WHEN I asked the rhetorical question: “Are Yoruba the ‘problem’ with Nigeria?”, more responders answered “No” than “Yes”. Many said Nigeria, indeed, was – and still is – the problem of the Yoruba – a cog in the wheel of its progress! I think it is necessary to locate (who are) the problems with Nigeria because, as they say, a problem once realised is a problem half-solved. I call on two articles that I chanced upon recently on social media to help us throw some light on the matter.

The first, titled “Who are the real Northerners?”, written by Davidson Rotshak Lar (JP), ran thus:  “We have been inundated with the word North, Northern Elders, Arewa Consultative Forum, Northern Governors Forum, etc.  But really we are asking: “Who are these Northerners?” Let us borrow a bit from history.

When Obasanjo as president gave the non-Fulani sensitive positions in his regime, the Sultan of Sokoto went with some Fulani irredentists like Ango Abdullahi to confront him and make allegations that the  North was being marginalized. Baffled, Obasanjo asked them: “Are non-Fulani in the North not Northerners?” The Sultan said: “Yes, they are not!” Obasanjo nodded his head to learn what he probably had not known before!

So we  ask: “Who really are these Northerners?” Cast your mind back to December 1979 to the very night of the primary elections of NPN. Clearly, Ambassador Maitama Sule, an erudite Hausa man, emerged as the NPN flag bearer.  Some Islamic Fulani juggernauts led by Sultan Attahiru of the Sokoto caliphate said clearly that the choice of Maitama Sule was not acceptable to the North.

A parallel meeting was held that night to substitute Maitama Sule with less-known and hardly-outspoken Shehu Shagari, a Muslim Fulani, and the said North was, after that, pacified. So we ask: “Who really is a Northerner in Nigeria?”

In 2015, the  North rallied and confronted President Goodluck Jonathan that power must shift to the North – to Muhammadu Buhari in particular, being a Fulani, in order to maintain a democracy that is supposed to be founded on justice and fairplay. After seven years of the (mis)rule by the same Buhari, the same North said that zoning the Presidency to the South was undemocratic! They condemned zoning entirely as being anti-democratic and some of them like Nasir el-Rufai told us that it is not about region but competence!

In 1953 when Aminu Kano, a Hausa man, upstaged the mysticism of the North to found the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU), Sir Ahmadu Bello, a Fulani who had founded the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC), condemned Aminu Kano, calling him an anti-North propagandist.  Until Bello died in 1966, both men were sworn enemies. So we ask: “Who really are these Northerners?”

On  October 12, 1960, just eleven days after independence, the  National Parrot newspaper quoted Ahmadu Bello, who said:  “This new nation called Nigeria is the inheritance of the Fulani given to them by their great-grandfather, Uthman dan Fodio. We shall use the Northern minorities as conquered people, and the South as willing tools until we dip the Koran into the Atlantic ocean.”

We make bold to say that the North is Fulani and Fulani is the North! Recall that when one governor of Kaduna State, a Fulani (Mohammed Namadi Sambo), was selected for the post of Vice President (by Jonathan) and his deputy (Patrick Ibrahim Yakowa) was a  Southern Kaduna Christian, it was tug of war for the Fulani to allow him (a non-Fulani) to govern the state. They could have had their way if not for the seeming immutability of the Constitution.

Recall that in the same Kaduna State in 1979, Balarabe Musa, a staunch talakawa politician and an able follower of Aminu Kano, a Hausa Muslim, was impeached on frivolous reasons to pave the way for another Muslim, this time a Fulani (Abba Musa Rimi), to become the “authentic” governor of the state. This was done to please the North.

The vexatious cloud of contortion in the whole scenario is the cultural vulnerability of Northern minority politicians to be used willy-nilly to dash the hopes of their own people to please their feudal masters – the Fulani.

The sobriquet of “One North, One Destiny, One People” is a lie from the pit of hell. Is the North monolithic? “Arewa” is Hausa, not Fulani, word for  “North”. Why? The Hausa are by far the most populous group in the entire North, but they are voiceless. The Fulani are very few but are in control politically and economically, even though they are not aboriginal Nigerians. So, a Hausa word must be used to galvanize support from the whole North so as to consolidate the Fulani hold on power. This is the racket of cultural nudity in Northern Nigeria from Uthman Dan Fodio’s time, which has served its purpose very well. And they would call all non-Muslims, including those from the North, pagans or kafiris!”

I dare to say that it is this same “North” that is threatening Armageddon over President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s tax reform that is meant to foster equity, fairplay and prosperity across board through hard work and sincerity of purpose! It is this “North” that is accusing Tinubu of marginalising it, despite that an avalanche of sensitive positions have been ceded to both Northern minorities and the Fulani themselves. It seemeth the Fulani, who pride themselves as the “North”, want all the positions for themselves and themselves only. This is one of the problems with Nigeria.

Now to the second piece by Reno Omokri titled “The Historical Reasons Why I Strongly Support President Bola Tinubu”; it goes thus: “Nigeria, as it is presently constituted, is not what we agreed with the British. It was forced on us by a General named Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi after a coup staged by mostly Igbo officers… For the first six years of our existence as an independent nation, Nigeria had regions with full powers of resource control and who were free to do pretty much as they pleased, except secede. For example, two of the three regions (the West and East) had diplomatic relations with Israel while the North rejected it.

Economic competition spurred growth. At that time, the Southwest was so advanced that the Saudi royal family used to have their medicals at the University College Hospital, Ibadan. Western Nigeria had universal free basic education before many European countries and was the pacesetter for progressive policies in Nigeria. The immediate post-independence Nigeria was not a British construct. Our leaders sat down and agreed to form a loose union. We would have even gotten our independence before Ghana, but the North was not ready, and there were quarrels between Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Nnamdi Azikiwe.

Chief Obafemi Awolowo mooted the idea of a secession clause in 1954 during the Lagos Constitutional Conference, but Nnamdi Azikiwe rejected it, galvanising a majority of the conference attendees to kill the idea. Chief Awolowo again wrote to the then Governor-General of Nigeria, who rejected the clause on the grounds that the majority, led by Azikiwe, did not support it. Because of Azikiwe, section 86 was inserted into our Constitution with the proviso that if any region should secede, it would be an act of treason. We eventually gained Independence on October 1, 1960.

