public servants to obtain a Certificate of Non-Indebtedness as a prerequisite for retirement.”

“The Federal Government will commence the seizure of mortgaged properties belonging to retiring federal public servants who have failed to fully repay housing loans obtained from the board,” she said.

Ahmed explained that the FGSHLB reserves the legal right to repossess any mortgaged property in cases where a public servant exits service without fully repaying the loan.

She reiterated that the directive also applied to already retired officers who were still indebted.

She urged all affected public servants to regularise their loan status and obtain the required clearance certificate without delay.

“The board is currently compiling a list of such retirees, which will be forwarded to relevant regulatory agencies for debt recovery.

“The FGSHLB remains committed to enforcing compliance and ensuring proper loan recovery procedures are followed, ” she added. 

[Vanguard]

“A viable polity is not a committee of vultures, hungry for the blood of all, except their own, nor is it a choir of praise singers and boot lickers who criticise corruption but sit expectantly in the corruption lounge begging for an invitation to the dining table. The hallmark of a viable polity is a civil service that understands the difference between national service and personal service and loyalty to the nation as against loyalty to individuals.”

The Pan Atlantic University’s 18^th Inaugural Lecture was recently delivered by Professor Emeka Osuji of its School of Management and Social Sciences. Nduka Nwosu who has been following Osuji’s  trends over the years till date, reminisces on the high points.

How time flies. The 18^th inaugural lecture of Pan Atlantic University which held at the Lagos Business School, Lekki, was one auspicious moment of reunion and reminiscences by old friends after many years apart. For Pan Atlantic University, it was a coming of age, an 18-year track record of academic excellence and very solid on the ground.

The inaugural lecture was marked by the pomp and pageantry of academic procession in the serene LBS environment and delivered by one of its eminent scholars, Professor Emeka Osuji, distinguished Professor of Economics, who while introducing himself  reminded the audience he had been in this business of postulation of theories bordering on the subject for over a quarter of a century.

Osuji has come of age for those who know him. He is many personalities rolled into one, each personality struggling to over power the other. However the Osuji dominant persona realised mid-stream the  direction of the wind, adjusted his compass and made a good sail.

Osuji defined the basis for his lecture with an invocation: “An inaugural lecture is more than a milestone. It is a declaration of purpose, a commitment to continue to push the boundaries of thought and a challenge to embrace the unknown. Beyond that, an inaugural lecture is an Initiation Rite that welcomes an academic as a High Priest of his chosen Temple of Learning, authorised by his academic ancestors to break kola nuts, pour libation(s) and preach the Sacred Words of his ancestors in the Temple of Knowledge.”

This reporter once sat beside Osuji, Ben Akabueze and Ifueko Omoigui-Okauru (MFR) in the Statistics and Accounting classes of Dr. Ikechukwu Nwobodo, then a staff of NNPC and a part time lecturer at the Faculty of Business Administration at the University of Lagos, and Mr. R.S. Wallace,   an Economics First Class graduate from the London School of Economics who lectured in Accounting and did not hesitate to educate you he was ICAN and ICAN was Wallace. He set the ICAN examinations off head and if you wanted to pass his papers, it was in your interest to listen to him, not any other lecturer who would hide behind a PhD and could not set questions off curve.

Wallace resolved all the complex equations and balanced his accounts to produce a perfect balance sheet. If there were students who could not follow Wallace and Nwobodo at first instance, three people stood out as their possible assistants who could help out. Their brains raced sharply ahead of everyone else. Their commentaries were suggestive they had known these figures and calculations earlier before now. Where were they coming from? Everyone asked. Osuji rattled his way through each lesson discussion and Ifueko always predicted where these lecturers were headed; she buried herself in the Science Department complex totally disconnected from humanity especially on weekends.

I was not sure if Osuji had time to read for too long but he had time for every issue that was of national significance and he made his relevant contributions with his commonsensical take on the solution to every problem. He picked the issues that mattered as the lecture proceeded and with a little extra research, he was done. He loved books and much later after graduation, wrote profusely as a journalist who had a column in the Vanguard as well as being  Deputy Business Editor.

In the end Ben Akabueze made a First Class, Ifueko also made a First Class and was the Valedictorian and best all round student of her set. She went ahead to study at the Imperial College London and the Harvard Kennedy School Cambridge while Akabueze went to the LBS and the Harvard Kennedy School (HKS).

Emeka Osuji emerged with a Second Class Upper, surprisingly though because he was in that troika of the most brilliant of their time in the faculty.

While Ifueko chaired the FIRS distinguishing herself with her Restral Consult, board chairmanships and memberships,  Akabueze made it through Price Waterhouse, Citibank, Fidelity Bank, UBA, stepping out successfully as the driver of the top lofty seat of Sterling Bank then NAL Merchant Bank to become a commissioner for Economic Planning and Budget in Lagos State and later Nigeria’s Director of Budget.

