President Bola Tinubu will not attend the 79th United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) session in New York this year.

In a statement on Thursday by Bayo Onanuga, special adviser on information and strategy to the president, Tinubu has directed Vice President Kashim Shettima to lead Nigeria’s delegation to the meeting.

More to follow…

[TheCable]

I don’t get involved with what the security services do or how. Their ways are so complex and their motives so unsearchable that sometimes you’ll be forgiven for thinking that working from the answer to the question is the standard operating procedure. Of course, you are told that whatever happens in between is in the public interest.

As far as fiction imitates life, there is a striking resemblance between the recent hyperactivity in Nigeria’s security services and what happened in a novel set in mid-17^th century England. 

Good Omens: The Nice and Accurate Prophecies of Agnes Nutter, Witch by Terry Pratchett and Neil Gaiman (famously called “Double Trouble” by the English press) is a comedy about the birth of the son of Satan and the coming of the End Times.

The part that reminds me of what is obviously a hectic season for the security services – from the arraignment of the #EndBadGovernance protesters on charges of felony to the police raid on Labour House and run-ins with the NLC president and civil society activists – is the time in England when, according to Pratchett and Gaiman, witch-finding was a respectable profession. 

General Hopkins

At that time, there was a certain General named Matthew Hopkins. You would think that in pre-industrial England, when poverty, disease and unemployment were rampant, the last thing the state would be interested in would be a witch-hunt. But no. Witch-hunting was good business.

Hopkins charged each town and village nine pence for every witch he found. But that wasn’t enough. Since he wasn’t paid by the hour, and the reward for not finding any witches was a thank you and a bowl of soup, he invented a way to earn more. He went out of his way to find witches, which made him unpopular in the towns and villages. 

When Hopkins’ madness became insufferable, the villagers framed him as a witch, much to the pleasure of the local authorities, who were also tired of paying him. They hanged him. Hopkins, by many accounts, became the last Witchfinder General in England.

The world may have substantially passed the time when people were hunted, hanged and burned at the stake on suspicion of witchcraft. But I’m concerned that there is a growing similarity between witchcraft and how Nigeria’s security services look for enemies. 

A British suspect

Listening to the spokesperson of the Nigeria Police Force, Olumuyiwa Adejobi, explain why the force raided Labour House, the siege on the Labour leadership, and the charge of treason against protesters and their alleged British sponsor, Andrew Martin Wynne, I can almost see the ghost of 17^th century England. By his looks – and one must respect his decision to keep his shaggy hair and matted beard – Wynne might have been lumped together with those in the “pointy hat” in those days.

Not in Nigeria

But Nigeria is not Hopkins’ England. This is not 1961 when Joseph Tarka was detained for three weeks and charged with treason by the Crown for “inciting” the protests in Tiv land, only to be acquitted later for lack of evidence. 

It is not the Nigeria of 1962 when Chief Obafemi Awolowo was prosecuted for treasonable felony for purportedly working with Ghana to overthrow the government of Nigeria, a scandalous charge borne out of politics rather than law. 

Anthony Enahoro, a journalist’s journalist and scourge of the British government, was also jailed twice for sedition, once for an article mocking a former governor and then for another article “inciting Nigerian troops against the British army.” 

Then, he was deported from England as a “fugitive offender” and jailed a third time along with Awolowo for treasonable felony.

This is not the Nigeria of military president General Ibrahim Babangida, where human rights activists Gani Fawehinmi, Femi Falana, Beko Ransome-Kuti and Baba Omojola were hounded and imprisoned on the spurious charge of treason by a military government that had lost its way. It is not the Nigeria where Babangida deported sociology lecturer at Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) Patrick Wilmot for the “treasonable sin” of teaching what “he was not paid to teach.”

Or the one where General Sani Abacha hounded NADECO leaders, including President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, for standing up to the extreme human rights abuses of that government.

In 2024?

This is 2024, with a government that parades some of the most well-known human rights figures up and down the corridors of power and even among the principal officers of the National Assembly. Where is this ghost of 17^th-century England coming from?

Let me be clear. Protest is not – and should not – be chaos and anarchy. The killing of protesters and police officers during the #EndBadGovernance protests in August, which left seven persons dead, the arson at the NCC building in Kano, the open calls for a military takeover, and the symbolic insinuation that Russian intervention was welcome are inexcusable.

The silence of some top politicians and leaders, especially from the North, fueled suspicions of complicity if not connivance. Yet, why add a third if two wrongs don’t make a right?