There was an initial nationwide celebration (of the coup of January 15, 1966) until the dust settled and the rest of the nation realised that the Igbo coup plotters did not kill their own Igbo leaders. And when an elected Northern Prime Minister, Sir Abubakar Tafawa-Balewa, was killed by Igbo soldiers to be replaced by an Igbo General, instead of the next ranking member of parliament from the ruling Northern Peoples Congress (which would have been Zanna Bukar Dipcharima), protests broke out. When the new ruler, Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, broadcast a message and assured the nation that the plotters would be tried, things calmed down. But Ironsi surrounded himself with only Igbo advisers, including Chief Francis Nwokedi, Dr. Pius Okigbo, and Colonel Patrick Anwunah. Calls for him to appoint at least one token non-Igbo were brushed aside.

And then, rather unwisely, Ironsi promulgated Decree Number 34 on May 24, 1966, which effectively ended regionalism, took control of all resources, including oil, which had hitherto belonged to the regions, and domiciled them in his military government. Other members of the Supreme Military Council alleged that Ironsi did not consult them before promulgating the decree. It is not known if their allegation is true. However, Ironsi’s Attorney-General, Chief Gabriel Chike Michael Onyiuke, later said Ironsi did not need to consult them. If Ironsi had not sacked Taslim Olawale Elias as Attorney-General and replaced him with a fellow Igbo, Chike Onyiuke, he might have gotten a different counsel, but we will never know.

That decree ignited the counter-coup of July 29, 1966, during which Ironsi was killed and was replaced with Lt. Colonel Yakubu Gowon… All Military Governors accepted Gowon except Ojukwu. Eventually, the then Ghanaian military leader, General Ankrah, invited Gowon and Ojukwu for a peace meeting in Aburi, Ghana between January 4 and 5, 1967. Agreements were reached, including that Gowon would broadcast first, AFTER CONSULTATIONS, followed by Ojukwu. However, upon return, Ojukwu made his broadcast first, which shocked other regions and jeopardised Gowon, who was almost removed by those who made him Head of State. Note that Gowon… at that time, was just a titular Head of State. Real power was domiciled with Colonel Murtala Muhammed until Murtala was militarily humiliated by the Biafrans at Abagana on March 31, 1968, after which Gowon relieved him of his command…

If Ojukwu had been patient and had waited for Gowon to make his broadcast first, it is almost certain that there would not have been a civil war. The bulk of Northern soldiers, led by Murtala Muhammed, wanted outright division and if they could not get that, then, a return to status quo ante bellum. The fragile Gowon government had been working on Decree Number 8, which, when you look at that decree in hindsight, could have solved much of Nigeria’s current challenges. But after Ojukwu preempted Gowon by his March 1967 broadcast, the decree had to be reworked. In fact, if Ojukwu had proclaimed Biafra with only territories belonging to the Igbos, then, it might have still been possible to avoid war. But by seceding with the entire Eastern Region, including minorities like the Ijaw, Efik, Ibibio, Ikwere and others who were not consulted as equals before the May 30, 1967 declaration of the Republic of Biafra, Ojukwu knowingly or unknowingly made war inevitable…”

Zik who stood against the right of the regions to secede peacefully without war or violence; the young military officers who, while ending the First Republic, introduced tribalism into the polity; the first military Head of State who ended regionalism and imposed the military command structure on the country; and the overly ambitious Biafran leader who made a 30-month civil war (whose sores are yet to heal) inevitable – these men created the foundational problems the country has yet to find a way to exit. Ironically, their supporters and successors are not only adamantly unrepentant, not willing to look themselves in the mirror, but also loudest at pointing accusing fingers at others!

Let the so-called North and the East mend their ways and give peace a chance!

Oyo State governor, ‘Seyi Makinde, speaks on the state’s annual budget performance, the gains of his administration’s focus on agribusiness and his focus ahead of the 2027 presidential election.

YOU recently presented the 2025 Oyo State Budget. What can you say about the budget?

I have the responsibility to make life meaningful for the people of Oyo State. But of course, you have impact from whatever is happening at the federal level. I cannot, from Oyo State, dictate the fiscal policies for the country. I don’t determine the exchange rate of naira to the dollar, but I will have to get bitumen in US dollars to tar roads in Oyo State. That is how these things are linked. However, for us in this state, you can go back to even 2019, we came in on May 29. Immediately, we realigned the budget and you can also check previous administrations and check their budget performance, which used to be about 30 to 35 percent.

When we came in 2019, we brought down the figure and by the time we got to the end of the year, we improved the budget performance to about 45 to 48 percent. But our first full budget as an administration was in 2020 and two months into the implementation of that budget, COVID-19 hit the world. At the end of the year, we still achieved almost about 65 percent. From that point, we have been performing up to about 70 percent. What it means is that if you look at the Oyo State budget, whatever you see in there, you have a 70 percent chance that they will get done. That is why, for us, you will notice that we have had stability in terms of how our projects are executed. And, in terms of liveability how our people are living, we are not concentrating projects within a certain group only. Market women, artisans and others are all doing far better than before.

When we talk about inflation, people will go out there and be brandishing figures and be saying that food inflation in Oyo State is high and all of that. But recently, I was coming from the Passing Out Parade of the Amotekun Rangers in Iseyin and I decided to stop by Psaltery Farms to see what they were doing and I passed through Ibarapa to check the progress of the Ido-Eruwa road. We saw many trailers of cassava not heading to anywhere in Oyo State but going to neighbouring states. What does that mean? It means that you have freedom of movement in Nigeria, so we cannot say that people should not move freely.

After the experience, I told my people that, now, we are producing for all these states and people will tell me there is food inflation in Oyo State. So, I said they must return to produce posts. I am not saying that outsiders should not come here to buy cassava, but if you are taking cassava from Oyo State to another state, it means we are doing some things right here and you must pay. We will tax them. But we have not gotten to that point.

Let me also give you another example; some days ago, I met a farmer and I asked him. How come what we are producing in high quantity here have not saturated our markets in Oyo State and he told me that farmers are selling to those from neighbouring states, because they are paying more and things like that. It means the farmers are making more money, but we are subsidising land clearing for farmers and providing other benefits. So, I said to them that we will all sit down and agree on how Oyo State would benefit first and foremost before other states.

It is a free market and we need to think things out with our farmers. We give you inputs and subsidy on land clearing and it is time for harvest, you want to go to the highest bidder wherever they may come from? No. That is causing dislocation for us. There are different schemes we are looking at, but the most important thing is accurate data on what is going on. Once we can wrap our heads around the data, we can think out the best solution.

Many people have been talking about the state of the education sector in Oyo State. Would you say you are doing well and are you happy as far as education sector is concerned in the state?