Osuji on the other hand was several things at different times working as a Special Assistant and adviser to three distinguished men of banking and finance. Otunba Balogun, Pascal Dozie and Chu SP Okongwu definitely found Osuji’s academic brilliance something to rely on. Even after leaving FCMB, Balogun found him useful for regular contacts, mentioning his name as one of his reliable foot soldiers. He did not disappoint.

As Okongwu’s special assistant, Osuji, at the instance of his principal Okongwu, who was the Honourable Minister of Finance, organised the powerful delegation of Nigerian businessmen and women, corporate chieftains and industry leaders as well as government officials whom President Ibrahim Babangida mandated to visit the Asian Tiger countries, see what they could learn from them, return home to implement same and move the economy to the next destination. Chief MKO Abiola was the head of that delegation with Chief Sonny Odogwu as his deputy. Okongwu was the anchor head of the delegation reprsenting Mr. President. It was one moment of a historical turn around when Babangida welcomed the travelers of about fifty men and women to Dodan Barracks. Osuji also had the additional task of inviting bank CEOs for weekly dialogues with the honourable minister.

Osuji, a man whose compass reminds him its time to unhook his moors and set sail for his next destination, disengaged from Okongwu’s office to start a finance company at a time new banks were emerging in the banking and finance sector. We all taught he was going to start a new bank using what he had learnt at the then International Merchant Bank (IMB) and the First City Merchant Bank (FCMB) and his vast contacts in the banking industry and government circles.

His finance company Leverage suffered the set backs of the time but he was not one to give up, picking a number of lessons in buying and selling, in lending and borrowing and in real estate while going back to run a degree programme in law at his  alma mater and a bachelor of law at the Nigerian Law School. Of course with the prompting of his elder brother, Osuji had enrolled for a Master’s degree programme in Economics shortly after his first degree and went ahead to write his  doctorate in the same department. Osuji is also an alumnus of the Lagos Business School (LBS), the Wharton School of Business, the University of Pennsylvania, to strengthen his negotiation skills, and the Harvard Business School (HBS). It was also not too surprising he disengaged from his finance company at the prodding of Dr. Pascal Dozie, to join him at the headquarters of Diamond Bank where he was working in the chairman’s office as the special assistant. He later moved into the Diamond Pension Fund Custodian Limited as chief executive and has had the privilege of being called to board chairmanships and membership.

Again, before long, Osuji moved into academia, having explored the corporate world and seen it all, convinced academic excellence was what he needed to distinguish himself while churning out his books as his evidence of scholarship.

Osuji reminds me of Dr.Pius Okigbo whose sibling was the famous poet Christopher Okigbo,  seamlessly used his literary prowess to support his knowledge of world history and how economics determined the evolution of civilisation and the building of wealth among nations. He did this interplay between literati and economics to the joy of listeners at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIA) Victoria Island.

Osuji’s perfection of the enigmatic persona in the delivery of his economic sermon of the dog wagging the tail or the tail wagging the dog, quickly takes you to the Achebean literary epistles on colonial rule and its effect on the native people, the fairy tales of The Forest of a Thousand Daemons, Fagunwa’s foray into fantasy, reality and religious didacticism where men walk down the streets with their heads and drink palm wine through their noses, a parallel universe of magic and the occult. Here familiar characters such as are portrayed in the historical fiction work of Baroness Orczy’s Scarlet Pimpernel, live a double life because they have the magical powers of disguise or deception used to short change the less fortunate of mankind.

In Osuji’s dialogue with his audience he summarises the two universes he is familiar with , one where men do not speak in the tongue of demons but angels, and the second where the characters create a voodoo universe simply to confuse the rest of us if only to loot our collective commonwealth. It is a scenario comparable to the deceptive characters in government and how colonial rule and independence have failed to resolve the formal and informal phenomenon of governance.

This is how he summarised the awkward situation in the proverbial zoo Republic of Animal Farm: “A viable polity is not a committee of vultures, hungry for the blood of all, except their own, nor is it a choir of praise singers and boot lickers who criticise corruption but sit expectantly in the corruption lounge begging for an invitation to the dining table. The hallmark of a viable polity is a civil service that understands the difference between national service and personal service and loyalty to the nation as against loyalty to individuals.”

One could  hear from his student the echoes of an Okongwu philosophy and ethics of governance for while in government he believed it was demeaning for him to be discussing oil blocks or how to inflate contracts. You could also feel in Osuji’s character the Catholicism that moulded Dozie’s character in his dealings with the wider world.

In his microcosmic paradise, Osuji could not have done what he did with efficiency and best results without having behind him a wife and partner whose devotion and love remain a constant till date. Emile Osuji, an executive director at the Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC) is a non-pareil in Professor Osuji’s life.