I don’t know what Intelligence is saying or the briefing President Tinubu is getting. Of course, he needs them. We need them, too, as citizens. No modern state can do without them. But in many countries, their job has become more valuable and sophisticated – and one might even say, often dangerously sophisticated – far beyond the voodoo of Hopkins’ witch-hunt in the east of England. 

Like Aziraphale and Cowley

For example, for decades in the US, and going back to the Vietnam War, through the Nixon years and the Cold War and even the destabilisation of Libya, the Intelligence services perpetrated some of the vilest acts in pursuit of the so-called enemies of the state, actually a mask for vendetta and a ladder for the ascendancy of the deep state. 

Like the angel Aziraphale and the demon Cowley in Good Omens, the good and bad guys in the security services have shared interests. They routinely collaborate for good and ill, sometimes at the state’s expense.

Take heed

Tinubu must take heed. He has a competent Attorney General and Minister of Justice in Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, who should advise him to tread softly. The history of our security services, especially the bad habits inherited from colonial rule and reinforced by the long years of military rule and entitled politicians, hasn’t changed much. 

It’s not the business of police officers, the state security service or special advisers to run the government. That’s not their job. They cannot abridge the people’s freedoms in a quest for ascendancy. Those who breach the law in exercising their liberty should not face the justice that reminds us of Hopkins’ England but a process consistent with modern progressive society, one that Tinubu was voted to uphold.

As the veteran journalist Owei Lakemfa said in his column last week, the danger is not so much the protesters, their sponsors or the witches in a coven somewhere. The biggest threat to the land is the hardship in plain sight, compounded by the lavish lifestyle of government officials and the lack of clarity about what is next. And the president doesn’t need Witchfinder General Hopkins to tell him.

Using the hashtag, #TheBudgetisaMess, BudgIT Nigeria made a crisp post Tuesday on X (formerly Twitter): “Just look at this, Nigerians! A Federal Polytechnic (NICTM) in Edo (State) has an allocation of N900 million to construct a road in Cross River (State). This same Polytechnic is renovating traditional palaces for N300 million and supplying motorcycles to Katsina and Bayelsa traders for N100 million to ease the effect of subsidy removal.” The post listed many other projects running into several billions of Naira scattered across the country to be undertaken by this same Federal Polytechnic in Edo State before the conclusion: “Nigerians, these insertions cannot continue.”

BudgIT, a civic organization that promotes transparency and active citizen engagement, has for years been raising awareness about the futility of the national budget. When Senator Abdul Ningi was suspended in March this year following his allegation of an ‘underground budget’ of N3.7 trillion, BudgIT Director and co-founder, Seun Onigbinde, waded in on the side of the senator. And in recent days, Onigbinde has been exposing the various insertions that make nonsense of the 2024 appropriation law. But this is a recurring issue on which I have also written dozens of columns and most times, I preface or conclude with the admonition by Laolu Samuel-Biyi that “If you want to keep hope alive in Nigeria, don’t look at the budget.” The challenge, of course, is that we cannot ignore the budget. Yet, if such an important planning instrument is reduced to sharing money between and among powerful interests, as we have seen over the years in Nigeria, how can our country develop?

Ordinarily, the national budget is the financial plan of a country with the principal objective to reduce inequalities by mobilising and allocating resources for investment in the public sector. Sadly, that has rarely been  the case n Nigeria. From buying motorcycles and wheelbarrows to construction of websites to multibillion Naira ‘empowerment’ projects, budgeting in Nigeria is simply about sharing money for items repeated annually.

After President Muhammadu Buhari signed the Appropriation (Repeal and Amendment) Act, 2020 into law, I wrote a two-part series, ‘A Nation on Ventilator’ where I highlighted these same problems. A few of the items I listed from the 2020 budget: ‘Supply of fertilizers to some operatives in Bauchi Central Senatorial District for N50 million’; ‘Grant to Kutiriko Jummat Mosque Committee, Agaie/Lapai Federal Constituency, Niger State’ for the sum of N10 million; grant to ‘Lapai Emirates Development Association’; ‘Construction of Admin Block at ECWA Theological College (Christian Academy) Zambuk, Yamaltu/Deba’ at N19 million; N40 million for ‘Community support in Iwo, Ejigbo and Ola Oluwa LGA in Osun West Senatorial district’ etc. In the budget of the federal ministry of water resources for the same year, there was even a vote of N2 million for the construction of a personal gym that had no location!