The policies and practices in the past towards infrastructure development in the education sector were faulty. But we have corrected that now. We carried out a study which discovered that the infrastructure deficit in education was around N60 billion. We were spending about N3 billion yearly both on our own counterpart and UBEC funding. If you have a N60 billion gap and you are spending N3 billion, it will take you 20 years to close that gap. That was why this year (2024), we were able to pull through. We validated those data and I appointed Suraj Abiodun Tiamy as a Special Adviser on Education Intervention, because, to bridge that gap, we must be spending N10 billion to N15 billion yearly. That will allow us to bridge the gap in four years to turn things around and we are well on track. We are trying to rearrange our resources, such that we can do more for the education sector.

I should also add that it is not for fun that since I came into power, in every budget year, we have exceeded the 20 percent UNESCO recommended figure for education. Education is in three layers – the primary, secondary and tertiary. As for the tertiary, I can say that we are doing very well and I am satisfied with what we are doing in that direction. For secondary and primary, we still have a lot more to do.

The deaths of 35 children in a stampede during a private funfair organised in Ibadan last December has remained a topical issue. What is your reaction and what is the state of things now?

When I look at the children, I think in my mind that it would have been better if we go and those children are still here with us since some of us have achieved some things. Among them, there were potential presidents, ministers, governors and all that, but those dreams are dead. We had potential inventors among them. So, looking at all of that, I said that celebrating birthday should be the last thing after that tragedy. People may think death happens, but this is totally different because of the people involved; they were very innocent and also because of the fact that this is something that could have been avoided if those involved had played their roles well and lived responsibly. That is why I said there won’t be birthday for me this year (2024), because we are seriously mourning. It’s very sad.

You have continued to use the word avoidable. Can you expatiate a little bit on this?

It was avoidable. If the organisers and all that were involved had done what they were supposed to do, it would not have happened. No crowd control, no contact with the security agencies. There was no plan in place. And when this started, the Commissioner for Health sent me the message and the Chairman of the Hospital Management Board, but it was already too late. By that time, corpses of those children were already going to the mortuary. So, it is just so unfortunate and it is something that we have to really learn from.

In 2024, two major avoidable incidents that led to loss of lives happened. On 16th of January, 2024, there was an explosion in Bodija, which was caused by some people who stored explosives in a residential area, and the residents had been seeing these things. Meanwhile, we have said if you see something, say something and put the blame on the authority if we cannot do something about it. Also, two weeks to the end of the year, the stampede incident came up.

You took some steps after the Bodija explosion to provide shelter for those affected and carried out an integrity test on the remaining houses to see how some could be fixed or demolished for rebuilding. But what is the latest development on the matter?

After the explosion, we took those steps immediately. The people that allowed the bad incident to occur are still being investigated. The wheel of justice grinds slowly, but I can assure you that nobody has been let off the hook. The security agencies are doing their work to ensure that justice is served.

And for those whose properties were affected, I will say it openly that we took the Nigerian Society of Engineers to the site. They did their report. I mentioned the fact that the affected people would be supported, and not compensated. There is a difference. Yes, it is their government and if anything happens, the government can come in to support. But when people have entitled positions, it is not good enough.

According to the evaluation report carried out by the NSE, the destroyed properties are worth over N3 billion. I said let us look for over N3 billion for them so that they can get things moving again for themselves. But some people came back and said that they heard that the Presidency gave Oyo State a particular amount of money, about N5 billion. And, I said to them, you can’t run the government for us.

We have already inaugurated a relief disbursement committee comprising residents of the affected area, NSE, NBA and NUJ representatives. We have also done other things such as awarding contracts to fix all the roads in the axis.

Looking back at 2024, what are the highlights of what you were able to achieve?

I didn’t want to come back into government in 2023. It took me much time to think about this and decide. You know there is an insinuation that governors do not do well in their second terms; that they only retain the office to enjoy themselves and all that. I am sure that the people of Oyo State were afraid that I would act the same way.

So, when I became convinced that I would continue with the things we had been doing, I approached the people to give me another opportunity to serve them for a second term. The way I will look at it is that the people gave me the opportunity. From this media chat, I want to know from the people what they expect us to do, which we are yet to touch or we are not looking at. That is exactly why I am here. I don’t want people to tell me what I want to hear.

I have said it several times that I don’t want to be remembered for construction of roads, this and that. These are not the legacies I want to leave. I want to be remembered for the institutions we are building and how they are impacting the lives of the people and how they will guarantee that Oyo State will continue to experience good governance well into the foreseeable future.

Some people are complaining from the Circular Road end about land-grabbing. Are you a land grabber?

I am not a land grabber. But I am a firm believer in the saying that it is only an idiot that will continue to do the same thing the same way and be expecting a different result. Who are the people behind the accusations against me? I can say it boldly that it is the land grabbers that are calling me a land grabber.

We approached some people that we needed to relocate them because of the airport upgrade we are trying to do, and before we knew it, they started calling me names in the social media. Even this BCOS where we are hosting this programme, in 1982 in this same studio, I came here for a programme that was called Word Power. Then, there used to be an estate for the workers here. Fast forward to when I became governor, it had already become something else. I asked myself what do we do? I felt we should use the place as a first example of how we can mobilise private money to build infrastructure. Today, we have the Lere Adigun GRA. Men and women have brought their money and they are living there. Did I grab the BCOS land? If you see a plot belonging to Seyi Makinde in here, bring it out with proof and I will sign it off to anyone who does so.

The concept of the Circular Road is yet to be understood by people. They thought it would be like Iwo Road to Beere. No. It will be the very first motorway in Nigeria. It was because of that misconception that some people are saying they want the Circular Road but they don’t want the corridor, because they thought that from the land close to the circular road, some will bring their driveway into the road. We can’t be spending this kind of money to build a road like Iwo Road to Beere. No. We are building a motorway not just for Ibadan but for the majority of the local government areas around that place. The 32km stretch from TECH-U to Badeku will only have two exit points. If you like, put your estate where you don’t have exit points, it only means you won’t have access to the road. So, the concept of how you want to develop the place requires that you must get a corridor.

And, it would be a road that you will have a minimum speed limit; nobody would go less than 80km per hour. They will break the law even if they are going on 20 or 30km per hour. When you want to do something like that, you need people to know that there is a need for a corridor.

People are saying that many of the places you are opening up are not for the downtrodden, as poor people don’t have access to them. What is happening?

What is the concept of development? Do we want to be like the crab to say, look, if I cannot get up, no one should get up? I believe we are not supposed to use poverty to flatten everyone. I don’t think that is what we want to do. In order to expand your economy, you have to provide opportunities for the downtrodden to also rise above poverty, but you won’t play politics with them by saying, oh, all of these places should be given to you because you don’t have money. No. You only create opportunities for them such that they can take themselves out of poverty.