You would think the Osuji persona probably equates with that of his favourite philosopher Aristotle or Isaac Newton who would forget to take care of their well being for the sake of knowledge. Osuji is a town crier in corporate Nigeria but also understands and responds to the needs of his grassroots constituency. Last December he and his wife donated a hospital to his Obiangwu community. Unfortunately he is not your everyday politician and does not crave for visibility for its sake. The vibrant Mezie Owerri he belongs to is a  cultural institution that is a moving spirit of development in his geographical location. Among the members are Nick Oparandudu, a former banker at Diamond and Commissioner for Finance and later Works under Governor Rochas Okorocha, and Dr. Reginald Ihebuzor who was also a Commissioner for Budget and Economic Planning under Governor Emeka Ihedioha and currently the Coordinating consultant of the Niger Delta Development Bank, as well as Chijioke Eke, an Abuja based IT guru.

Professor Osuji is a man of lofty ideas and landmark achievements, not waiting for history to define him but stoops to gather what he needs to make history. Therefore, while hollering three hearty cheers to him for the moment, let us not be caught unawares for what lies ahead in the ecosystem of accomplishments he designs for himself.

Bayo Onanuga, special adviser on information and strategy to President Bola Tinubu, says the political future of former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar “looks bleak”.

Onanuga said the coalition being planned by Abubakar and his allies to challenge the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2027 has “disintegrated”.

On Wednesday, Sheriff Oborevwori, governor of Delta, and other top political leaders in the state, left the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for the APC.

Ifeanyi Okowa, former Delta governor and PDP vice-presidential candidate in the 2023 elections, is also expected to defect to the ruling party.

Abubakar had handpicked Okowa as his running mate for the 2023 presidential election.

The PDP is currently battling a wave of high-profile defections amid speculations that more party leaders could join the APC in the coming days.

Responding to an X post by Tunde Rahman, Onanuga said Okowa’s defection and the stance of some members of the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), have created problems for the proposed coalition.

“Atiku’s political future looks bleak. The coalition that he, El Rufai, Babachir, and new member Baba-Ahmed are cobbling together has disintegrated,” Onanuga said.

“Potential allies, including former running mate Ifeanyi Okowa and defunct CPC members, are giving his leprous group a wide berth. Atiku is a loser again.”

Abubakar has repeatedly expressed a desire to build a coalition of opposition political parties to wrest power from the APC ahead of the 2027 election.

Amid the coalition conversation, PDP governors ruled out the possibility of a merger or coalition with any other political party.

[TheCable]

...a tribute to Dr. Seye Kehinde on the occasion of his birthday, honouring a life devoted to celebrating others and illuminating hidden greatness.

“I will bless those who bless you; ...and all peoples on earth will be blessed through you.”- Genesis 12:3

Today, I honour a remarkable man through whom this divine promise has come to life, Dr. Oluseye Olugbemiga Kehinde, Chief Executive Officer of City People Group Limited, Publisher of City People Magazine, and Organizer of the esteemed City People Awards. His blessings shall continue to flow, for he has been a blessing to me, and this divine mandate will persist in his life.

This is more than a mere birthday message; it is a tribute to a rare gem, a journalist whose talent transcends the written word, rooted in an unwavering commitment to help others shine. It is this very essence that propels his ascent.

From my earliest days as a student, I recall submitting articles, poems, and opinion pieces to Newswatch, Nigerian Tribune, National Concord, Prime People, Hint Magazine, and City People. He stood by me with unconditional support and guidance. Throughout my journey, he not only championed my work, but did so selflessly, expecting nothing in return, no transactions, no conditions, only a genuine belief in my potential.

When I was appointed National Secretary of the Labour Party in Lagos, he organised A Day in the Industry for me, a gesture that spoke volumes: "I see you." Yet, the truth is, he has always seen me, from my formative years at Aquinas College, Akure, to the University of Jos, Law School, and beyond, never faltering, always promoting my work with steadfast devotion.

In an industry where many pursue gain before offering their platforms, Dr. Seye Kehinde stands as a beacon of integrity. He is motivated not by self-interest, but by the grace to recognise and nurture burgeoning greatness.

He is akin to a big brother who discerned a spark in me early on, nurturing it until it blossomed into a radiant flame. He has taught me, and many others, that the act of celebrating others is a noble ministry, and through this, he has forged a legacy far richer than mere headlines.

Because he celebrates others, God will continue to celebrate him.  

Because he promotes those around him, God will continue to elevate him.  

Because he sees the stars in others, he shall shine eternally.

Happy Birthday, dear brother. May your days be long, your light ever brighter, and your rewards transcend all expectations.

Signed:  

Dr. Olukayode Ajulo, SAN, OON  

Attorney General & Commissioner for Justice, Ondo State

There’s a shift in Nigerian politics of seismic proportion going on. As governance gives way to the politics of another electoral cycle in 2027 with many seeking reelection to their offices, especially those of the president and many governors, a new game is playing out. Governors of states run by opposition parties are taking turns to pledge their commitment to working for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s reelection.