One may argue that the sums allocated for a number of these items are small but by the time you multiply them into thousands, you get a fair idea of the quantum of money deployed for things that do not belong in the national budget of a country. Besides, there is hardly any rigour in the description of these items. For instance, supply of ‘empowerment materials for youths and women in Ondo motorcycles, tricycles, grinding machine, fashion and training equipment, barbing and hair dressing equipment in Ondo Central Senatorial District’ gulped N60 million if you can decipher what that means. The ‘purchase of one unit of CAT Caterpillar grader equipment for rural road rehabilitation in Ondo Central Senatorial district’ took another N70 million. Assuming this caterpillar was purchased (and you find this kind of line item every year), who would take ownership? More noteworthy: That particular ‘project’ was inserted in the budget for the Public Complaints Commission!

I understand that the structure of our country encourages lack of accountability in a system that was founded on ‘sharing the national cake’. But as I have also argued on numerous occasions, the essence of budgeting is forward planning.  It takes three years to complete the process for one fiscal year in more organised societies—a year to formulate, another to legislate, and yet another to execute. The real issue is not even that National Assembly members insert ‘projects’ without any process but rather that most of these financial allocations are transactional. That explains why ‘road construction’ projects can be domiciled in the Ministry of Health while ‘empowerment’ can be under the Ministry of Labour and Productivity. Projects running into hundreds of millions of Naira are sometimes domiciled in ‘various locations’ or ‘some communities.’ Since it is not conceivable that these Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDA) officials will execute projects outside their mandates, it stands to reason that such monies are purposely ‘warehoused’ for certain individuals.

More concerning is that while this challenge has been with us for years, it is now being institutionalized under the current administration. Even if they didn’t do anything about it, previous presidents (from Olusegun Obasanjo to the late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua to Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari) were uncomfortable with the manner the budget was cannibalized by the National Assembly. But for the first time, we have a president who is not only comfortable with what the National Assembly has done with the 2024 budget but has also defended it. “I know the arithmetic of the budget and the numbers that I brought to the National Assembly, and I know what numbers came back. I appreciate all of you for the expeditious handling of the budget. Thank you very much,” President Bola Tinubu told the National Assembly leadership after the allegation by Ningi earlier in the year. “Those who are talking about malicious embellishment in the budget; they did not understand the arithmetic and did not refer to the baseline of what I brought. But your integrity is intact.”  

Perhaps the commendation is understandable because this presidency has also been adding luxury items that have more to do with its own indulgence than any attempt to promote the public good. Meanwhile, while signing the 2022 Appropriation Bill into law two years ago, Tinubu’s predecessor had expressed concern over “new insertions, outright removals, reductions and/or increases in the amounts allocated to projects.” These distortions, according to Buhari, “relate to matters that are basically the responsibilities of states and local governments, and do not appear to have been properly conceptualised, designed and costed. And many more projects have been added to the budgets of some MDAs with no consideration for the institutional capacity to execute the additional projects and/or for the incremental recurrent expenditure that may be required.’’

With a president who is more concerned about taking from the people (removal of subsidy, increased taxation etc.) than how such monies are expended, it is no surprise that concerns are not raised by the executive regarding the 2024 budget. But we cannot continue this way. When the national budget of a country is replete with ‘stakeholders annual forum’, ‘promotion of energy planning tools in six geopolitical zones’ etc., there can be no meaningful development. It is therefore important that we reform the budgeting process. And that will not happen until critical stakeholders in both the executive and legislature agree that we have a systematic problem which requires dealing with.

Section 88, subsection 2(b) of the 1999 Constitution expects the National Assembly to “expose corruption, inefficiency or waste in the execution or administration of laws within its legislative competence and in the disbursement or administration of funds appropriated by it”. An institution with such enormous powers cannot afford to be messing with the national budget every year. Let’s take the case of the National Space Research and Development Agency (NASRDA)—one of the agencies that BudgIT has highlighted in the 2024 budget.

Established in 2008 “to promote and support the use of space technology within and outside of Nigeria for the management of the full disaster cycle including prevention and mitigation”, the mandate of NASRDA is very clear. Despite that two of the three remaining satellites have expired, about 40% of the 2024 capital expenditure by NASRDA is going to ‘Supply Of Empowerment Materials To Indigent Women In Various Communities’, ‘Training And Empowerment Of Clergy, Traditional Rulers/Heads Of Communities On Conflict And Peace Resolution’, ‘Supply of Toyota Hilus Utility Sports For Sensitization Against Rape And Pre-Mature/Unwanted Pregnancy’, ‘Provision Of Sustainable Appliances’, ‘Provision And Supply Of Large Metal Dustbins, etc. How can anybody defend such budgetary provisions in a space agency?