People don’t seem to understand your standpoint on local government autonomy. Are you criticising the judgment because you are in the PDP or what?

On the local government autonomy matter, I am still of the firm belief that the brouhaha is just a distraction, because in Oyo State, the state government fixes federal roads. We did a complete reconstruction linking Oyo to Oke-Ogun zone through the Oyo-Fasola-Iseyin road. We spent N10 billion at that time. It used to take two hours from Iseyin to Oyo but it will take you about 25 minutes now. Our people are the ones plying the road because, for us, it has a big impact on our economy. The ordinary people don’t know whether a particular road is for state or federal or local government. Those creating the dichotomy are the ones who will love to benefit. I still insist that this is a convoluted arrangement.

Nigeria runs a federal system where we have three units federating instead of two. In Oyo State, before my time, they created LCDAs. The constitutionally recognised LGAs for Oyo State are 33, but the government of that time created 34 LCDAs. When I campaigned in 2019, I said that I would scrap the LCDAs and I was going to do it because I mentioned it when I was going around campaigning.

But when I came in, some elders and leaders came to me and said, “Look, we have LCDAs as development centres; let us leave them so that development could spread. Anyway, the vision of our forefathers that negotiated Nigeria’s federal arrangements was that the regions or the states would have control over their local governments. If in Oyo State, like the previous administration decided, we want to have 67 Local Development Centres, why can’t we have that? But the constitution of Nigeria says you cannot have more than 33 in the constitution. What is the uniqueness of that 33?

 The Attorney-General of the Federation is threatening governors that do not comply with the Supreme Court’s ruling. What’s your opinion?

The Supreme Court ruling said the Federal Government will pay directly to the local government. So, are governors the Federal Government? Why is the Federal Government not paying directly to the local governments? Did I not mention it that they would have issues to deal with? Are they not having issues to deal with now?

You have been vocal about local government areas being productive and not overly relying on federal allocation. What would you say the state government is doing to increase the productivity of the local government?

When we fixed the road between Moniya and Iseyin, you have the Akinyele LG in there; you also have Iseyin and part of Afijio LGs. We now have Fasola Agribusiness Hub already up and we have moved on to Eruwa Farm Estate. All of those will empower the local governments around the areas. So, once we are fixing our infrastructure, the local governments also benefit as they have things to do. Let us also take from Iseyin to Ogbomoso the state government spent about N42bn to build the road from the scratch. Now, I said we can have trailers pass through that place, but you must weigh them and they must pay. I have told the Iseyin and Ogbomoso Local Government chairmen to construct weigh bridges at both locations and the state will also contribute money to the project. Then, they can collect revenue from the trailers that will ply the road and at the end of the month, the LGAs can take 70 percent while the state government will take 30 percent. My position still remains that our problem is not that we don’t have resources. We were all in this country when a former Head of State said our problem is not money but how to spend it. At that particular time, the rest of the world was developing their infrastructure that would serve them for the next 50 years.

Now, our problem is lack of infrastructure that will expand our economy for the next 50 years, that will support what we are doing so that the children we are giving birth to now can have a place to thrive. So, I don’t have any problem with the Federal Government. But I will always speak the truth.

You recently commissioned the Ibadan Hybrid Power Plant. What other efforts are you making to make Oyo State self-sufficient in terms of electricity?

Yes, we started the IPP and we are discussing a 500 megawatts power project and it’s a lot of investment. You need conducive atmosphere for investors to come in. People think government’s pocket is limitless, but that is not true.

We have started and I commissioned the first phase of the IPP project a few weeks back. We already have a proof of concept on the next project and we now have interests coming on board.

Do you want to become Nigeria’s president in 2027?

I have a big work that the people of Oyo State have given to me. I have done some and still have quite a lot to do. My focus is not to become president in 2027, but to deliver on the mandate given to me by Oyo State people.

[Nigerian Tribune]

The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has prohibited local deposits into the newly launched Non-Resident Nigerian Ordinary Account (NRNOA) and Non-Resident Nigerian Investment Account (NRNIA), designed to cater specifically to Nigerians living abroad.

This directive, outlined in a circular issued by the apex bank on January 10, 2025, highlights the CBN’s focus on channelling external inflows and diaspora investments into the nation’s economy.

Signed by Dr W. J. Kanya, the acting Director of the Trade and Exchange Department, the circular stated, “Deposits into non-resident accounts must originate from external sources through approved channels. Local deposits are prohibited, except for traceable proceeds from approved local investments linked to prior foreign currency inflows and settlement of foreign exchange transactions i.e. sale of FCY balances to authorised dealers.

“Transfers to other local accounts within Nigeria are allowed only in Naira.”

The restriction is part of a broader framework to ensure the accounts serve their intended purpose of boosting remittances and investments from the diaspora.

Accounts designed to drive diaspora contributions 

The NRNOA and NRNIA accounts aim to provide Nigerians in the diaspora with secure platforms to manage funds and invest in Nigeria’s financial markets.

• The NRNOA allows non-resident Nigerians (NRNs) to remit foreign earnings into the country and manage funds in either foreign currency (FCY) or naira.
• These earnings may include salaries, allowances, dividends, and rental income. Also, the NRNOA supports local spending on family maintenance, education, and healthcare.
• On the other hand, the NRNIA is designed to facilitate diaspora investments in Nigeria, allowing NRNs to invest in assets denominated in foreign currency or Naira. Eligible investments include domestic bonds, equities, government securities, mortgage products, and the Diaspora Bond.

The CBN highlighted that these accounts would provide greater flexibility for NRNs to diversify their investment portfolios while contributing to Nigeria’s economic development.

To ensure compliance with this framework, the CBN has outlined strict guidelines for local transfers. Transfers from these accounts to other local accounts within Nigeria are permitted only in Naira, with no provision for such funds to originate locally unless linked to approved investment proceeds.

The CBN clarified that this measure is essential to maintain the integrity of the accounts as tools for external remittances and diaspora investments.

Framework to enhance compliance and transparency 

The apex bank has also emphasised the integration of digital platforms to facilitate seamless onboarding and account management. Partnering with the Nigeria Inter-Bank Settlement System (NIBSS), banks are mandated to offer digital solutions for issuing Bank Verification Numbers (BVNs) and enabling remote Know-Your-Customer (KYC) updates.

