Governor Abba Yusuf of Kano State has said he is not worried about being re-elected in 2027.

Yusuf said he would serve a second term as governor if it’s the will of Allah.

He spoke in Kano, where he warned against making inciting statements ahead of the 2027 general elections.

According to Yusuf: “What I am worried about is not re-election. I am more concerned about delivering the dividends of democracy on the mandate given to me in this first tenure.

“I want the good people of Kano to judge me by my performance at the end of this tenure.

“We know those people, who were massively rejected in both 2019 and 2023. We won against them at a time when we had no political office— not even a councillorship seat. But Allah made it possible for us to win with a landslide victory.

“I am destined to be a Governor. It is my total belief and submission to the will of Allah that if He so wills, I will serve a second term. If not, I won’t. So why should I bother myself.”

However, Yusuf vowed to resist pressure on his mandate, stressing that his work speak for him.

“My performance will speak for me, not political pressure,” he said.

[DailyPost]

Six months have passed since the Nigerian government vowed to tackle the country's soaring food prices. However, citizens are yet to see any tangible results from the promised intervention.

Despite assurances from officials, the cost of staple foods remains prohibitively high, leaving many Nigerians struggling to make ends meet.

The government's pledge to address the issue was welcomed with optimism, but as the weeks turned into months, hopes began to dwindle.

With no significant decrease in food prices, many are left wondering what became of the government's plan to ameliorate the situation.

As the wait continues, Nigerians are growing increasingly frustrated, calling on the government to take concrete action to address the crisis and provide relief to those struggling to afford basic necessities.

The Minister of Agriculture and Food security, Abubakar Kyari, announced the plans then on his verified X handle in July last year.

Kyari had stated that the measures would be implemented over the next 180 days with the expectation to reduce soaring prices of food items.

The Minister explained that the initiatives included a 150-day Duty-Free import window for food commodities, suspension of duties, tariffs, and taxes on imports of specific food commodities, including maize, husked brown rice, wheat, and cowpea, through land and sea borders.

“Our administration has unveiled a series of strategic measures aimed at addressing the high food prices currently affecting our nation. These measures will be implemented over the next 180 days.

“They include; 150-day Duty-Free Import Window for Food Commodities suspension of duties, tariffs, and taxes for the importation of certain food commodities through land and sea borders. These commodities include maize, husked brown rice, wheat, and cowpea,” the Minister said.

Ex-President Olusegun Obasanjo, a veteran of war, and proponent of ‘do or die politics’ that sees politics as war by other means, is set for war against NNPCL. Obasanjo, a formidable opponent with intimidating credentials is an adversary who says “nothing embarrasses him”, a warrior who routinely cuts deals with enemies of his enemies, or “an incredible opportunist” to borrow retired Brigadier General Alabi Isama’s phrase in his “Tragedy of Victory’. NNPCL must also be warned that Obasanjo is a fighter who in the words of his friend, Andrew Young, former US permanent representatives at the United Nations (UN), “pursues his goals with great tenacity without caring about who he made mad”.

But this is not to discourage NNPCL; I will in fact encourage NNPCL to accept Chief Obasanjo’s challenge. After all, it is not as if NNPCL, regarded by many as ‘a cesspool of corruption, an organization deficit in character and honour and the scourge of Nigerian fuel consumers has much to lose in a battle over honour. It was only  two days ago that the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) was asking through its letter dated January 4 that the Group Chief Executive Officer of the body, Mele Kyari, to explain the disappearance of over N825 billion and $2.5 billion allegedly deducted from crude oil sales between 2020 and 2021 ostensibly for refinery repairs.

All Obasanjo – who cannot stand being proved to be imperfect – wants is for NNPCL to stake its honour by confirming that Port Harcourt and Warri refineries are indeed working. And now with  a television station mischievously waking up trouble that was hitherto deep asleep, the die is cast. It is one more opportunity for a vindictive Obasanjo to prove he alone is infallible, the fact he tried hard to establish in his war memoir “My Command” and in his “Olusegun Obasanjo, The Presidential Legacy 1999-2007”.

His current battle is anchored on the following syllogism: He had as president invited Shell International to buy equity or run our refineries for us on its own terms, offers Shell turned down. Aliko Dangote, the apple of his eyes, was able to put a team together and offered government $750m to run the refineries on Public/Private Partnership basis (PPP) His successor, the late Umaru Yar’Adua refunded Dangote’s money following undertaking by NNPCL to manage the refineries. NNPCL ended up frittering away billons of naira without giving relief to Nigerians since he, Obasanjo left office. Therefore, NNPCL’s claim that both Port Harcourt and Warri refineries are now working cannot be true.

Obasanjo might have not provided enough empirical facts to validate its thesis beyond NNPCL’s past records which seem to provide additional ammunition to consolidate what Obasanjo considers as an unassailable position.

But that was until Femi Falana, the respected human rights lawyer, who besides Obasanjo who wears his “PDP’s award of ‘Father of Nigeria’ title like St Christopher’s cross, is in my opinion, one Nigerian, that is deserving of being called “Mr. Nigeria”, stepped in to provide the missing link.

According to him, the cancellation of the federal  government’ Public, Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement for the management of the Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna refineries approved by the Obasanjo government in 2007 was attributed to the questionable circumstances surrounding the deal. First, it was alleged that Obasanjo “in utter breach” of the Privatisation and Commercialisation Act, side-lined Vice President Atiku Abubakar, the chairman of the National Council on Privatisation (NCP), and “took over the privatisation of a number of public enterprises.”