Nothing strange about it. After all, Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi as governor of Rivers State and Bukola Saraki, his Kwara State counterpart led a team of five PDP governors to openly declare their opposition to then President Goodluck Jonathan’s bid for reelection in 2015. Four years later, Nyesom Wike led another group of five governors, again all PDP, to defy their party to vote in the candidate of a rival party.

The difference, and a crucial one at that, is that on both occasions, the renegade governors had already secured their second and final terms. This time, the opposition governors are all angling for reelection, just like Tinubu. Some of them are even quietly exploring the possibility of decamping to Tinubu’s APC. Akwa Ibom’s Pastor Umo Eno was unequivocal about his decision. “As for me, I’m supporting Baba Bola Ahmed Tinubu for a second term. When the time comes, I’ll tell you why”, he said.

Osun’s Ademola Adeleke went a step further with his campaign posters openly suggesting an alignment between him and Tinubu. His campaign posters feature both him and Tinubu as a combo to the people.

Sheriff Oborevwori of Delta State clearly equated the success of his administration with that of the president in urging his people to support the president. Plateau’s Caleb Muftwang, Douye Diri of Bayelsa as well as Abba Kabir Yusuf of Kano have been taking turns to extol President Tinubu. Even the suspended Rivers governor Siminayi Fubara, in his Easter message, made praising the president the main part of his address to his people.

It is a development that has upended political calculations on what to expect in 2027. While the governors openly acknowledge the tough economic climate occasioned by the policies of the federal government and do not endorse such policies, yet in their calculations, the path to guaranteeing victory does not like in using the state of the economy in their messaging.

Critics of Nigeria’s political system ascribe the development to an acknowledgement of the failure of the electoral system and how it has been corrupted and manipulated. In the run up to the 2023 elections, the level of discount with then President Muhammadu Buhari was such that the opposition parties took it for granted that the APC government will be beaten. So confident were they that they failed to form a common front.

Unfortunately, their confidence was misplaced. Despite receiving less than 30 percent of popular votes, Tinubu somehow emerged victorious. With him now firmly in charge, there is very narrow chance of an upset in the election. The conduct and outcome of the recent governorship election in Edo State is seen as dress rehearsal of how it may pan out in 2027.

To that extent, the opposition governors may simply be playing a game of survival. It is not like a recourse to the judiciary may give the desired reprieve. The proceedings in the courts over the crisis in Rivers State may have made them recognise that a combination of a damaged Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the courts that has been making very controversial and strange judgements may have created the perception that Tinubu’s infamous recipé on how to win by grabbing it and running with it was not a joke.

Dele Farotimi, in a recent interview, is of the view that unless there is a fundamental electoral reform, the outcome of the 2027 elections has already been written. If there is no comprehensive reform, he said he will not participate in the election. The reality of conduct of elections in the country has raised concerns on the future of opposition parties in the country’s evolving political culture. And Farotimi’s stance resonates with leaders in the opposition parties even as they continue exploring the path to collaboration and merger to confront the behemoth APC has become.

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar accused APC of intolerance and working to monopolise of power. He said the actions of the ruling party were steadily eroding pluralism, an essential element of true democracy. He said through his “unchecked actions”, Tinubu is “blurring the line between state power and personal ambition, magnifying his control over both the nation and its institutions.”

Dele Momodu, veteran journalist and PDP chieftain, echoed Atiku’s position, accusing the ruling party of deliberately instigating crises within Nigeria’s major opposition parties in an effort to weaken them. “Nigeria is obviously moving in a direction of a one-party state. The ruling party, APC, is so scared of opposition that right now crises are being orchestrated from party to party, especially the leading opposition parties like PDP, Labour Party, and NNPP. It’s obvious what is going on”, he said.

Similarly, Mark Adebayo, national spokesperson of the Coalition of United Political Parties (CUPP), accused Tinubu of engineering the disorganisation and persistent divisions within opposition political parties.
Although, opposition parties have control over 15 states, a healthy number, leaving the rest 21 to APC, internal squabbles in virtually all of them have left the governors from their fold seeking reelection vulnerable. They are on their own to fashion their own pathways to remaining in office.

The evolution of Tinubu and APC into a collosal machine is not the product of sterling performance or popularity in the years they have been running the country. In the run up to the gubernatorial election in Edo State, it was almost taken for granted that Godwin Obaseki would successfully engineer the victory of his party and install his favoured successor. They may not have reckoned with the ground work of the party in Aso Rock. They factored everything overwhelmingly. From the electoral umpire, the persons running the errands and the judiciary, it was a thorough job. It was a dress rehearsal for 2027 that delivered.

The Slip Heard Across a Nation

In psychoanalytic terms, a Freudian slip is never accidental. It is the unconscious leaking through the cracks of performance—the raw truth escaping the mouth before the mind can trap it. And on a national stage, in a country already choked by doubt and distortion, Nyesom Wike uttered what may now go down as the most revealing political confession in recent Nigerian history: “Who is Tinubu other than me?”