• These measures are expected to enhance the accessibility and usability of the accounts for Nigerians in the diaspora.
• Eligibility for these accounts requires proof of residency and identity, such as a valid or expired Nigerian passport, or a foreign passport accompanied by evidence of Nigerian citizenship. Investors based in the United States must also comply with IRS FATCA regulations.
• The prohibition on local deposits reflects the CBN’s strategy to maximise external inflows into the Nigerian economy.
• By restricting the sources of funding for these accounts, the CBN aims to create a transparent and efficient framework that aligns with global Anti-Money Laundering (AML) and Counter-Terrorism Financing (CTF) standards.
• Interest earned on these accounts will be subject to Nigerian tax laws, while specific exemptions, such as those for government bonds, will be detailed in a Frequently Asked Questions (FAQ) document expected to be released soon.

[Nairametrics]

The royal father, who appealed for calm from the residents, urged them to avoid violence and unrest amidst the leadership tussle in the state.

Emir Sanusi pointed out that the battle against those trying to instigate violence in Kano is for God and prayed that such people would reap the rewards of their actions.

He prayed that as God protects the peaceful ones, may fire also consume those who wish to cause chaos in Kano.

Naija News reports Sanusi made the declaration as part of his reaction to the Appeal Court verdict, which on Friday, January 10, 2025, ordered the Chief Judge of Kano to assign a fresh judge to review the case between the 15th Emir of Kano, Aminu Ado Bayero, the Kano State Government, and the 16th Emir, Muhammad Sanusi II, as well as the Kano State Assembly.

“This battle is not ours but God’s. And God does not need anyone’s help. Let us keep praying for His guidance and intervention. May God protect us, and whoever seeks to ignite chaos in Kano, may that fire consume them instead.

“To those who wish harm upon Kano or its peace, may they face the consequences of their own wishes.

“They may attempt to provoke violence, but let us not respond to their actions. Let us not engage them in any way. Whoever questions God’s judgment will ultimately face the consequences of doing so,” Sanusi said.

[NaijaNews]

Former Senator John Azuta-Mbata’s election as the 13th President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide is a landmark achievement, not just for him, but for the Igbo people and Nigerian politics at large. His new position offers him tremendous influence, a powerful platform to unite the Igbo community, and a voice to drive socio-political change across Nigeria. Azuta-Mbata’s leadership promises to have far-reaching implications, and it’s clear to everyone that this moment demands respect and acknowledgment from those who know him best—particularly his kinsman, former Governor Nyesom Wike.

Wike, we all know that Azuta-Mbata has been clear with you. He has advised you to let Governor Siminalayi Fubara govern Rivers State without interference. He’s told you, as a fellow kinsman, that your presence in Abuja should not undermine Fubara’s leadership. Azuta-Mbata, with years of experience and wisdom, sees the bigger picture, and he has guided you to understand that stepping back is in the best interest of both the state and your own political future. So, Wike, what are you waiting for? Why is it so difficult to acknowledge his monumental achievement publicly?

Azuta-Mbata is your kinsman—someone who introduced you to the deep ends of Nigerian politics. He took you under his wing and sponsored your chairmanship of Obio Akpor Local Government Area in 1999. Without his mentorship and political guidance, there’s no doubt you would not be where you are today. Azuta-Mbata’s influence has been instrumental in your rise to power. He gave you the opportunities, the support, and the direction you needed at critical moments in your career. He helped shape the political path that you now walk, and yet, in this pivotal moment of his own, you remain silent.

What is it that’s holding you back, Wike? Azuta-Mbata has dedicated years to his people, and now he has earned one of the most respected positions in Nigerian politics. As his kinsman, and someone who owes much of his career to Azuta-Mbata’s guidance, it is your duty to publicly congratulate him. This is not the time for pride or petty political squabbles. This is a time for you to rise above any past grievances or differences and show respect for the man who helped you get where you are.

We all know that this could have been a moment for you to show leadership and maturity. If you had congratulated Azuta-Mbata publicly, it would have been all over the media, a signal of respect and unity between you two, a message that would resonate with both your supporters and critics. Instead, your failure to act sends a message of disrespect and unwillingness to honor the person who helped mold your political career. What are you waiting for?

Governor Fubara, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, and many other political figures immediately recognized Azuta-Mbata’s achievement. They knew this moment was too important to let pass without public acknowledgment. So why haven’t you, Wike? Why are you letting this significant occasion go by without offering your congratulations to the man who helped bring you into the world of politics?

It’s not just that Azuta-Mbata is your political mentor—it’s that he is your kinsman, your elder, someone who has always acted with integrity and foresight. You owe it to him, to your people, and to your own legacy to step forward and acknowledge this moment. Wike, your silence speaks volumes, and it is doing more harm than good. You can’t afford to ignore the growing influence of Azuta-Mbata and the positive impact his leadership will have on Nigerian politics. The longer you wait, the more you risk alienating yourself from a respected figure who has helped shape your political trajectory.

This is not the time for another round of political tension. This is the time for you to show maturity, to rise above petty conflicts, and to honor Azuta-Mbata’s achievement. He has always had your back—now it’s time for you to have his. You can’t afford to let ego or past disagreements cloud your judgment. The respect you show Azuta-Mbata now will define how the public sees you going forward.

Wike, it’s time to put aside your pride and acknowledge Senator John Azuta-Mbata’s remarkable achievement. As someone who owes their political career to Azuta-Mbata, this is the perfect opportunity to showcase humility and give credit where credit is due.

Azuta-Mbata’s influence on your career cannot be overstated. He was instrumental in installing you as the chairman of Obio/Akpor Local Government in 1998, a position that catapulted you into the political limelight. It’s surprising that you haven’t been the first to congratulate him on his election as President-General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide.

By publicly recognizing Azuta-Mbata’s accomplishment, you’ll not only be doing the right thing, but you’ll also be demonstrating to the country, your supporters, and your political allies that you can rise above past differences and act with humility. Remember, humility is not about thinking less of yourself, but thinking of yourself less.

Don’t hide behind a spokesperson or a press release. Take personal responsibility and congratulate Azuta-Mbata yourself. Show the nation that you’re willing to put aside your pride and give credit where credit is due.

As Confucius and Mother Angelica so aptly put it, “Humility is the solid foundation of all virtues” and “Humility is preserved when I give credit where credit is due”. Don’t let this moment pass, Wike. Take the high road, and show the world that you’re capable of humility and graciousness. Time is running out.

I don’t want to de-market Nigeria by saying that it is a country where anything goes. But it will take some deep thinking to come up with something that can actually be described as unattainable, impracticable or unimaginable here. We inhabit a land of paradoxes where poverty and humongous wealth maintain a grudging cohabitation. In our own “Animal Farm”, it is the children of the poor that are encouraged to seek God while those of the rich hold court with Mammon. 