These include Obasanajo’s sale on May 17, 2007 of a 51% stake in the Port Harcourt refinery to Bluestar Oil for US$561 million and on May 28, 2007, sales of 51% shares in Kaduna Refinery at a cost of $160m to the same Bluestar, a consortium of three domestic companies, including Dangote Oil, Zenon Oil and Transcorp in which Obasanjo had acquired large shares through ‘blind trust.’

Scandalously, the deals were consummated in the last days of the Obasanjo administration despite the four-day protests by National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG) and the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria (PENGASSAN) which also alleged that the nation had been short-changed as the shares acquired in the Port Harcourt refinery for $516 million were worth US$5 billion.

Obasanjo’s case is not helped by the National Assembly awful report on the privatization programme he supervised. The World Bank for instance had defined privatization as a programme for middle-income countries ‘with a competitive market, a market-friendly environment with a good capacity to regulate. But as victims of cultural imperialism that ape everything, including policy thrust that have no chance of survival in our own environment, our leaders sheepishly followed Britain and France’s privatisation of the eighties.

First to be launched was the Babangida’s Privatisation and Commercialisation Act of 1988, the Bureau of Public Enterprises Act of 1993 and Obasanjo’s Privatisation and Commercialisation Act of 1999. They were all doomed to fail.

We don’t need any other proof than the 7th Senate report of November 30, 2011 which directed that the National Council on Privatization rescind the sale of Abuja International Hotels Limited (Nicon Luxury Hotel) for failure of the core investor to deliver on  some of the fundamental provision of the Share Purchase Agreement/Post Acquisition Plan; that the sales of assets of Daily Times Nigeria Pic by Folio Communications Limited and its directors should be investigated by anti-graft agencies and the sold assets recovered; that the former Directors-General, Nasir El-Rufai, Julius Bala and Irene Nkechi Chigbue be reprimanded for seeking approval directly from the president instead of the NCP as stipulated in the Public Enterprises Act 1999; and that   the Director-General, BPE, Ms Bolanle Onagoruwa be relieved of her appointment for gross incompetence in the management of the Bureau of Public Enterprises and for illegal and fraudulent sale of the 5 % FGN residual shares in Eleme Petrochemicals Company Limited (EPCL).

Privatisation of the power sector by President Jonathan, his godson was also a rip-off. In August 2013, 15 companies made up of 10 Distribution Companies (DISCOs) and five Generation Companies (GENCOs) paid $2.238b to take over 60% of unbundled PHCN after an injection of between $8-$15b of tax payer’s money.

Commenting on this on the occasion of the 11th Bola Tinubu Colloquium that took place in Abuja, Tinubu had then observed that “The PDP administration shared our generation, distribution and transmission to their friends and cronies without very deep and thoughtful research and evaluation. It has now become pork chops. It was his view that “for a more constructive reform to improve generation, transmission and distribution, “the privatisation must be reviewed”.

Unlike our one-eyed kings who had no faith in themselves, it is on record that Obafemi Awolowo and his colleagues who laid the foundation for the Western Region, today regarded as the most educated part of Africa; Ahmadu Bello, who put together the biggest business conglomerate in Africa, south of Sahara and Michael Okpara and his group credited with running the fastest growing economy in the world in the early sixties, did not quarrel with  the economic model foisted on them by the colonial masters. All they did was to adapt mixed-economy model/public enterprises to the peculiarities of their own environment and the special needs of their people.

It was also unfortunately lost on our one-eyed kings that we have no capitalists in Nigeria but parasitic elites who have no stakes beyond taking whatever they can get from the state. We see this play out daily with importers of labour of other societies including substandard goods and drugs while thousands of our highly qualified youths scrambled abroad in search of greener pastures. We also see this among unpatriotic sponsors of violent armed immigrant herdsmen who illegally occupy our ungoverned forests in the north from where they visit periodic violence on subsistence farmers, killing, maiming and sending survivors to IDP camps while houses, farm lands and villages are forcefully taken over.

Whereas Western societies are owned by powerful individual capitalists who in early eighties under Margaret Thatcher decided that public enterprises had fulfilled its historical mission of repositioning the impoverished poor of the post World1 and 11 period as average workers  Their historic mission was to guarantee system survival without posing a threat to the highly stratified class social system by being able to build a house without mortgage or sending your children to the university without loan.

And for Obasanjo and his crusading colleagues who falsely claim ‘for our today they sacrificed their tomorrow’, we now know patriotism sometimes is not without altruism. It was Babangida, who annulled the most credible election in our nation’s history, in order to remain in power or swap position with Abacha, who put and sustained him in power through military coups. Obasanjo’s boys also spoke of alleged bribe with tons of naira stocked in ‘Ghana must go’ bags in pursuit of derailed third term agenda, Obasanjo has continued to deny.

BBNaija Season 9 winner Kellyrae has shared his journey through personal struggles and his bond with his wife, Kassia, in a heartfelt interview with Chude. 

Kellyrae disclosed that before entering the reality show, he had lost all his money to betting, which plunged him into depression and overwhelming guilt. 

During his darkest moments, he credited Kassia for standing by him and offering unwavering support that helped him regain hope and strength. 

Kellyrae’s story highlights the resilience and the power of a supportive partnership. 

He said: “I had some money, but because I wanted more, the money was not enough; I started gambling with it and then lost it all. I was depressed. Every night, I was awake, thinking. Then she was the one who came to my rescue.” 

However, he also considered breaking up with her due to his inability to provide adequately for her. 