The sentence fell like a joke but landed like thunder. It was more than arrogance—it was an exposure. It was the unconscious voice of a man who, perhaps more than anyone else, has become emblematic of the deep rupture between democratic appearance and authoritarian reality. And in that moment, Wike did not just reveal how he sees himself—he exposed how power in Nigeria is truly perceived: as a game of control, not consent; of dominance, not mandate.

The Wrapping of the Presidency

From a psychological lens, this moment was not merely about politics. It was about suppressed identity, unchecked power, and the projection of ego onto a nation’s highest office. Wike’s statement was a slip, yes—but it was also a scream. A scream from a psyche so saturated with control that it no longer separates itself from the State. In that phrase, Tinubu was not insulted. He was eclipsed. The President was rendered a shadow—an extension of Wike’s political muscle and historical maneuvering. And the terrifying part? The silence that followed confirmed the possibility. Not a rebuttal from Aso Rock. Not a press statement from the Villa. Not even a whispered contradiction from those in Tinubu’s inner circle. Just silence—the kind that confirms suspicion.

Media as Courtiers, Not Critics

Wike’s statement, then, was not just a gaffe—it was a window into Nigeria’s power psychosis. And what made it worse was the atmosphere in which it was received: a media assembly that looked less like a press conference and more like a coronation. The journalists present did not challenge him—they lobbed softballs. They smiled. They chuckled. They nodded, not as watchdogs of democracy, but as spectators of theatre. There was no seriousness, no confrontation, no accountability—only the uncomfortable energy of people who seemed to know they were in the presence of someone they could not question. It was as though they had been given something—not just access, but instruction. And so, a man rewrote the hierarchy of Nigerian power, and the fourth estate took notes instead of asking questions.

A Subconscious Walkback in Real Time

Somewhere deep within, perhaps even Wike himself knew that his slip revealed too much. That is why, in the very same breath of arrogance, he quickly tried to shield himself with reassurance—by publicly declaring he would ‘make sure Tinubu wins again in 2027,’ even boasting that Tinubu would remain in office until 2031. It was not just strategic flattery—it was psychological defense. A subconscious attempt to patch the wound he had just torn open. He needed to show that his dominance was not betrayal, but partnership. That he still had Tinubu’s political back, even as he stepped on the President’s symbolic head. But the nation heard both messages. And it understood the contradiction. That contradiction has now become a national mirror: Are we being governed, or ruled? Is this a democracy, or a carefully staged theater of submission? Again, perhaps sensing he had gone too far, with his slip, tried to walk it back—but the damage was done. Nigerians heard the contradiction: a man asserting dominance while pretending to be loyal. And the people drew their conclusions. In this distorted republic, are we governed—or ruled?

And in that window, we saw everything: the fragile ego of godfatherism, the muted voice of elected leadership, and the raw scream of a nation searching for who actually holds the reins. And this is why the protests will continue. This is why the prayers will deepen. Because in a land where one man can say “Who is Tinubu other than me?” and walk away stronger, it is no longer enough to vote. It is time to call for judgment—not just legal, but ancestral. Not just electoral, but spiritual.

The Cry Beyond Politics

Because sometimes, the deepest truths come not from manifestos—but from slips. And in Wike’s slip, Nigeria saw the face behind the mask. Today, many Nigerians—especially the people of Rivers State—have drawn their own conclusions: that this one man is no longer just a minister, but a shadow ruler. That he is perceived to control not only the presidency, but also the judiciary and the legislature. And when that perception becomes lived reality, when justice feels rented and democracy feels stolen, the people no longer cry to Abuja—they cry to the heavens.

A Turn to Divine and Global Witnesses

In helpless tears, they have turned to President Tinubu not just for action, but for redemption. And when he does not speak, they turn further: to the Almighty, to the ancestral spirits, to the gods of the land, and finally to the watching eyes of the world. Because when democracy is kidnapped and power becomes personal, the people must call upon forces greater than the state—forces that do not blink, do not bargain, and do not forget.

These cries are not born out of religious fanaticism, but from psychological exhaustion and institutional betrayal. They represent the final effort of a people who have knocked on every door of democratic process—only to find them bolted shut by one man’s influence. The people of Rivers, like millions across the nation, now pray with tears not just for Fubara’s restoration, but for the resurrection of dignity, of truth, of constitutional order. They are turning to God not only for spiritual strength, but for judgment. They chant to the gods not for spectacle, but for balance. They cry to the ancestors not to preserve tradition, but to awaken a force that predates corrupt empires.

And to the world—the UN, the ICC, the superpowers—they say: if you care about democracy, this is your test. If you believe in justice, listen to Nigeria’s silence. If you value peace, watch Rivers closely. Because the people have spoken with their ballots. And now, they speak with their spirits. If ignored again, the next voice may not be protest. It may be the unraveling of a nation’s fragile peace.