But I do not want us to scapegoat the National Assembly. The argument of lawmakers has always been that if unelected ministers, heads of agencies and civil servants (who did not go through the rigour of any election) can insert whichever projects they want in the budget of the MDAs, why should they (elected representatives of the people) be precluded from doing the same? And this is a valid question. The issue, of course, is that the budget is a legislative responsibility, so we cannot but hold the lawmakers to account on the issue.

The essence of legislative oversight is to detect and help eliminate areas of waste within public agencies, make government accountable to the people, evaluate the impact of policies and programmes on the society while ensuring that all these are in promotion of the public good. A National Assembly whose members cannot appreciate that such onerous responsibility demands accountability will sooner or later lose the moral authority that surrounds its constitutional power. That exactly is the situation today. But we must also understand their own challenges.

On the second anniversary of the 8th National Assembly on 9th June 2017, I had the privilege of addressing members of the House of Representatives at plenary, at the invitation of then Speaker, Hon Yakubu Dogara. “While the Honourable members of this House were elected to make laws for the good governance of the country and through that bring developments to the people, what your constituents demand are instant gratifications. They want money to pay the school fees of their children, establish businesses and sometimes even to marry more wives,” I said in my presentation, which dwelt on the power of the legislature and the crisis of expectation on Nigerian lawmakers. “If you are not able to deliver on these, no matter how many bills you sponsor in the National Assembly or how efficient you are in your oversight functions, you are a failed lawmaker, in their estimation.” But I also made the lawmakers understand that the legislative ‘power of the purse’ confers on them the responsibility to serve as watchdogs on the executive in the way and manner national resources are allocated and expended.

Overall, we need a serious conversation on the budgeting process in Nigeria. The current arrangement does not, and cannot, serve the public good. As critical stakeholders in this democracy, our lawmakers (and their collaborators within the executive branch) must appreciate that, and course correct. In their own enlightened interest.

Renowned media personality, Frank Edoho, has stirred discussion with his unconventional perspective on marriage.

On the Curiosity Made Me Ask podcast, Edoho argued that marriage should not be regarded as an accomplishment, describing it simply as an agreement between two people to be together.

He questioned societal norms and the definition of marriage as an achievement, asserting that the end of a marriage does not equate to failure.

“Firstly, marriage is not an achievement. Who told you marriage is an achievement? It’s just two people agreeing to live together. If one marriage breaks, it’s not the end of the world. Leaving a marriage doesn’t mean you’ve failed”, he said.

[TheNation]

Controversy has surrounded the reported visit of former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission headquarters.

While the ex-governor’s media team claimed that their principal honoured the invitation, the anti-graft agency countered these claims, insisting that Bello remains a wanted person.

A statement on Thursday morning by the Director of the Yahaya Bello Media Office, Ohiare Michael, asserted that the former Kogi governor arrived at the EFCC headquarters to honour the agency’s invitation.

According to Michael, Bello’s decision followed consultations with his legal team and political associates.

He said, “Former Governor of Kogi State, His Excellency Alhaji Yahaya Bello, today honoured the invitation of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission. This decision was made after due consultations with his family, legal team, and political allies.

“The former governor, who has great respect for the rule of law and constituted authority, had all the while only sought the enforcement of his fundamental rights to ensure due process.”

He explained that Bello intended to use the opportunity to clear his name of the allegations against him.

Michael added, “The case has been before a competent court of jurisdiction, and Alhaji Yahaya Bello has been duly represented by his legal team at every hearing. It is important for the former governor to now honour the invitation of the EFCC to clear his name, as he has nothing to hide and nothing to fear.

“The former governor firmly believes in the efforts of the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to place Nigeria on the path of sustainable economic development and supports the fight against corruption in the country.

“It is on record that he was the first governor of Kogi State to implement an anti-corruption mechanism to curb graft and ensure that the state’s resources benefit its people.

“He was accompanied to the EFCC headquarters by high-profile Nigerians. We hope that the commission will act professionally and respect his fundamental rights as a citizen of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Details of his engagement with the operatives of the anti-graft agency will be disclosed later.”

In a twist, the EFCC countered Michael’s claims, insisting that the former governor was not in its custody and remains a wanted person.

EFCC Spokesperson Dele Oyewale stated, “Media reports today that a former governor of Kogi State, Mr Yahaya Bello, is in the holding facility of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission are incorrect. The commission wishes to state that Bello is not in its custody.

“Bello, who has already been declared wanted by the commission for alleged N80.2 billion money laundering charges, remains wanted with a subsisting warrant for his arrest.”

Minutes after the anti-graft rebuttal, the Bello Media Office maintained that Bello was at the EFCC headquarters and that the commission refused to interrogate the ex-governor.