“I was thinking one day; I called her and said, let’s just break up. I feel I don’t have what it takes to really care for you because I feel guilty most of the time that there are things I’m supposed to be doing,” he said. 

The reality TV star also discussed his time in the BBNaija house, admitting that he kept his marriage a secret but remained true to himself throughout the show. 

“Even if you lie on your bed for the rest of your life, trouble will still come. I think I prefer the trouble that comes with N60 million. The only thing I had to fake was that I was in the house with my wife; every other thing, I was just being myself,” he added. 

[TheNation]

Underlying the definitions of bullying in dictionaries is power imbalance. To bully someone is to direct aggressive behaviour at them, to intimidate or threaten them, to act cruelly towards someone, or to coerce them. For one to do these, there must be a power dynamic that makes the person at the receiving end vulnerable. Such a tilt of strength can either be embodied by an individual with a disproportionate physical or social power or a group of individuals converging on a weaker party to diminish them. Since the word “cyber-” got appended to bullying in Nigeria, it has acquired a new meaning that has virtually subverted the logic of power that underlies it.

Now, and no thanks to the police’s tendency to meddle in every matter in which a “big man” cries about being inconvenienced with public embarrassment activated by a previously unknown entity, a supposed victim of bullying these days is frequently someone who can commandeer the resources of the state. If you have enough clout to send the police on your errands, can you really claim to be a victim of cyberbullying?

Let us begin with the now infamous case of the singer Burna Boy (Damini Ogulu) at whose behest a singer cum comedian Darlington Okoye (Speed Darlington) has been reportedly incarcerated for months. As the story is told—and which Burna Boy has not denied—Speed Darlington is in jail because he taunted Burna Boy about his association with disgraced artiste Sean Combs (aka P Diddy). In December, the court ruled that his arrest and detention constituted “a gross violation” of his constitutional rights to dignity, liberty, expression, and movement. Despite a direct court order, the police have refused to release him. That makes you wonder, is Burna Boy really a “victim” if the police can sacrifice institutional integrity for his sake?

Meanwhile, the same insinuation Speed Darlington made about Burna Boy has been hurled at several US celebrities who as much as took a photograph with P Diddy. None has asked a man to be incarcerated indefinitely because they got butthurt. Please note that these are people whose reputation far outpaces that of an arriviste like Burna Boy. Yet, they will not take that track because they are self-assured enough to understand the price of celebrity. Unlike the quintessential African “big man”, they are also sensible enough to realise that power should have a more productive function than to abuse others cheaply.

Then, there is the case of Olamide Thomas, who was arrested and incarcerated for cursing the President’s son, Seyi Tinubu. This was another case of the police torturing logic just to satisfy a big man with small feelings. They claimed the curse “placed Seyi in fear of death, violence or bodily harm”. That would be hilarious if were not tragic. How does the law assess the effectiveness of a curse? If curses worked the way people who watch too many Nollywood films think they do, something should have happened to Seyi long ago, given that people have been cursing his father (and their family) since 1999! I am genuinely curious as to why Seyi would be so unsettled by curses that it would compel the police (and the court) to overreact to superstition.

Add to that the ongoing case of bloggers, Precious Eze, Olawale Olurotimi, Rowland Olonishuwa and Seun Odunlami, hauled before the Federal High Court in Lagos for “acts of cyberbullying” (some reports describe the allegation as “cyberstalking”) against the CEO of Guaranty Trust Holdings, Segun Agbaje, when they published uncomplimentary remarks about him. I am by no means defending those bloggers (who have long pulled down the publications anyway), but accusations of nepotism, power play, and self-enrichment are so commonplace in Nigeria that accusing a CEO will not elicit as much as a gasp. They certainly do not warrant holding people in custody for upward of three months. The police cannot fight cyberbullying with judicial bullying, sorry.

Even more laughable is the amended charge against them that states their alleged offence can potentially cause “a breakdown of law and order in the Nigerian banking system”? How can anyone cause a breakdown in law and order within the banking system when that sphere is not an extricable part of regular life? The officers who came up with that idea will surely have a profitable gig doing comedies in their police uniform. If they must know, the operational deficiencies and the decline of the high standards for which GTB used to be known (and renowned) will result in “a breakdown of law and order in the Nigerian banking system” faster than the opinion of a blogger no one would have otherwise read.

Add to the growing list of police overreach the case of Abraham Daniel, a former minister at Dunamis International Gospel Centre, Abuja. He was recently summoned for questioning regarding an “investigation” into “cyberbullying”’ following his accusations against his former principal, Pastor Paul Enenche, for reneging their “gentleman’s agreement.” While the police summons appeared civil enough, it is still intimidating, especially given that the issue at stake is a matter of personal differences between two individuals who should resolve their matter privately. If one party can get the police to act on his behalf even in a petty issue, can he still be “cyberbullied”?

These cases are worrisome because they show a growing pattern of judicial abuse that began under the previous administration and is becoming gradually routinised. Do not forget that under alleged civilian President, Maj. Gen. Muhammadu Buhari (rtd), the DSS arraigned a man for treason in the courts for, among other spurious offences, insulting the President. Buhari’s wife also had a young man stalked, arrested, detained, and later charged to court for basically calling her “fat”. What astounded me most was that the police spent six months tracking the guy before they apprehended him. If they demonstrate a similar diligence toward their responsibilities to Nigeria, the country will not be so insecure.