Wike made that statement while Tinubu was in Abroad. And upon the President’s return, the country was buzzing with a single question: who is really in charge? Tinubu, trained in American political culture, understands the weight of silence and the cost of perception. Wike’s words, delivered without apology, redefined the national hierarchy—and Tinubu knew it.

But something may have shifted. Perhaps Tinubu, reflecting on the growing protests, chants, and prayers from women in mourning cloth, realized that Wike is no longer an asset but a burden. “Yes, you delivered Rivers,” Tinubu may have thought. “But now, you’ve become the distraction.” And maybe—just maybe—he has decided to act. To restore Governor Fubara. To end the games.

Again, in their despair, many citizens have turned beyond politics—to the divine. They call not just on Aso Rock, but on the gods, ancestors, and international observers. These cries are not superstition. They are the final acts of people who feel democracy has failed them.

If ignored again, what follows may not be protest. It may be the unraveling of Nigeria’s fragile peace. The presidency cannot afford to remain in shadow. Not anymore. Allah bless Mr. President, God bless Nigeria.

If history has taught us anything about Nigeria’s main opposition party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), it is that it does not need external enemies to fail,  its internal betrayals, power tussles, and ego battles have always been more than enough to keep it in a state of political limbo. As we inch closer to the 2027 general elections, one question continues to echo loudly in political circles and among concerned citizens: Who will break the self-destructive jinx in PDP before it is too late, again?

Since its humiliating fall from power in 2015, the PDP has had multiple chances to regroup, restructure, and reinvent itself. But what has it done with those opportunities? Squandered them, repeatedly. Despite being the largest party in Africa at the time, with unrivaled grassroots structure and years of incumbency advantage, the PDP failed to read the signs of the time, culminating in the unprecedented electoral defeat that ushered in the All Progressives Congress (APC).

From the infighting that shattered the party in the lead-up to the 2019 elections, to the North-South zoning war and the controversial emergence of Atiku Abubakar as its 2023 presidential flagbearer, the PDP has constantly chosen internal chaos over unity. Instead of learning from its failures, the party has nurtured a culture of political cannibalism, where ambition, not ideology, drives decisions; where loyalty is a currency quickly devalued; and where leaders would rather burn down the house than let someone else hold the keys.

No recent example illustrates the PDP’s destructive streak better than the messy fallout between Nyesom Wike and Atiku Abubakar. What began as a legitimate grievance over zoning and fairness quickly degenerated into open hostility, with Wike leading the G5 governors into rebellion against the party. These were not lightweight political players. They were serving governors with strong influence in their respective states. The refusal to manage egos and build consensus turned what could have been a formidable campaign machine into a fragmented and toothless opposition during the 2023 elections.

Atiku’s emergence as the flagbearer, despite the party’s own zoning principle, was viewed as a betrayal by many Southern stakeholders who had expected the presidency to rotate to the South after President Buhari’s two terms. Rather than using diplomacy and reconciliation, the party doubled down, effectively sidelining Wike and the G5. The result? The PDP experienced hemorrhaged support in key states and performed dismally at the polls. The APC won not because it was more popular, but because the PDP was too divided to present a united front.

What is even more disheartening is that, rather than closing ranks after the election, the wounds have deepened. Wike, who is now a minister in the APC-led government, continues to throw jabs at his former party, and many believe he still has one hand on the PDP’s throat, even while wearing APC colors.

While the ruling APC continues to struggle under the weight of economic hardship and dwindling public goodwill, the PDP, which should be capitalizing on the situation, is instead wasting time shadow-boxing within itself.

This is not a one-off problem. The PDP has made it a tradition to approach every election season with more division than vision. Every election cycle since 2015 has featured parallel congresses at state and national levels, endless court battles over primaries, an obsession with power rotation without a consensus framework and kingmakers who become wreckers once their preferred candidate loses out.

These self-inflicted wounds are no coincidence. They point to a systemic illness, a refusal to prioritize the party’s survival over personal interests. Unless that jinx is broken, 2027 will not be different. In fact, it may be worse. The PDP is in danger of becoming irrelevant if it doesn’t reset urgently.

So the question remains: Who in the PDP will rise above ambition and ego to steer the party back from the brink?

Is it Atiku Abubakar, who still carries the burden of a serial presidential candidate but risks overstaying his welcome in the political ring? While his experience is undeniable, many Nigerians believe his time has passed. The electorate, especially the youth, are yearning for fresh ideas and faces.

Is it Nyesom Wike, whose influence remains potent but polarizing, especially with his flirtation with the ruling APC? Can he be trusted to lead a party he once undermined?

Could it be younger, less divisive voices like Aminu Tambuwal, Bala Mohammed, or even a completely fresh face who can rally the party around a unifying agenda rather than individual ambition? Could the party produce a consensus builder like the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who would prioritize healing and development over factional dominance?