Just when you thought that life couldn’t be more oppressive on the poor, you are confronted with situations that jolt you back to the realisation that the more things change, the more they remain the same. The more you advocate for a better deal for the poor, the more they seek out their salvation from the same manacles tying them down. Perhaps the situation would have been different if they didn’t have the same rapacious elite as their pathfinders.

Human Cargo

Bang came the news: A cargo van with 59 minors had been intercepted by the police on its way from Kano to Nasarawa State. If you thought that the incidence of child trafficking under various guises or the negative interpretation of religious injunctions to keep the children of the poor perpetually down had gone with 2024, the fresh interception reminded you that you must not remove your hands from the plough of advocacy because the new year 2025 was barely six days old when it happened.

As the police commenced their investigations, a senator, Sumaila Kawu, representing Kano South in the Nigerian Senate intervened. He offered to take custody of the human cargo. He argued that the children’s movement was part of the almajiri system, a traditional practice where children migrate for Islamic education. Kawu assured the police that he would return the children to their families in Kano and criticised the police for wrongly labelling the practice as child trafficking.

According to the lawmaker, “The almajiri system is a legitimate educational tradition in Islam. While it needs regulation, it should not be misconstrued as trafficking,” Kawu stated. But why are the children of the political elite not among the almajiris?

With that turn of events, you really can’t weep more than the bereaved. We have advocated for donkey years that state and local governments in the northern part of the country where the almajiri system is in vogue, in concert with Islamic teachers and clerics, should help integrate the system with Western education and skill acquisition to give their children a chance of being economic players rather than beggars in future.

Mass Wedding

Senator Kawu obviously meant well for the children but his solution of returning them to their parents who had released them for the journey in the first place, will only lead to a repeat of the “cargorisation” of the children
Remember the case of a controversial mass wedding in Niger State in 2024?

The Speaker of the Niger State House of Assembly, Hon. Abdulamlik Sarkindaji, had announced his plans to sponsor the wedding of 100 orphaned girls to men approved by their families. That announcement drew the ire of the then Minister of Women Affairs, Uju Kennedy-Ohanenye, who made her opposition known in her inimitably feisty style and dragged the speaker to court.

The issue was quite divisive in the sense that those who were used to seeing mass weddings sponsored by the rich didn’t see anything wrong in the speaker’s offer. Indeed, they saw him as a man to be emulated. On the other hand, “outsiders” like Mrs Kennedy-Ohaneye pointed out that many of the girls were minors without any kind of skill. They would be completely dependent on their indigent husbands thereby ensuring the perpetuation of poverty and an increase in the number of women suffering from vesico-vaginal fistula (VVF) which is rife among underage mothers.

While the speaker was convinced that the minister had overstepped her bounds, the ensuing national debate coalesced around the point that no one should continue using religion to keep the people down or engage in harmful traditional practices. Granted that there is a real problem of poverty in the country, it is also true that there are many opportunities at the lower rungs of the ladder waiting to be tapped. The mentality of railroading female children into marriage under the umbrella of moral rectitude belongs in ancient history.

During the COVID lockdown when there was supposed to be zero movement all over the country, cattle-laden trucks smuggled almajiris to southern states under the cover of darkness. Many states protested. At the time, one Joel Nwokeoma reported thus:

“Nigerians have in recent days been inundated with heartrending spectacles of human cargoes of mainly dishevelled lads surreptitiously packed like sardines in articulated vehicles and lorries from the North headed for the southern parts of Nigeria. The unsightly spectacles are splashed all over the pages of newspapers, online news portals and TV, with identical banner headlines like, ‘Ogun Intercepts Truck Carrying 30 Almajiris (Ripples Nigeria)’; ‘Two Truckloads of 120 Almajiris Intercepted At Gakem Border In Cross River, Sent Back To North, (Daily Post, May 11)’; ‘Another 189 Night Travellers From Katsina Arrested In Abuja (thewhistler.ng)’; ‘COVID-19: Residents Panic As Truck Dumps Almajiris From Sokoto In Ondo (May 5, Daily Post)’; ‘Enugu Govt Intercepts 9 Buses Relocating Almajiris From North (May 8)’; ‘Police Intercept 200 Lagos-Bound Almajiris From Katsina (SaharaReporters, May 10, 2020)’; ‘Security Operatives Intercept Truckload Of Almajiris Going To Abia’, (BusinessDay, May 5, 2020) and, ‘15 Men Hidden In Trailer Loaded With Cattle Intercepted In Enugu’, (The Guardian, May 13.)”

Baby For Sale

While the almajiri system has turned out to be a northern “disease”, if you look down south, you’ll also see that a different kind of demon is militating against children in that geographical space. One highlife song that reigned in our younger days went like this:
You can steal my money
You can steal my wife
But you cannot steal my child…
Not anymore! Now, they will steal your child and sell him/her to buy a bag of rice. There is a well-established cultic sorority that deals in selling kids. Some of the slave dealers acquire their children legitimately under the cover of running orphanages. There was a famous case several years ago where an orphanage was found to have sold virtually all the babies it acquired “legitimately”. Who is to tell what human beings will NOT do for money?

From Rivers State came the news that the Police Command had arrested a woman, Akudo Azoroh, for allegedly operating a baby factory. She kept a retinue of pregnant girls who came with their pregnancy with the hope of selling the babies when born. Depending on the baby’s gender, she revealed, a child could go for N1.4 to N1.5 million.

Whether we like to acknowledge it or not, we have allowed the economic downturn to desensitise us to the bestial proclivities to which many of our struggling people have succumbed. The thought that some people are having children they have no intention of rearing is frightening. The earlier we have that discussion on a national scale, the better. Perhaps through this, we may reclaim a tiny bit of our collective humanity which in recent years has been gifted to the god of Mammon.

Barely a week after killing two police officers, terrorists belonging to Lakurawa group have killed three staff of a leading telecommunication firm.

The insurgents were said to have invaded a construction site at Gumki village in Arewa Local Government Area of Kebbi State.

It was gathered that the deceased were installing a surveillance mast for the Nigeria Immigration Service in the area when the terrorists struck and killed them and one other person who is yet to be identified.

Though the police report said three of the deceased were Airtel staff, the locals said they were immigration staff.

A staff of Sir Yahaya Specialist Hospital who spoke to our correspondent said three of the deceased brought to the hospital were immigration staff.

But police public relations officer, SP Nafiu Abubakar, said four persons lost their lives, one indigene and three staff of Airtel.