Look at all the spheres all the supposed victims of cyberbullying represent—popular culture, politics, industry, and religion—and understand why this pattern is worrisome. Figures representative of virtually every sphere of our socio-political life are one-trick ponies whose only recourse is to use their clout with the police to perpetrate abuse. That is not good for society by any measure. Even worse, at the rate the police are going with their trivialisation of the law by filing sensational charges over minor issues, they will turn every rabble-rouser into an anti-establishment hero. We should properly delineate what constitutes “cyberbullying” (or “cyberstalking”) so that it stops being exploited by anyone who has some money in their pocket and can purchase justice.

No matter what you think or how you feel about any of those people standing trial for cyberbullying, we should not be so numb that we fail to ask if the issue is about legal protections against malevolent speech or just an increasing pattern of intolerance for human rights. When people who have commensurate power say nasty things against each other on social media, the police never swoop in to “investigate”. Regardless of how vicious the exchange by the warring parties gets, the police never take sides to lament “injurious speech” that therefore warrants filing charges of cyberbullying, cyberstalking or even criminal defamation. It is when the matter becomes a case of the top dog vs an underdog that they become animated. Their conduct calls into question the whole idea of “bullying” as an act of aggression and intimidation. If bullying (cyber- or wherever else it takes place) is about a powerful person preying on a weaker party, what constitutes it when the supposed victim is the one who can afford to hire the police?

Despite the Federal Government’s multi-billion-naira border surveillance systems launched in 2019, illegal migrants, some of whom have been identified as bandits, terrorists and kidnappers, continue to cross into Nigeria from the Republics of Benin, Chad, Niger, Mali and Cameroon.

This is as the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, said e-border surveillance is now being mounted across the nation’s borders with its neighbouring countries.

“As we speak, more than half of our borders have been automated. There are visuals, and a lot of processes going on now. So, effectively, there is e-border surveillance now in our borders.

“By October (2024), we will be done with the first phase of the e-border surveillance project, including our marine borders. Now, we have the command and control for air and land. You cannot secure your borders effectively without technology,” Tunji-Ojo said in a live national television programme in May 2024.

At the launch of the Bola Ahmed Tinubu Technology Innovation Complex in early December 2024, the minister said about 250 trained Immigration Service personnel run 24-hour shifts at the e-border control centre.

However, some foreigners still crossed to Nigeria from the Republic of Benin through the Baruten/Kaiama border posts despite the closure of the border by the FG.

Checks by The PUNCH from residents of border communities in the Baruten Local Government Area of Kwara state revealed that illegal immigrants still crossed the border into the country daily.

The immediate past chairman of Baruten Local Government Council, Abdulrasheed Abdullahi, who spoke with one of our correspondents, said that citizens of the Benin Republic are still migrating into the country through several illegal routes.

Abdullahi said, “Although the border posts have been closed since 2020 during the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari to beef up security, the border closure has not stopped citizens of Benin Republic who are our neighbours from coming into the country.”

“The e-border control system installed to stop the illegal immigrants from coming to the country had not stopped their citizens from entering Nigeria,” Abdullahi, who ended his tenure as the council chairman in September 2024, added.

The Federal Executive Council approved N52bn for the e-border surveillance system in 2019 to monitor and provide real-time information from major border posts nationwide.

However, the project faced delays due to funding challenges and did not commence until 2022. Nigeria’s extensive borders, covering approximately 5,330 kilometres, have numerous illegal entry points and present ongoing security challenges.

The Nigeria Immigration Service says it has since deployed advanced e-border solutions to over 80 crossing points nationwide, marking the project’s first phase. It says the e-border system offers real-time, 24/7 monitoring and intelligence, enabling better tracking and management of border activities.

Speaking in a telephone with The PUNCH on Monday, the Emir of Yashikira, a border community in Baruten LGA, Umoru Usman, said foreigners cross into the locality daily.

Usman explained, “Despite the border closure and the e-border control system installed by the Federal Government to stop illegal immigration into the country, which are all moves by the government to ensure security, the people from the Benin Republic who are our neighbours still crossed the border. Though we cannot give the figure, people are still crossing the borders on a daily basis.”

When reached for the comments, the Public Relations Officer of the Nigeria Immigration Service, Kenneth Udo, did not respond to calls to his mobile line. Also, text messages sent to his mobile and WhatsApp number were not answered as of this report.

Meanwhile, the Eselu of Iselu, Ogun State, Oba Akintunde Akinyemi, on Monday, said that the purported N9bn e-border control system project initiated under the Buhari government has failed to check the influx of illegal migrants into the country.

The royal father said there has been a steady increase in the number of illegal migrants moving into the country from the Benin Republic due to the absence of tangible barricades or landmarks demarcating the borders of both countries.

He attributed the influx of illegal migrants for the surge in crime.

Oba Akinyemi said, “The N9bn e-border control system project is a white elephant project just like the botched Nigeria Airways” under the same government of President Buhari.

He expressed doubts about the existence of any e-border control system along the land border with neighbouring Benin Republic.

He noted, “This issue of N9bn e-border control system project is a white elephant project under Buhari’s administration just like the Nigeria Airways which newspaper reports said that some people went to borrow an aircraft somewhere, branded it and call it Nigeria Airways.

“Maybe the e-border control system is at the airport, I don’t know. But for the land border area, nothing like that exists here. In fact, there is a greater influx of Beninois into the country.

“If you come to our area, there nothing so visible demarcating the two countries, just as Nigerians are going into their country, the same way we are having them, the Beninois also coming in droves, it is like we are sharing the same country.”

“They are even laying claims to some of our lands. Maybe the border control system is somewhere in the North, but I have not seen anything like that here. I am one of the advocates for the border commission; where are they? What are they doing?” he queried.