Whoever it is, one thing is clear, PDP cannot survive another round of selfish politics. It needs leadership that understands compromise, respects the party’s diversity, and willing to put structure over self.

Given that time Is not on their side, it is germane to opine that the 2027 elections may seem far away, but in politics, time flies. The APC is already positioning itself for the next contest. The Labour Party is quietly rebuilding. Even fringe parties are beginning to gain traction among the frustrated youth demographic.

The PDP? Still stuck in the loop of old wounds and new betrayals. If nothing changes, and fast, it may end up not even being the main opposition anymore. That title could very well go to the Labour Party or even a coalition of third-force elements.

Another fundamental challenge the PDP must confront is the trust gap between the party and the Nigerian people. Many Nigerians see the PDP as no different from the APC as they are seen to be two sides of the same coin. That perception can only be changed through bold reforms, internal democracy, inclusion of young and competent candidates, and a clear ideological shift.

The PDP must prove to Nigerians that it has learned its lessons and that it is no longer the party of impunity, rigging, and corruption that got it booted out in 2015. If not, even a united PDP may still be rejected at the polls.

History is watching. Nigerians are watching. And if PDP fails to fix itself yet again, it will have no one else to blame. The jinx will not break itself.

The clock is ticking, and the 2027 elections will not wait for anyone. If the PDP truly wants to reclaim its lost glory and provide credible opposition to the APC, it must start now. It must identify and empower a new generation of leaders who are not tainted by the past and who are genuinely committed to service.

Until then, the question will remain unanswered: Who will break the self-destructive jinx in PDP before 2027?

There are moments in a nation’s history when silence does more damage than speech. When a single phrase, uttered carelessly or with quiet calculation, reveals the power dynamics that shape a country more honestly than any official address. In Nigeria today, that moment has arrived.

When a prominent figure in the federal government publicly implied that the President is not the sole architect of national power—that the elected Commander-in-Chief is, in essence, politically subordinate—the country paused. It was not simply a political gaffe. It was a psychological unveiling. And when there was no public rebuttal from Aso Rock, no clarification from Tinubu’s spokespeople, no immediate disavowal from the ruling party, the pause turned to a question. And the question turned into a cry: Who is truly in charge?

The psychological implications of this moment are enormous. The presidency, long understood to be the final authority in national affairs, suddenly felt empty. Overshadowed. Eclipsed—not by an election, but by implication. Power, in its truest form, is not always declared. It is perceived. And what Nigerians perceived in that silence was the fragility of elected authority when placed side-by-side with unfiltered political dominance.

The comment in question was made while President Bola Tinubu was in France. The timing was not accidental—it was symbolic. In the President’s absence, another voice assumed presence. And it wasn’t a whisper. It was a proclamation. As if to say: “While he is away, I remain.” This was not about logistics. This was about control. And when the President returned, he stepped into a country not only watching—but spiritually alert. He did not return to fanfare. He returned to protests. To mourning women wrapped in black. To chants in spiritual spaces. To tears, yes—but also to resistance.

This is no longer political commentary—it is a psychological and spiritual trial. Tinubu, trained in American civic traditions, understands political optics. He understands the deep resonance of silence after provocation. And yet, his prolonged silence has created a leadership vacuum. In Nigeria, silence from power is never empty—it is a signal. And right now, that signal says: the imbalance is real.

Perhaps on that return flight from Europe, the President had a moment of private clarity. A realization that the machinery that once helped him may now be overtaking him. That a friend in politics can become a force. That proximity to power can mutate into dominance. Maybe he thought: “Yes, I needed your strength during the elections. But now, your shadow has become my ceiling.” That moment of realization is the first step toward reclaiming control—not from a man, but from the narrative that now defines the presidency as a secondary seat.

And that narrative is not forming in isolation. It is being reinforced by institutions meant to safeguard democracy. The most alarming display of this came during the press conference where the remark was made. A room filled with journalists—watchdogs of public accountability—sat in silence. Smiling. Nodding. Not one challenged the claim. Not one pushed back. The fourth estate became a footstool. Not journalism, but servitude.

This was a missed opportunity for national correction. A moment when the media could have said: “No. The people deserve clarity.” Instead, they handed the microphone to hubris and took notes in compliance. This is not a minor failure—it is a collapse of civic duty. And it’s one of the reasons the people no longer cry to press rooms or legislative halls. They cry to the heavens.

Because the people have tried. They’ve voted. They’ve protested. They’ve petitioned. And now, when nothing moves, they turn to God. To the ancestors. To the spiritual foundations that predate colonizers and constitutions. These prayers, rising from Rivers State and beyond, are not religious extremism. They are the collective cry of a population whose psychological boundaries have been broken by betrayal.

When a public servant begins to be perceived not merely as influential, but as untouchable, the people lose more than trust—they lose belief. The idea that the system can still correct itself begins to die. And when people stop believing in democracy, they turn to older truths. Spiritual truths. Cultural justice. Divine intervention.

That’s where we are.

It’s why you hear women calling on Amadioha, Ani, Egbesu, and Ogun.

It’s why communities invoke ancestors to speak where courts have gone silent.

It’s why chants echo across Rivers, across markets, across churches, across ancestral shrines.

It’s why international observers must pay attention—not just to elections, but to the signs of institutional fracture manifesting in spiritual resistance.

For many, Wike is no longer seen as merely a minister. He is perceived—fairly or not—as a man who commands the levers of justice, finance, security, and narrative. One man. Multiple arms. No resistance. And the people are asking, trembling: Is this a government or a kingdom?

President Tinubu must now rise, not just as a politician, but as a steward of psychological balance and constitutional clarity. The Presidency cannot be a shared illusion. It must be a seat of accountability. Of leadership. Of assured autonomy.

He must speak—not to defend himself from slander, but to restore belief in the institution he leads.

He must separate loyalty from dependency.

He must restore Governor Fubara, whose struggle now represents more than a state crisis—it has become a metaphor for stolen mandate, for public humiliation, and for the erasure of dignity.

This is Tinubu’s moment—not to retaliate, but to reestablish.

Because if the Presidency remains silent, if it allows its image to remain eclipsed, the people will stop looking to it entirely.

And once that happens—once the citizens of a republic stop believing in the President—the nation becomes ungovernable.

To the world, the signs are clear.

To those who have ears to hear, the cries are loud.

And to every institution built on paper but not on principle—be warned.

The next wave of cries may not be calm.

They may not come with ballots.

They may not be broadcast.

They may come in ways no one can predict.

Because the people of Nigeria are not just demanding political clarity.

They are crying out for deliverance.

President Tinubu, I say—call him back. Restore Governor Siminalayi Fubara.

This is no longer a matter of political negotiation.

This is now a choice between the will of the people and the will of one man.

Between a republic and a sect of personality.

Between constitutional order and political captivity.

Your silence has given space to chaos.

Your return must now bring correction.

Because the longer Wike stands unchallenged, the deeper Nigeria descends into democratic mockery.

You do not owe the nation explanations. You owe it action.

Call him back, Mr. President. The people have chosen. Now choose them back.

The Chairman of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA), Brig.-Gen. Mohamed Marwa (rtd) has stated that the push for drug integrity test for youth corps members, prospective couples and others is aimed at discouraging substance abuse and provide early treatment.

Marwa said the measure was not punitive as those who test positive before their condition degenerate can receive treatment to drug dependence and other health challenges.

The anti-narcotic agency’s boss stated this during a meeting with the Director General of the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC), Brig.-Gen. Olakunle Nafiu, who led top officials of the Corps on a courtesy visit to the NDLEA headquarters in Abuja on Wednesday.

Marwa congratulated the NYSC boss on his recent appointment, describing the scheme as a national treasure and a veritable instrument of national unity.

According to the NDLEA boss, “The drug scourge has continued to devastate our kids, families, and communities, everywhere. There’s nowhere you go in the country that you don’t have a drug abuse problem. One in seven Nigerians between the ages of 15 and 64, use drugs. You have mentioned our efforts to cut off access and availability of these drugs but beyond that, we have to work with all stakeholders, including NYSC to ensure drastic reduction in the demand for drugs by our youths and one of our strategies to address this is through our drug integrity test, which we’re advocating that NYSC should embrace for corps members.”

He added that drug supply reduction will also the accompanied by drug demand reduction through preventive measures, as well as counseling and rehabilitation.

“These are important areas for further collaboration. You have introduced in the camps, the War Against Drug Abuse clubs, which is fantastic. One other important area of collaboration is
the question of drug integrity tests for youth corps members.

“It’s a major drug demand reduction effort. The same way we said, if you are getting married, both the bride and the groom, should bring a drug free certificate.

“This is because it is always better to detect drug use early before it gets to addiction which eventually could get to psychiatric problems and it becomes a danger to the user and the society,” Marwa noted.

He listed another area of collaboration in posting a sizeable number of corps members who studied Guidance and Counselling, Psychology, Nursing and Psychiatry to NDLEA Counselling and Treatment Centres across the country as their place of primary assignment during their one-year mandatory national service.

The NDLEA boss stressed that this will enable the corps members acquire knowledge and experience in rehabilitation and psychosocial services.

In his response, the NYSC DG described the drug integrity test as a fantastic idea, promising to study the anti-narcotic agency’s proposal for possible collaboration.

Nafiu assured that the scheme will develop a general guideline to post as many corps members with required qualifications to NDLEA Commands’ Counselling and Treatment Centres across the country.

While appreciating Marwa for the giant strides the NDLEA has recorded under his leadership, the NYSC boss noted the existing partnership between the Agency and the scheme, which he said his visit was to seek further means to deepen and strengthen the collaboration.

[Leadership]