He said on receipt of the report, the Commissioner of Police, Kebbi State Command, CP Bello M Sani alongside with the Comptroller, Nigeria Immigration Service, Kebbi State Command, CIS Muhammad Bashir Lawali mobilized their men to the scene to evacuate the corpses to Sir Yahaya Memorial Hospital in Birnin Kebbi.

He added that the Commissioner of Police had deployed additional tactical teams to the area and charged them to decisively deal with the suspected bandits operating in the area.

He said the CP also had meeting with people in the area and appealed to them to always assist the police and other security agencies with relevant information for their prompt response.

[DailyTrust]

Interswitch is driving the call for a developer-led approach to fintech innovation.

As a platinum sponsor of the 2024 Google Developer Groups (GDG) DevFest Ibadan, Interswitch reaffirmed its commitment to empowering developers with the tools and opportunities they need to innovate and shape the future of financial technology.

The event, hosted at the Aweni Arena in Ibadan, brought together a diverse audience of tech enthusiasts, industry leaders, and developers to explore cutting-edge topics such as artificial intelligence, cloud computing, and mobile app development. This year’s DevFest emphasised collaboration and practical solutions, aligning with Interswitch’s mission to foster a developer-centric ecosystem.

“At Interswitch, we recognise the pivotal role developers and tech communities play in driving innovation across the continent. Sponsoring GDG DevFest Ibadan 2024 aligns perfectly with our mission to equip these communities with the tools, platforms, and opportunities they need to innovate, collaborate, and succeed. We are committed to promoting a vibrant ecosystem that accelerates Africa’s digital transformation while nurturing the next wave of innovators shaping the future of fintech in Nigeria and beyond,” he said.

The event afforded Interswitch the opportunity to make significant contributions to the Developer Community.

Developer ecosystem executive, Interswitch, Elizabeth Okaome, delivered an insightful presentation on the company’s robust suite of Application Programming Interfaces (APIs) and their use cases, supported with live demos. Cutting across payments integration, transfers, bill payments and airtime recharge, identity verification or lending services, Interswitch APIs equip developers with tools to enable secure and seamless online and offline payment acceptance).

Another highlight at the event was the introduction of the Quickteller Business Referral Programme, also known as the ‘5 for 5’ Initiative, which offers developers or any referrer an opportunity to earn five percent commission on Interswitch’s share of every transaction charge, for five whole years, while enabling businesses to thrive.

The Interswitch Developer Community and Quickteller jointly hosted an engaging booth featuring educational product videos, customer testimonials, and one-on-one consultations. Attendees enjoyed interactive activities, including a lively ‘Spin the Wheel’ game, and received branded merchandise, enhancing the event’s vibrant and engaging atmosphere.

Through this sponsorship, Interswitch reinforces its commitment to empowering Africa’s tech community by providing innovative solutions, fostering strategic partnerships, and creating platforms that accelerate digital transformation and economic growth. The company continues to solidify its position as a catalyst for innovation and a hub for developer support in Nigeria.

[Leadership]

In a viral video, Professor Wande Abimbola, former Vice Chancellor of the University of Ife, now Obafemi Awolowo University, and the Awise of Yorubaland – head of all Ifa oracle diviners – threw a bombshell. In it, he affirmed that the Oyo State government contacted him on the divination process leading to the nomination of a new Aláàfin of Oyo. Abimbola, who hails from Oyo town, would seem to have ignited a major earthquake which struck Yorubaland and its system of choosing kings. In its strike, the earthquake disemboweled dirt and stench and flung them in the face of the people. The shame hit a Yoruba people whose strength, from ancient times, had always been reference to the purity and incorruptibility of their traditional system.

Abimbola then claimed that the Oyo State governor put a call to him and asked him to preside over Ifa oracle’s choice of who would succeed Alaafin Lamidi Adeyemi, as it was done in ìgbà ìwásè  – the ancient time. “I spent ten days seeking the face of Ifá oracle and Ifá made its choice,” he said. Asked who Ifá chose, the professor said it was Prince Owoade, the man announced by the Oyo State government on Friday. He claimed that upon the Ifá divinity’s choice, the kingmakers sought to persuade him to change his mind over it through many subterfuges, but he refused.

The announcement on Friday of Prince Akeem Owoade as the Alaafin of Oyo-designate by the Oyo State government was the trigger of the above. As celebrations and tempers hit the news, Abimbola also alleged that a fight ensued among the Oyo Mesi, the traditional kingmakers of Oyo, over sharing of the huge sums of money collected from candidates for the office. Though they had collectively agreed to choose the candidate who gave them the hugest bribe, two of the kingmakers were said to have quarreled over the amount of money collected by their head and the amount given them in turn. Oyo people were then said to have petitioned the government asking if it was aware of the deleterious influence and effect of bribery on the stool.

The role of the Oyo Mesi in the choice of Prince Owoade has become an issue lately. Immediately after the interment of Aláàfin Adeyemi in the traditional kings cemetery in Bara, the contest for succession to the throne of the foremost king in Yorubaland began. Made up of seven principal officers of the state, together, the kingmakers are the Electoral Council of the Oyo Kingdom, and also imbued with legislative powers. Their head is the Basorun, who also doubles as the Prime Minister. Other members of the Electoral Council are the Àgbàakin, the Sàmù, the Alápinni, the Lágùnà, the Akínikú, and the Ashípa. When there is vacancy, the Basòrun is expected to consult the Ifa oracle for guidance and approval of who the next Aláàfin would be. In time past, it was believed that Oyo kings were chosen by the gods. However, the peremptory manner with which kings are chosen in Yorubaland and the fascination of kingmakers with money in the choices have given people a different opinion.

In October 2023, it was reported that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), had quizzed the Oyo kingmakers over allegations that they took bribes from one of the candidates to the vacant stool. They were alleged to have received the sum of N15million each from that candidate. The state government was said to have doubted the fairness of the Oyo Mesi on account of this allegation. It thus appointed warrant kingmakers to join two dissenting Oyo Mesi chiefs in the persons of Àgbàakin and Sàmù of Oyo. This produced the Aláàfin-designate whose choice was made known on Friday

So many studies have been embarked upon on Yoruba ifá divination and its arts. The divination trays have also been subjected to sizeable studies. Professor Wande Abimbola, the most vociferous voice in defence of this inherited system of divination, has conducted so many studies on Ifá and its place in Yoruba religion and the position of divination in Yoruba pantheon.