The Eselu also decried the huge infrastructural deficit at border communities, saying that things are beginning to change with the interventions from the state government and the Senator representing Ogun West, Solomon Adeola, fondly called Yayi.

He explained, “I have said it countless times: all we see is the budget; we don’t know where the money goes. Maybe in the history of our area, they sank a borehole after PUNCH wrote about the plight of a community without water and all that.

“The infrastructural deficit at the border area is very high, and the children do not have access to basic education. Kudos to the state government for doing this anyway. The state took it upon itself to bring in some schools and build some infrastructure, but it is not enough.

“We also appreciate Senator Solomon Adeola for what he’s doing to enhance the development of the border communities. The reason we are also seeing crime going up is due to the influx of foreigners who come into the country without being checked; they could carry some weapons, they will come into the country, do whatever they like and move back to their country, that’s the problem.”

A resident of Ilara in Imeko-Afon Local Government, Mr Ade Raheem, also argued that there has been no change in the inflow and outflow of people between Nigeria and the Republic of Benin.

Taiwo said, “Our case is even peculiar because about 35 per cent of Ilara town is in the Republic of Benin while the remaining 65 per cent is in Nigeria. There is nothing so visible demarcating Nigeria and the Republic of Benin other than a crossbar, so people come into Nigeria without any hindrance. Likewise, Nigerians too, go into the Benin without any problem.

“I am not aware of any e-border control system; maybe that could be in the barrack of the immigration which is at the outskirts of the town, but people have continued to move freely into the country from the Benin Republic like it was from time immemorial.”

In a similar development, residents of Maigatari, a border community in Jigawa State, claimed that the system was ineffective.

Jigawa, a northern border state, has a unique dynamic with its neighbouring country, Niger Republic. Its proximity to Niger Republic has nurtured a long-standing relationship between residents of both countries.

In exclusive interviews with The PUNCH, some residents of Maigatari confirmed having family ties, business relationships and even own farms across the border.

According to them, this has created a sense of community and cooperation between the two nations.

A resident of Maigatari, Abdullahi Maiwada, stated, “Illegal immigrants from Niger Republic still find their way into Nigeria. We’ve lived with our Nigerien counterparts for generations.”

Maiwada added, “We have family ties, business relationships, and even own farms across the border. It’s impossible to separate us.”

Another town resident, Sani Dabo, pointed out that the weekly markets, where people from both countries gather to buy and sell goods, are still thriving.

“These markets have been in existence for decades,” said Sani Dabo, a trader in the Maigatari market. “Nigeriens provide a vital source of income for many of us, and we can’t just shut them down,” he stated.

Dabo also highlighted that “the issue of illegal immigration in Jigawa State is complex, with deep-rooted historical and cultural ties between residents of Nigeria and Niger Republic.”

When contacted on the issue, the District Head of Maigatari, ‘Sarkin Dawakin Gumel’ Alhaji Muhammad Alhassan, noted that the historical and cultural ties between Nigeria and Niger Republic cannot be ignored.

“We’ve always had a cordial relationship with our neighbours from Niger. While we appreciate the government’s efforts to secure our borders, we must also consider the historical and cultural ties that bind us,” the district head said.

The monarch revealed, “We’re not just neighbours; we’re family. Therefore, his sentiment underscores the need for a nuanced approach towards addressing the issue of illegal immigration not only in this area but across all states that share a border with another country.”

According to the district head, the relationship between the people of Nigeria and Niger Republic in the border community of Maigatari has always been peaceful. ‘’We’ve lived together for generations, and our people have always coexisted peacefully,” he said.

“We have a strong tradition of hospitality and mutual respect, and we’ve never had any major conflicts,” he emphasised.

Alhassan also noted that the government authorities responsible for securing the border are doing their best to ensure that anyone crossing the border does so in accordance with the law.

“The immigration officials, customs officials, and other security personnel are all doing their jobs to ensure that the border is secure and that anyone crossing into Nigeria does so with the proper documentation and clearance,” he said, adding that “We’re grateful for their efforts, and we’re confident that they will continue to do their best to keep our borders secure.”

For his part, the Chairman of Maigatari Local Government Area, Usman Na’Allah, in a telephone call said that the e-border control system has helped reduce the influx of illegal immigrants, but more needed to be done.

“We need to strengthen our border security and provide economic opportunities for our people to reduce the temptation to cross the border illegally and this is a call to action for the government,” he stressed.

A member of the vigilante team in Maigatari, who spoke on condition of anonymity, revealed that despite the presence of security personnel, illegal immigrants still find ways into the country.

He noted, “We do our best to patrol the borders, but it’s a vast area, and we can’t be everywhere at once and this highlights the challenges faced by security personnel.”

Meanwhile, concerns continue to grow in Taraba’s border communities over illegal immigrants. Residents and stakeholders in Taraba State’s border communities who spoke to one of our correspondents said the illegal immigrants from Cameroon have continued to cross into the country, raising concerns about security and competition over resources.

Residents of the border towns in the state, including Abong in Kurmi Local Government, Kashimbilla in Takum and Hainare in Sardauna LGAs, said porous borders and inadequate security measures enable the influx of undocumented immigrants.

A local chief in one of the border towns in Kurmi, Danjuma Luka, expressed frustration over the persistent challenge.

“We are still seeing foreigners coming into our communities without any form of documentation. Many of them claim to be refugees, but some have been linked to criminal activities, which is alarming,” he said.

Another resident of Kurmi, who declined to identify himself for security reasons, confirmed the influx of undocumented migrants, attributing it to the challenging terrain of the border areas.