“Earlier today, we reported the voluntary visit of former Governor of Kogi State, HE Alhaji Yahaya Bello, to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission office to honour the commission’s invitation.

“In the statement, we reiterated the former governor’s great respect for the rule of law and constituted authority, and stressed that all the while, he only sought the enforcement of his fundamental rights in order to ensure due process.

“The EFCC did not, however, interrogate him, as officials told him he could leave. We don’t know what this means yet. As we write, HE Alhaji Yahaya Bello has left the EFCC office.

“He was accompanied there by the Governor of Kogi State, HE Alhaji Ahmed Usman Ododo.

“Recall that the case has been before a competent court of jurisdiction, and Alhaji Yahaya Bello has been duly represented by his legal team at every hearing. The former governor decided to honour the invitation to clear his name, as he has nothing to hide and nothing to fear,” Michael said in another statement.

The EFCC has preferred 19 charges against the former Kogi governor, alongside his nephew Ali Bello, Dauda Suliman, and Abdulsalam Hudu, for money laundering offences totalling N80,246,470,088.88.

After failed attempts to arrest and arraign him, the EFCC declared the former Kogi governor wanted.

[Punch]

WHEN Professor Sam Amadi, Director of the Abuja School of Social and Political Thought, and veteran public analyst, requested that I should make a presentation on the subject of ECOWAS Standby Force, ESF, in the fight against violent conflicts and terrorism in the sub-region, I did not need to be persuaded before I accepted. 

Among other reasons, I am the editor-in-chief of the Journal of African Union Studies – which is probably the only high-impact academic journal that is dedicated to the study of the African Union, its eight Regional Economic Communities (which includes ECOWAS) and bi-national commissions in the continent. The journal, which was founded in 2012 and is one of the 27 high-impact journals from the stable of Adonis & Abbey Publishers, is indexed in most of the world’s leading databases, including SCOPUS, IBSS, JSTOR, COPERNICUS and ERIH PLUS.

It is ranked by SCimago Journal Ranking and accredited by DHET (the regulator of Higher Education in South Africa) and UGC CARE (the regulator of Higher Education in India). Given that the subject of ‘standby force’ both for the African Union and its RECs is a popular topic in the journal, it will be fair to assume that I am fairly well exposed to the conversations around the topic.

A starting point will be to pose the question of what is really a ‘standby force’?  

Since the establishment of the United Nations, UN, in 1945, there have been conversations on how the world body can best respond to global crisis –  on time and efficiently.  Two prominent models were canvassed – “Standing” or “Standby” arrangements. The “standing forces” are supposed to be trained, paid, and commanded by the UN, while “standby forces” consist of donated materials, and volunteer troops earmarked for UN duty, but are supported, trained, and commanded by their respective national authorities before deployment. ‘Standby’ arrangements are context- specific whether you are talking of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s, NATO’s, Response Force, NRF; the European Battlegroups, EUBG; United Nations Peacekeeping Capability Readiness System, PCRS; or the African Standby Force, ASF. The notion of ECOWAS Standing Force, ESF, derives its legitimacy largely from the ASF.

It should be recalled that in 2001, the African Union replaced the Organisation of African Unity, OAU, as the continent’s foremost supranational entity. The preceding OAU did not provide for collective security essentially because members were more interested in guarding their newly won independence through the doctrine of non-interference in the internal affairs of member states. But in 2001, after the AU replaced it, and with events like the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the non-interference clause of the OAU was seen as no longer adequate.

The Constitutive Act now gave the AU the right to intervene in a member state in grave circumstances, namely to prevent war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity.  This move by the newly birthed AU (from the womb of the OAU) actually preceded the better known Responsibility to Protect, R2P or RtoP, doctrine –  a global political commitment, which was endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly at the 2005 World Summit in order to address four key concerns on preventing genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.

In the same 2001, the AU came up with a new African Peace and Security Architecture, APSA, designed to build and strengthen African capacities for managing and resolving conflicts on the continent. The APSA comprises five pillars: A Peace and Security Council, a Continental Early Warning System, a Panel of the Wise, a Peace Fund, and an African Standby Force. The final concept for the ASF, presented in the Maputo Report of July 2003, provided for five regional Standby Brigade forces – A North Africa Regional Standby Brigade, NASBRIG; an East Africa Standby Brigade, EASBRIG; a Force Multinationale de l’Afrique Centrale, FOMAC; a Southern Africa Standby Brigade, SADCBRIG; and an ECOWAS Standby Brigade, ECOBRIG. The authority to deploy the ASF was supposed to reside with the Peace and Security Council of the AU.

Since every ‘standby force’ is supposed to be region-specific, the ASF, by emphasizing uniformly trained standby forces which would be multidimensional (or multidisciplinary) involving the military, the police and civilians, was conceived more as a Standing Force than a Standby Force (in classical definition).

The ESF operates within the framework of the ASF. Like the ASF, it is supposed to be a uniformly trained Force, which is multidisciplinary – (with military, police and civilian components). A partial legal basis is also given by Article 21 of the ECOWAS Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security of December 1999.

The ESF was declared fully operational in 2016. In 2017, the force’s capabilities were used to plan and deploy an Economic Community of West African States’ Mission to The Gambia, ECOMIG. It should be recalled that during ECOMIG about 7,000 troops as well as air and naval assets from Ghana, Nigeria, and Senegal entered The Gambia on January 19, 2017. Its mandate was to ensure that Adama Barrow was sworn in as the new President of the country after the incumbent Yahya Jammeh, who lost the election, refused to vacate office. Both the African Union and the ECOWAS had recognised Barrow as the duly elected President.

As the ECOWAS troops reached the capital, Banjul, Jammeh stepped down and left the country. Following his departure, 4,000 ECOWAS troops remained in The Gambia to maintain order in preparation for Barrow to return from Senegal (where he was sworn in) and consolidate his presidency. The decision of the AU and ECOWAS to recognise Adama Barrow was boosted when the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 2337, proposed by Senegal, which endorsed those decisions. There are two crucial questions here: Would ECOMIG have succeeded if the UNSC was antagonistic? And will ECOWAS, in the current political climate in both Nigeria (the group’s powerhouse) and in the sub-region (given the exit of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger from the group, and its aftermath) be able to repeat a similar military intervention? Remarkably ECOMIG was ECOWAS’s last ‘hallelujah’ moment.

Since President Bola Ahmed Tinubu became Chairman of the Authority of Heads of States and Government of the regional body, there has been much talk about an ECOWAS Standby Force, with some wrongly making it seem like a novel initiative, while others discuss it as if it is the magic bullet that would destroy violent conflicts and terrorism in the sub-region. For instance, in December 2023, there were newspaper headlines that ECOWAS leaders resolved to urgently review efforts to activate a standby force for counterterrorism operations in areas infested by terrorist groups.

Again the ECOWAS Commission made another news headlines when it organised a one-day Workshop for the Validation of the ECOWAS Standby Force, ESF, Operational Framework from (May 29 to May 31, 2024). The workshop supposedly marked the final phase of a comprehensive review process aimed at adapting the ESF Operational Framework to address contemporary security and political challenges in the region. Similarly, during the 65th Session of the group in July 2024, President Tinubu re-echoed calls for a commitment and funding towards a “Regional Standby Force” and said the Community needs security and stability to achieve its potential. This raises a fundamental question of what is really new about the proposed ESF under Tinubu and whether it is merely new wine in old wineskin.

To be concluded next week

The Edo State 2024 Governorship Election is one of the most anticipated political events in Nigeria, drawing attention from political enthusiasts, analysts, and Nigerians. 

As the election date approaches, it’s crucial to stay informed about the key details, including the date of the election, the main candidates, voter registration statistics, and other essential information. 

Here is a comprehensive guide, providing an insight on everything you need to know about the Edo Governorship Election.

Election date

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has scheduled the Edo Governorship Election to take place on 21 September 2024.

According to a statement by the commission’s spokesperson, Sam Olumekun, INEC has set this date to ensure adequate preparation and smooth conduct of the election process. 

As a result, voters across the state are expected to turn out in large numbers to elect their next governor.

Major candidates

All Progressives Congress (APC)

The APC, one of Nigeria’s major political parties, has fielded Senator Monday Okpebholo  as its governorship candidate. 

Okpebholo hails from the Edo Central zone, secured his party’s candidacy to mark a pivotal moment in his career and set the stage for a highly anticipated electoral contest.

Known for community development initiatives and reputation of dedicated public servant and philanthropist,  the APC candidate has promised to  provide free transportation services to residents, recognising the crucial role of mobility in economic and social activities.

People’s Democratic Party (PDP)

Representing the PDP, Asue Ighodalo is a formidable contender in the Edo Governorship Election. 

The PDP candidate’s campaign manifesto, tagged “Pathway to Prosperity for All,” highlights the pathway to security, women and youth development, education, agriculture and food security, and rural and community development, among others, as strategies to uplift the standard of living in Edo State.