While the controversy continues on the process of picking the Aláàfin, abandoning the corpus of the seven traditional kingmakers to take a decision on the Aláàfin stool could be said not to be novel. It began during the reign of Oba Adeniran Adeyemi, father of the immediate past Aláàfin. A journey into history will seem to explain this. As it is today with the announcement of Prince Owoade as the Aláàfin-designate, immediately Prince Adeyemi was announced as successor to Aláàfin Gbadegesin Ladigbolu 11 in 1970, Oyo town and Western State of Nigeria quaked. The choice generated brickbats among the contending Princes and their ruling houses. Upon the passing of Oba Ladigbolu, the Western State government had notified the Oyo Mesi to begin the selection of a new Oba. The Oyo Mesi in turn contacted Baba Oranlola, also known as Baba Iwo, of the Alowolodu ruling house, to become the king. Oranlola then convoked a meeting of the ruling house wherein he informed them that he was nominating his son, Prince Sanda Ladepo Oranlola as Gbadegesin’s successor. Though Baba Iwo got the buy-in of all members of the house for the nomination of his son, a key member of the house, Baba Salami Dudu voiced his dissent to the choice. He instead nominated Prince Adeyemi, whose father, Alaafin Adeyemi Adeniran 11, Gbadegesin’s successor, died in exile upon his deposition by the Western Region government. The contention for the throne was so fierce that it threw other princes who were of other ruling houses, into the ring. Some of them included Prince Olanite Ajagba, Prince Afonja Ilaka, Aremo Sanni Gbadegesin and of course, Prince Oranlola. From whichever prism it may be looked at, Prince Adeyemi, the 31-year-old insurance magnate son of Oba Adeniran, was not going to be the successor to Oba Gbadegesin.

The Oyo Mesi’s division came during the period of the 1953 to 1958 crisis, first on the basis of religion. The Basorun, Chairman of the Oyo Mesi and the Baba Iyaji, the latter who originally was not a member of the Oyo Mesi but both being Christians, were the first to disconnect from Oba Adeniran. However, by March 1954, Oba Adeniran had got all members of Oyo Mesi back to his fold, excluding the Basòrun and Ashípa. Government then responded by appointing Baba Iyaji and other chiefs to constitute the Oyo Mesi, just as the Oyo State government did in the nomination of Prince Owoade. A procession of 3000 Oyo sons and daughters, led by Balogun Aleelo, was immediately organized which stormed the Resident’s house. On September 5, 1954, Oyo Parapo members’ protest stormed the homes of prominent ruling party chiefs in a riot which left seven people dead. The Lloyd Commission was then set up in 1955, which though exonerated Aláàfin Adeniran of complicity in the crisis, could not stop Oba Adeniran from being deposed and banished to Ilesa. He died in 1958.

The question that remains to be answered now is, did the framers of the unwritten constitution of Oyo Kingdom, especially its kingship electoral system, envisage that a day like this would come when the otherwise revered council, would be enmeshed in sordid allegation of colossal bribery to pick an Aláàfin? Is there fairness in the choice of an Aláàfin candidate whose nomination was ostensibly prompted by graft and bribery? Which of the nominations would be seen to be equitable, the one made via bribery or the one made through the Ifa oracle and government-nominated chiefs?

A new Aláàfin must strive to imbibe many of the qualities of the late Oba Lamidi Adeyemi. In contemporary Nigeria, though the powers of the throne may seem to have dwindled, the Aláàfin still symbolizes the social and political will of his people. He is regarded as the supreme head of kings and princes in the Yoruba nation. This is why if a king who carries excessive personal foibles becomes the Aláàfin, his baggage will tell tremendously, not only on his immediate Oyo people, but on the Yoruba people as a whole.

Without compromise, Oba Adeyemi fought the late Ooni of Ife, Oba Okunade Sijuwade to the hilt over the ascendancy and supremacy of his stool. The next Aláàfin must be sure of himself like Oba Adeyemi was.  Except in very exceptional cases, Oba Adeyemi continued the myth of Aláàfin of yore who only came out three times in a year. Though he ran an open administration, anyone who attempted to cross the line, he didn’t suffer their fools gladly. I know of a lawyer friend who, ostensibly exploiting his access to the palace who, Oba Adeyemi told me, he kept waiting for almost a whole day, and who had to leave exasperated. “Mo fi Aláàfin hàn án niì” (I showed him the colour of the palace),  he told me on the symbolic implication of what he did.

Oba Adeyemi also saw Yorubaland as his constituency. In the build-up to the 2015 general elections, Kabiyesi Adeyemi had complained severally to me on how the then governor of Oyo State, Senator Abiola Ajimobi, was not requiting the sacrifices he made in backing him to be governor in 2011. It was common knowledge that Aláàfin and his side-partner, Alhaji Azeez Arisekola, fought then incumbent governor, Adebayo Alao-Akala, to a standstill and were the major sponsors of Ajimobi to the governorship. So, in 2015, Kabiyesi was dilly-dallying on which of the pendulum he should swing. Goodluck Jonathan had made a foray into the palace and the Muhammadu Buhari phenomenon was catching up like a pestilence. So Kabiyesi rang me up. “We need to decide where we are going,” he said urgently.

And the second day, I was in the palace. Due to the horde of backbiters and evil-permutators who surround power like ants do candy, I had to inform Governor Ajimobi about my movement. And he gave his consent.

On the said day, Kabiyesi and I sat all alone. Anyone who called, he either ignored or told he needed the next one hour off. One of his daughters, a commissioner in the Ajimobi government, came in and he told her how engaged he was. Aláàfin then gave what sounded like a welcome speech which encapsulated the meat of the meeting. Where is the Yoruba going to queue in the impending movement: Jonathan or Buhari? he asked. Should he support Ajimobi for another term? So, I began a very long treatise about the place of the Aláàfin in present Yoruba socio-political equation. The palace had to move with the tide of opinions in Yorubaland or the palace risked being swept off by the typhoon. If he doubted me, he should commission an opinion survey on where the mood of Yorubaland swung, I said. I also gave my opinion about Ajimobi’s disposition to him. “Kabiyesi, not once, not twice, Governor Ajimobi tells whoever wanted to listen that ‘Aláàfin taá tán fún wa ni…’ – Aláàfin bit the bullet for me,” (in 2011) I told Oba Adeyemi.

He thanked me profusely after that discussion. A few days after, Kabiyesi called to appreciate the candidness of my opinion and how where I suggested was where he would swing. In the 2019 election as well, Kabiyesi called to seek my opinion on where he would swing on the gubernatorial election in his state, though he later abandoned our agreed choice and chose his own path. He didn’t seek my opinion on the presidency because he knew we were diametrically opposed on where to go.

A new Aláàfin has been chosen. May his reign be long. But, no matter how long the reign is, what will matter ultimately is how well the fortunes of his people increased during his time. May the new Oba not be antagonistic to his Orí inú (his inner head).