“Taraba State shares borders with Cameroon, and our rugged landscape makes it easy for people to cross undetected. We need more Federal Government support to monitor these areas effectively,” he said.

Leader of the vigilante group in Hinare, Umar Saidu, who said they are often the first line of defence in the communities, told one of our correspondents in a phone interview that they have intercepted undocumented immigrants on several occasions.

A vigilante leader in Ussa, Tanimu Hassan, said, “We work day and night to secure our communities, but the lack of resources and advanced technology hampers our efforts. We hand over illegal immigrants to immigration officers, but it’s a recurring problem.”

When reached for comments, the Jalingo Command of the Nigeria Immigration Service did not respond. Also, the chairmen of the affected local government councils in the border communities declined to comment on the issue.

However, sources in the command admitted that limited manpower and insufficient logistics continue to undermine effective border patrols.

“We are aware of the situation and are working to address it, but the challenges are enormous,” one of the sources in the agency said.

In the South-South state of Cross River, monarchs and youth leaders have pledged to support the fight against illegal migration.

Traditional rulers from Ekpri Ikang and Ikang Town of Bakassi Local Government Area unanimously pledged their unwavering dedication and commitment to fighting illegal immigration in the area.

The monarchs made the remarks in an interview with one of our correspondents, affirming their resolve to promote peace, security and development in the region.

The village head of Ikang Town community, Chief Antigha Cobham, commended the Federal Government for ensuring a strong security system in the Nigeria-Cameroon border.

Cobham noted that the security personnel deployed to the community are dedicated and committed to peacekeeping and surveillance.

He said, “Before now, we used to have cases and clashes of illegal immigration. This community has its border with Cameroon. We owe it a duty to do our best to protect our people by encouraging them to report all suspicions of illegal immigration to security. That is why all the cases of illegal immigration we used to hear are now things of the past.”

“Let me especially thank the Federal Government for the efforts in fighting these illegal immigrants. As traditional rulers, we are doing our very best to support the government and we shall report all forms of illegal immigration to the security agencies,” he disclosed.

He said that the royal fathers would continue collaborating with the security agencies to identify and report all illegal migration cases to the appropriate authorities.

Another member of the Ikang Traditional Rulers Council, Bassey Effiom, called for unity of purpose among all citizens and residents of the state to tackle illegal immigration.

He said, “We must all come together no matter our political leanings or religious inclinations because this issue of illegal migration does not know political party or religious orientation. It is only through collective and focused efforts that we can win the war to guarantee the safety of our people.”

He lauded the state governor, Bassey Otu, and President Bola Tinubu for their proactive leadership and support to the people in the border community, and advised the citizens to abide by the guidelines issued by the government on illegal migration.

A youth leader, Felix Egbe, said the Bakassi Border is closed and well-guarded by the security agencies, including the Nigerian Customs Service.

Egbe revealed, “Some of them who used to cross over here are not coming again because the border is closed. Today is a very big market day; unlike before, they used to cross over here to buy things.

“Some of them will mask themselves and cross the water just to come and buy stuff here. But for now, security has taken over all the places and there are no reports of such acts again.

“Some of them who used to cross to our community will come and buy Nigerian-made drinks like beer and alcoholic brands. But, we have not seen them for some time now because the security system is very tight.”

[Punch]

Nigeria’s Armed Forces has dropped to 39th in the 2024 Global Firepower (GFP) rankings globally. This marks the third consecutive decline after being ranked 36th in 2023 and 35th in 2022.

145 countries were considered in the annual Global Firepower review. 

On the African continent, the country also slipped from third to fourth place behind South Africa, Algeria and Egypt.

The poor ranking comes despite Nigeria’s recent acquisition of advanced fighter jets and military assets, as well as reported progress in combating terrorism within its borders.

The Global FirePower ranking utilizes 60 individual factors to determine a given nation’s power index score with categories ranging from quality of military units and financial standing to logistical capabilities and geography.

Nigeria’s Power Index (PwrIndx) score for 2024 was 0.5619, with a score of 0.0000 representing the pinnacle of military strength.

Meanwhile, Egypt retained its position as Africa’s strongest military, followed by Algeria and South Africa.

US military retains top spot for 18 consecutive year

Globally, the United States maintained its dominance, ranking first for the 18th consecutive years. Other global powers such as Russia, China, India, and South Korea rounded out the top five.

Notable African nations, such as Ethiopia, Angola, Morocco, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, also appeared in the rankings, reflecting the countries’ diverse military landscape.

Some of the categories considered shows that Nigeria is at the bottom of the radar in terms of helicopter carrier fleet strength by country, tanker fleet strength by country, destroyer fleet strength by country, naval corvette fleet strength by country, submarine fleet strength, and reserve military strength, ranking 145 out of all the countries reviewed. It also ranked poorly in terms of crude oil consumption by country and natural gas consumption by country.

It, however, scored excellent in total available manpower, population fit-for-service, and paramilittary strength among others.

The drop in rankings raises questions about Nigeria’s defence capabilities and resource allocation amidst its ongoing security challenges.

[Vanguard]

Chloe Bailey, the American singer, has opened up about her relationship with Burna Boy, the Afrofusion star. 

During the festive period last year, Bailey, 26, and Burna Boy were spotted together at Obi’s House, a nightlife club in Lagos.

Their outing sparked rumours that the two singers were dating.

But in a recent interview on the Breakfast Club podcast, the host asked Bailey if she was bringing a date to the 2025 NAACP Awards.

The singer replied that she would be attending with her godmother and manager.