Ighodalo  also vowed to prioritize respect for traditional and religious institutions, industrialisation, care for the children and vulnerable in society, and harnessing the importance of the diaspora for better working relationships to foster development in all parts of the state.

Labour Party (LP)

The Labour Party, gaining increasing popularity, has nominated a former national chairman of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Olumide Akpata  for the governorship race.

He said his candidacy brings a fresh wave of optimism and promise, resonating strongly with the electorate.

Akpata’s campaign manifesto outlines comprehensive plans for economic revitalization, infrastructure development, education, healthcare, and social welfare.

Registered voters

According to INEC’s published statistics of registered voters, Edo State has  2,501,318 Permanent Voter Cards. 

The INEC National Electoral Commissioner in charge of Edo State, Prof Rhoda Gumus announced that 373,030 Permanent Voter Cards were yet to be collected by registered voters in the state.

This figure reflects the growing political awareness and engagement among Edo residents, who are keen to exercise their democratic rights. 

Number of collected PVCs

Permanent Voter Cards (PVCs) are essential for participating in the election. 

According to INEC, 2,128,288 PVCs have been collected by registered voters. 

This number is a critical indicator of the electorate’s readiness and enthusiasm for the upcoming election.

Key issues and campaign themes

The Edo Governorship Election campaigns have revolved around several critical issues, including:

Economic development: Candidates have emphasized their plans to boost the state’s economy through various initiatives aimed at job creation, industrialization, and investment in infrastructure.

Education and healthcare: Promises to improve the education and healthcare sectors are prominent in candidates’ manifestos, reflecting the public’s demand for better services.

Security: Addressing security concerns, especially in rural areas, has been a major talking point, with candidates outlining their strategies to enhance safety and reduce crime rates.

[Vanguard]

Ambrose Vanzekin, the former Flying Eagles goalkeeper, said his family had to “beg around to survive and eat” during his spell as the goalkeeper trainer at Bendel Insurance FC. 

The 38-year-old shared his financial ordeal in a recent video on his Tiktok page.

Vanzekin was appointed as the goalkeeper trainer at Insurance in 2021 — a few months before the club gained promotion to the Nigeria Premier Football League (NPFL).

The goalkeeper coach said he was paid “N75,000 monthly,” and the salary “was not even sufficient for transport costs”.

Vanzekin added that he “begged for cash from people to attend training sessions” and “owed people all over my community”.

He said after his remuneration was increased, “transportation fees consumed almost everything,” and “I had to trek long distances at times to make training sessions”.

“During my first three years as Bendel Insurance’s goalkeeper trainer, I was paid N75,000 monthly. A whole me, Ambrose Vanzekin, somebody that went to the Olympics and brought silver medal back to Nigeria. I made Nigeria proud. I was paid an amount not up to $100 for three years,” Vanzekin said.

“I struggled for one year, and I struggled again the second year. I was unable to complete my training sessions with the team because of my struggles. The salary was not even sufficient for transport costs. Before one or two weeks, I would not attend training again. I loved the job and wanted to go, but there was no money.

“Sometimes, I begged for cash from people to attend training sessions. I owed people all over my community.

“After the government scrapped the management of Bendel Insurance over a disagreement between the governor and his deputy, my salary was increased to N260,000. But still, nothing is going fine. Transportation fees consumed almost everything. I had to trek long distances at times to make training sessions.

“I used to spend N2000 every day on transport. I do not even know how my family eat. They just beg around so that we can survive and eat.”

Vanzekin added that he had resigned from the job, saying the club management treated him “unfairly”.

Vanzekin was the goalkeeper of the Flying Eagles team that won silver at the 2005 FIFA U-20 World Cup in the Netherlands.

The team, which comprised Mikel Obi, Chinedu Ogbuke and Ambrose Efe, lost to a Lionel Messi-inspired Argentina in the final.

Vanzekin was also the goalkeeper when Nigeria won the silver medal in the men’s football event at the 2008 Olympics in Beijing.

[TheCable]

In recent years, there has been a growing trend where individuals boldly declare their spiritual authority in the face of life-threatening situations, relying on their faith to confront dangerous circumstances. A common declaration often heard is, "I am a Chosen, who are you?", a phrase that has become synonymous with absolute trust in divine protection. However, while the power of faith is undeniable, there is a vital caveat: spiritual grounding and preparedness are essential. Without it, one risks repeating the mistake of the sons of Sceva in the Bible, an event that offers a sobering lesson for those seeking to engage in spiritual warfare.