When asked about Burna Boy, Bailey chose not to confirm or deny the dating rumours. She, however, said she is focused on her positive experiences in Nigeria.

“Nigeria was so beautiful. I had the best time. I ate some good food. I ate pepper soup. I ate some spicy chicken. It was really good. At the nightlife? It was so good. There were so many lights,” she said.

“I am a grown woman. I had a great time in Nigeria. He is a grown man just like I am a grown woman”.

“It is my life. It is what I signed up for. I can only expect it. It is just about how I handle it and myself. I do not think it should ever be pissing towards people asking me.”

Chloe Bailey speaks on rumored relationship with Burna Boy pic.twitter.com/TlqIdoEuQr

—CableLifestyle (@CableLifestyle) January 8, 2025

 

Burna Boy’s dating history has been the subject of much speculation and attention. His preference for dating foreign black women has been well-documented.

The Grammy winner once dated Stefflon Don, the British rapper.

In 2020, the rapper spoke of his admiration for Burna Boy and how the Nigerian megastar told her he wished to make her his wife.

The ‘Ye’ singer also admitted that he intends to raise a child with the British singer, which ignited their relationship.

But the relationship hit the rocks along the way, with Burna Boy stating — in an interview — that he “has no wife” when he was asked about Don.

[TheCable]

Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law.

I was born in a civil war and was not able to vote for my leader until I was in my 30s. Nigeria is now a country guided by the rule of law and a constitution that clearly defines our system of government. This includes our foreign policy objectives, and rightly so, because in an interconnected world, we define our sovereignty in the context of certain, key principles: our right to self-determination; our right to defend our autonomy and secure our borders; and responsibility to respect our obligations under international law.

As foreign minister, I think these provisions are not just reasonable but vital – both for our own democracy, domestic peace and prosperity but also for a more just and stable international order. But the point is this: it is the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, not the manifesto of a political party or predilections of a particular politician, that lays out these provisions. In a democracy, we have the privilege of healthy debates about our values, policies and performance. But if we are to live up to the responsibilities that come with democracy, that debate should be informed, fair and reasonable.

I respect the Constitution and its vision for Nigeria’s place in the international community, as do many of us. It has been an honour and a privilege to protect and promote those constitutional principles. They are the best guarantees for legitimacy, and the authority all governments need if they are to deliver. It is complex and time consuming. To our cost, we have learnt that there are no short cuts. Some Nigerians find fault in our Constitution, while others seek to amend it. There is always room for serious debate in a healthy democracy. But the fact remains that it is the very document President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and every public official has sworn to uphold since 1999.

Nigeria’s Constitution declares that sovereignty belongs to the people of Nigeria, from whom government, through this Constitution, derives all its powers and authority. The same Chapter of the Constitution goes on to state Nigeria’s five foreign policy objectives: promotion and protection of the national interest, African integration and support for African unity, promotion of international cooperation for peace and mutual respect, respect of international law and treaty obligations and promotion of a just world economic order. Those who suggest Nigeria does not have a foreign policy or those who agitate for a shift away from an Afro-centric foreign policy are wrong; either they are ill-informed, or deliberately disingenuous.

The irony of it all is that Nigerians are able to speak in support of our military-ruled neighbours, governed without constitutions, precisely because Chapter Four of our own constitution guarantees them these rights and freedoms. This is not the same for the citizens ruled by the very regimes for which they seek to cheerlead of those countries governed without constitutions. Nigerians who are older than 30 know this to be true because we have been there, done that. Somehow in the passage of time, some forget that the military regime here that despatched troops to restore democracy in Sierra Leone and Liberia in the 1990s had first – and by force – taken that same democracy and rule of law away from us – just as military regimes continue to do, the world over.

The Constitution also makes clear why any responsible Nigerian government should be concerned when neighbours are governed without a constitution or codified rules. It goes without saying that the sovereignty of our neighbours is their business. They can grant powers to whatever governing structures they deem fit and should expect their autonomy to remain safeguarded. But when our Interdependence Sovereignty overlaps, we equally have a right to exercise control over our borders in those cases where neighbours face insurgencies that significantly compromise territorial integrity and state authority.

The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations on the basis of our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.

International legal sovereignty also becomes an issue when we consider that respect for international law and treaty obligations is one of our irreducible foreign policy objectives. This is not the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy; it is a constitutional provision that every Nigerian president and government official swears to uphold. Nigeria is a member of ECOWAS, which is founded on treaties and protocols to which our foreign policy objectives commit us. All 15 member countries are signatory to the treaties and protocols, which is why it was no surprise that President Tinubu, as one who swore to uphold the Constitution, abided by it when ECOWAS leaders collectively objected to Unconstitutional Changes of Government.

In reality, the contemporary nation-state system is highly competitive and Nigeria exists in a self-help world. Our Constitution and international laws are meant to serve as guard rails in navigating the system. And by virtue of our size, we have the additional responsibility of being the regional power. Regardless of how some may try to diminish our standing, it is the way other countries perceive us. Our Constitution further reifies this leadership role right from the preamble – dedicating ourselves to promoting inter-African solidarity, to the foreign policy objectives: promotion of African integration and support for African unity and elimination of discrimination in all its manifestations.

The Tinubu administration comes at a time when an interlocking suite of occurrences have made our neighbourhood less secure; the implosion of Libya, failure of the EU Sahel Strategy, terrorism and criminal gangs, effects of climate change and population explosion. Nigeria did not create these challenges and was equally contending with its own domestic issue as these challenges escalated. Nigeria was not part of Operation Barkhane or the G5 in the Sahel, which were intended as efforts to fight terrorism and irregular migration but instead strengthened some irridentist Azawad/Tuareg groups that controlled border areas. This created a cauldron of disharmony between them and their national militaries, trained for a lifetime to keep their countries intact.