The story of the sons of Sceva is found in Acts 19:13-16. These seven sons of a Jewish high priest, Sceva, attempted to cast out demons by invoking the name of Jesus, whom Paul preached. They confronted a demon-possessed man, confidently declaring, "In the name of Jesus, whom Paul preaches, I command you to come out."However, instead of being victorious, they were met with a harsh reality. The demon, recognizing their lack of spiritual authority, responded with the chilling words, "Jesus I know, and Paul I know, but who are you?" The possessed man then overpowered them, leaving them beaten and humiliated.

This biblical account serves as a warning to those who would venture into spiritual confrontations without the necessary foundation. The sons of Sceva made a critical mistake, they invoked the name of Jesus without a personal relationship with Him or the spiritual maturity required for such an act. They had witnessed the power of Jesus through Paul’s ministry but lacked the depth of faith, preparation, and authority to wield that power themselves.

In today’s society, we often hear stories of individuals who, in the face of danger, rely on their faith to overcome adversity. While faith is an essential aspect of the Christian journey, it is important to recognize that bold declarations, such as "I am a Chosen, who are you?", should not be made without a deep understanding of the spiritual implications.

Faith is not a magic wand that one can wave in moments of crisis. Instead, it is the result of a committed relationship with God, nurtured through prayer, the study of His Word, and a life that aligns with His will. To attempt to confront the spiritual forces of darkness or physical dangers without this foundation is to invite unnecessary risk.

At this juncture, it is expedient to ask, what does it mean to be spiritually grounded?  To answer the foregoing question, it is expedient to opine that to be spiritually grounded means to have a solid foundation in one’s faith. It goes beyond attending church services or participating in religious activities. It involves a deep, personal relationship with God, characterized by regular prayer and communion with God. This is as prayer is the means by which we communicate with God, seek His guidance, and align our will with His. A spiritually grounded person understands the importance of prayer not just as a ritual, but as a lifeline to the Divine.

In a similar vein, the Bible is filled with promises of God’s protection, but it is also a guidebook for understanding spiritual warfare. Without knowing the Word, one is ill-equipped to confront spiritual challenges. Just as Jesus used Scripture to counter the devil’s temptations in the wilderness, a grounded believer must be able to stand on the Word in moments of crisis.

Also, faith without works is dead, as James 2:26 tells us. To be spiritually grounded means living a life that reflects God’s principles. Obedience to His commandments ensures that we are walking in His will, positioning us to invoke His protection when needed.

Still in a similar vein, spiritual authority is not something that can be assumed or borrowed; it is given to those who are aligned with God’s purpose. The sons of Sceva lacked this authority, and as a result, their attempt to cast out demons failed. True authority comes from a life dedicated to God and empowered by the Holy Spirit.

Opinionating on this topic from the perspective of the foregoing viewpoints, there is no doubt that faith can move mountains, as Jesus said in Matthew 17:20. However, bold faith requires spiritual maturity. It is dangerous to assume that one can simply declare victory over evil without being deeply rooted in God’s Word and power. Spiritual warfare is real, and the enemy does not take kindly to those who challenge his dominion without the backing of divine authority.

Therefore, before one decides to ride on a lion or confront armed criminals, declaring, "I am a Chosen, who are you?", there must be a serious self-examination of one’s spiritual state. Are you truly grounded in your faith? Do you have a deep relationship with God, or are you relying on the faith of others? Just as the sons of Sceva tried to use the authority of Paul without having their own, many today attempt to wield spiritual power without the necessary connection to the source of that power, God Himself.

Presumption is the act of assuming something without proper authority or justification. Spiritually, it is the dangerous assumption that one can act in God’s name without His backing. The sons of Sceva were guilty of this, and they paid a heavy price. Similarly, those who make bold declarations in moments of crisis without being spiritually grounded are risking the same outcome.

To avoid this, believers must take the time to cultivate their faith. Spiritual authority comes from a life lived in submission to God, and it cannot be shortcut by mere declarations. The Bible warns in 1 Peter 5:8 that the devil prowls around like a roaring lion, seeking whom he may devour. It is foolish to challenge the lion without being properly equipped for the battle.

There is no denying the power of faith in the life of a believer. However, before one decides to confront the dangers of life, whether physical or spiritual, with bold declarations such as, *"I am a Chosen, who are you?"*, it is essential to be spiritually prepared. The story of the sons of Sceva is a timeless reminder that spiritual authority is not to be taken lightly. Without proper grounding in prayer, the Word, and obedience to God, one risks facing the same humiliation and defeat they encountered.

In fact, faith is powerful, but it must be backed by spiritual maturity and readiness. Before you ride on the lion, make sure you are truly a Chosen, not just in name, but in spiritual reality. Only then can you stand confidently in the face of danger and declare victory.