Nor was Nigeria part of the Partnership Framework with Third Countries that conditioned aid and trade deals for Sahelian migration transit states, in exchange for reducing the flow of migrants, with penalties for those who do not comply. In the case of Niger, a moment of truth was the passing of Law 2015-36 in May 2015 when its government, in consultation with the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and technical and financial support from the European Union and its member states, criminalised ancillary activities of the migration economy, such as providing transportation and accommodation to foreign nationals anywhere north of Agadez, in direct contravention of the ECOWAS Protocol on the free movement of people. They were persuaded to use a blunt hammer to crack a delicate nut. There is a highly politicised migration crisis in parts of Europe, that together we can and should resolve. But it was reckless to seek to solve one problem by creating another.

There is a reason why we have free movement in West Africa; seasonal migration – referred to in Hausa as ‘Ci Rani’. Seasonal migration in the semi-arid Sahel can be a matter of life and death, which is why we have always had turbaned Tuaregs going as far as Lagos and Port Harcourt to work as Maigadis (security) during the dry months, only to return back north during the rainy season. The weaponisation of sub-Saharan migration in Europe as a political tool led to the securitisation of the Sahel region, further exacerbating the security situation by forcing many of those affected to turn to criminal activities and terrorism. European migration figures show that the majority of migrants are from Syria, Afghanistan and Central Asia, not sub-Saharan Africa.

Yes, we need to work with our Sahelian neighbours to fight terrorism, by maintaining a right of pursuit into each others territories. But it would be myopic to think of this in absolutist terms, because we can accede to all conditionalities laid by them, it would still not be enough to tackle the challenges without a lasting solution to the bifurcated Libyan State as a source of weapons, training and fighters, as well as the shadowy involvement of a range of other state and non-state actors.

Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This, in part, may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders.

To achieve lasting peace in Libya and the Sahel, Nigeria needs to deal with all the countries in the neighbourhood, as well as all the major powers. For this reason, it does not make sense to simply deduce that Nigeria has to distance itself from France because that is the prevailing trend in its former colonies. The fulcrum of the Tinubu administration’s foreign policy is Strategic Autonomy, providing us with the clarity to engage with any and all nations on the basis of our national interests and not those of others. As a nation, Nigeria is adult and sophisticated enough to deal with countries without being unduly influenced, because that has been part of our historical and civic tradition. You cannot cure an illness by picking which symptoms to consider and which to ignore.

Nigeria and ECOWAS will continue diplomatic efforts towards Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. At a minimum, we have a shared interest in peaceful co-existence. President Tinubu has sent out a number of high-level delegations that included a former Head of State, traditional rulers and religious scholars. President Tinubu pushed for the unconditional removal of ECOWAS sanctions imposed on Niger, Mali and Burkina Faso. What he has consistently asked of the countries in question is for them to come up with a timetable for the restoration of constitutional rule and, in the case of Niger, the release of ousted President Bazoum.

Their response was to declare their intention to leave ECOWAS. With the one-year notice period coming to an end in January, President Tinubu further pushed for ECOWAS to extend the grace period for another six months, whilst intensifying diplomatic efforts. The response to this initiative last month was evidence-free allegations that Nigeria was harbouring foreign soldiers and sponsoring state terrorism. Whenever President Tinubu and other democratic leaders offer stoic statesmanship and an opportunity to work together towards our common interests, it is met by confected controversy designed to divert and distract from a failure to meet the basic responsibilities of public administration. I know why coup leaders might seek to do that: it’s harder to understand the motives of apologists closer to home.

On my part, since assuming the office of Minister of Foreign Affairs on 21st August 2023, I have engaged diplomatically without pause, proposing personal visits and inviting senior government officials and representatives. The response has been akin to a diplomatic cold shoulder. We constituted a ministerial advisory committee that visited Niger and Mali and facilitated the visit of the Nigerian CDS to meet with his counterpart in Niamey. I regret that a proposed return visit was suspended by Niger after a date had been set. But let there be no doubt: We will continue to pursue diplomatic efforts assiduously, with a Ministry of Foreign Affairs that has existed for 67 years.

Nigeria’s principle of strategic autonomy is one that abhors the presence of foreign forces and private military companies in our region, whether from east or west. Nigeria presently has troops on peace keeping operations in Guinea Bissau and Gambia, with Sierra Leone on the way, where it is also supporting the setting up of a logistics base in Lungi. Nigeria is also leading the actualisation of the ECOWAS standby force, all in an effort to fight terrorism and instability within our region under the rule of law. We work closely with our partners on sharing of intelligence in order to guarantee the same rights and freedoms are enjoyed by all the people of the region.

As several of my colleagues in the region remind me, we are the hegemon, whether we admit it or not. And global politics works almost like physics, with polarity, ordering principles, distribution of power, balancing, etc. Nigeria has never had expansionist tendencies, never been threatening towards our neighbours and always chosen the path of peace and conciliation. This, in part, may have to do with the makeup of our polity and social fabric. Being such a huge country, we are used to the virtues of principled compromise. It is not by accident that we are the only country on the continent with six former leaders living in peace and harmony within our borders. Diversity, not division, is our strength. This is as true for Nigeria as it is for the smallest of countries – and collectively for all of our region.

Yusuf Tuggar is Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs.