The Action Peoples Party, APP, has been declared the winner of the Chairmanship seats out of the 23 local government areas of the states in the just concluded local government area councils, Saturday.

Enebeli clarified that the result of Etche Local Government Area and the 319 councillorship position would be announced upon conclusion of collation.

The RSIEC chairman said the election was held at 6866 units of the state and that 18 political parties participated in the process.

He commended political parties and Rivers people for their commitment to the election.

Enebeli described the process as smooth, safe and free, fair, credible and transparent, adding that the process was successful.

He said it was violent and most of the treasured LGA polls were conducted in the state despite all odds.

The winners are Vincent Reuben Obu – Abua/Odual, Chibudom Ezu – Ahoada-East, Mr Iyekor Ikporo – Ahoada-West, Mrs. Tonye Oniyide – Akuku-Toru, Lazarus Gogote Nteogwuile – Andoni, Dr. Sule Amachree – Asari-Toru, Dame Anengi Barasua – Bonny, Dr. Harry Agiriye – Degema, Chief Brain Gokpa – Eleme, David Omereji – Emohua.

[Vanguard]

Kassia Sule, a BBNaija season nine ex-housemate, says it was tough pretending she wasn’t married to KellyRae on the show.

Sule, an entrepreneur, was evicted last Sunday alongside Topher and Ocee.

Formerly in the “Double Kay” pair, the 30-year-old and her husband came into the show as a married couple but only the viewers were privy to that information.

The other housemates were made to believe they were just best friends.

Speaking on how hard to keep up with the ruse, Kassia described it as “difficult” because “physical touch” is one of her “love languages”.

Kassia disclosed that her husband constantly reminded her why they were on the show.

“It was difficult for me. I can’t lie. I am someone that one of my love languages is physical touch. I like to touch him a lot. But being in that space, I could not do that,” she said.

“Even before we went into the house, I thought about it. How am I going to cope? Sometimes I forget myself but KellyRae always reminds me, ‘You know why we are here. Don’t do this, don’t do that, make sure you don’t lose guard.’ That helped me out.”

Speaking on their decision to hide such information from their fellow housemates, Kassia said a friend came up with the idea.

Kassia added that they wanted the other housemates to associate with them without seclusion based on marital status.

“It was not like a strategy at first. It was more like, let us go in and let the housemates be free with us,” she added.

“You know, there is this certain respect they accord married people in the house. A lot of us could not dance with Tjay because he was married. So we did not want that and we achieved that.”

[TheCable]

Between 1967 and 1970, Nigeria narrowly escaped the misfortune of going into oblivion. An unnecessary war was raging here. People were dying on an industrial scale, from bullets and hunger. Most of the deaths were unaccounted for. Some inconsequential people emerged from the mayhem as war heroes and illustrious generals. What the British cobbled together in 1914 stood a clear chance of unraveling through the recklessness of politicians and the crass indiscipline and rascality of ambitious young army officers. Above it all, one man literally stood between a nation and its demise. General Yakubu Gowon stood sentry between the demise of a nation and its survival and reinvention into a new reality. On the 19th  of this month, General Yakubu Gowon turns 90, an occasion that deserves both personal and national celebration. It is also a milestone for recalling, especially to younger generations, General Gowon’s often forgotten historical significance in our nation.

Nigerian history suffers a habitual amnesia. We tend to forget important things and celebrate the ephemeral and inconsequential. For some reason, General Gowon has not been sufficiently acknowledged or sufficiently celebrated.  This great statesman and exemplary African soldier has neither been sufficiently acknowledged nor adequately celebrated. The Nigerian military institution which produced him has not sufficiently memorialized him. The civil populace has not quite adopted him as a Nigerian equivalent of America’s Abraham Lincoln.

Instead, it is those officers who came into national prominence and leadership under his command that have assumed colossal national political leadership since the end of the war. In the post civil war era, the trend of political succession tempted many to think that the return of Nigerian democracy was all about using political leadership to express gratitude to war time generals. Obasanjo returned to power as an elected president. Buhari did the same. Babangida almost did. Many others aspired but did not quite get there. Among political pundits, there was an emerging postulation that the war time general was a new typology of political leadership in Africa’s quest for democratic leadership in the post military era.

In this tradition, Gowon never featured as a favourite possibility.  He has also not been acknowledged by corporate Nigeria either even as a honorary member of a blue chip company. Even in a nation where religion has become an industry and prayer a cure-all, none of the nation’s industrial Pentecostal conglomerates has adopted Gowon as either a mascot or figurative inspiration.

Somehow, in a society that erects past leaders into social icons and living deities, Gowon has hardly featured either as a media favourite nor as a political mascot. The reasons may be implicit in the man’s very character. Gowon is not even a “Chief” in a nation where chieftaincy titles are lavishly dished out to miscreants by equally vagrant vagabonds! Gowon has not been seen taking to the dance floor to dance and entertain. His modest personal home in Plateau state has hardly been mentioned as an architectural landmark on any scale. It is on record that the house is a donation, made possible by the charity of associates and friends who were ashamed on his behalf many years ago. He has not been seen receiving political pilgrims as a political oracle. He has not featured profusely on the board list of blue chip companies. Nor has he been mentioned as a recipient of many oil wells. Even in the realm of his more serious carriage, I am not yet aware of too many universities named after Yakubu Gowon. Even though he went ahead to cap his political and historical achievement with a doctorate degree after office, Gowon has not been traversing the globe lecturing everyone else on nation building, leadership and post war reconciliation, areas in which he is eminently super qualified.

In all fairness, General Gowon has not quite made himself available for popular adoption as either a political, social or economic icon. To the best of my knowledge, Gowon has neither formed nor joined any political party. He had not even advocated or canvassed any known political viewpoint in our noisy national supermarket of changing political standpoints. Somehow, he has managed to stay above the fray of political regionalism and partisan … Yet, the theology of national unity on which he led the nation and prosecuted the civil war remains the most unassailable political idea that should power a truly nationalist political party or movement.

On the contrary, General Gowon has chosen the path of genteel honour in the classic  tradition of the ‘officer and gentleman’. More the statesman and nationalist than a partisan figure, he has reached out to his civil war adversaries- Ojukwu before his death, Wole Soyinka etc.- while maintaining his dignified distance from his more controversial former subordinates.

More importantly, General Gowon has played above the fray of Nigeria’s rough and tumble political partisanship. In a period of all manner of extremism, Gowon has remained the eternal moderate. Instead, General Gowon  has remained above the kind of rabid partisan political alignment that has torn the nation apart in recent times.  He has remained more of the balanced non- partisan , and calming statesman who is respected and revered all over the country.

General Gowon answered the call of the nation when we needed him most. Our fate was hanging on a delicate balance. Our unity in diversity was in peril. The institutions of our nationhood and cohesion were threatened to breaking point by the vicious forces of sectionalism and bad politics. The forces of division overwhelmed those of cohesion. Tragedy beckoned. Conflicting allegiances broke into open conflict. Blood flowed across the land. Above the carnage  of war and the booms of the guns of clashing armies, the nation was in dire need of  restorative leadership.

Historic necessity and circumstantial providence chose him as a vehicle for the restoration of national unity and healing. As Head of State and Commander in Chief of the armed forces of a war-torn Nigeria, General Gowon rose to the occasion of the historic challenges of the moment.

The soldier in him had to fight a war to save his nation. As a statesman, he had to reunite a nation that was unraveling under his watch. As the leader of a nation engulfed by the flames of war and the fire of hate, General Yakubu Gowon’s tasks were defined by the moment. He had to mend the broken bonds of neighbourliness and communal harmony.

Over and above the clashing weapons of war and the raging cries of agony, over and above the bleeding wounds of conflict and the breakdown of communal harmony, General Gowon’s voice rose with a clarion call: “To Keep Nigeria One is a Task that Must be Done.” The world heard him. His field commanders obeyed his order. The combatants saw reason and heeded his call.

In January 1970, the combatants in our civil war bent their swords towards peace and were swayed by Gowon’s logic. Warriors on both sides sheathed their swords and calm returned to our troubled land. The broken bonds of national unity began to mend. Reconciliation replaced animosity as adversaries reunited as neighbours. General Gowon had scored a historic vindication. His leadership doctrine of the pursuit of peace and harmony through necessary means prevailed.

It is a tribute to General Gowon that Nigeria was rescued from the brinks of disintegration and returned to the path of unity and nation building. An atmosphere of mutual respect and true reconciliation in  peace returned. For this great achievement, General Gowon ranks highly among the great war leaders and peace builders of the world like Abraham Lincoln, Winston Churchill and Rwanda’s Paul Kagame. He replaced tears with smiles of survival, hate receded and yielded for reconciliation.

It is to Yakubu Gowon’s credit that the Nigerian civil war ended without leaving a bloody trail of residual armed conflict, lingering bitterness and pockets of hate. Under his post war policy of Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction, a nation previously torn by the devastation of conflict and the tragic loss of lives embraced national unity and the restoration of harmonious communal living.  The world has since acknowledged the management of the  end of the Nigerian civil war as a global example of conflict resolution and post war healing.

It remains remarkable that even after the civil war, General Gowon did not see the end of the war as the end of the unfinished task of nation building. He instead resumed the uncompleted task of nation building from where our founding fathers left off. There was the urgent necessity to redress the structural imbalance of our federation which had bred the regional inequities that helped to produce the subsequent civil war. He adopted the state structure as a cardinal innovation to realign the federation by diminishing the power of regions.

Beyond this urgent political imperative, General Gowon realized that post -war Nigeria was a ‘new’ nation that needed to be prepared for new roles in a new and fast changing world. To strengthen the bonds of national unity, General Gowon initiated some national unity programmes some of which have remained part of the architecture of our nationhood till today. These include the introduction of the National Your Service Corp (NYSC) Scheme, the Unity Schools system, the Federal Character principle and the unified national command for the national military and the police.

Above all else, General Gowon was a visionary leader. He saw Nigeria beyond the resolution of the war. In preparation for a new, more modern nation, General Gowon introduced an indigenous national currency, the Naira to replace the colonial relic of the British Pound. To bring Nigeria in line with its regional socio economic environment, he initiated the switch of Nigeria from left hand drive to right hand drive which brought the country in line with the trend among its Franco-phone neighbours. To crown his efforts of regional integration in West Africa, General Gowon  was one of the pioneer leaders that established the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 1973.

General Gowon, even out of office, has remained a committed leader and statesman. Out of office, he has spent decades as an agent of peace and harmony. His prayer movement “Nigeria Prays” has continued to inspire Nigerian Christians, irrespective of ethnicity and region , to see the power of prayer in guiding human affairs. He has gone about this endeavour without  the fanatical sectarianism that has come to characterize the faith sector of Nigerian social life.

It is a testimony to the impeccable credibility of this remarkable citizen that his name still continues to evoke respect across generations and sections of Nigerians. As a result, he has escaped the hostile branding and extremist  perceptions that greet most Nigerians leaders of his age and generation.  He has no labels or badges except those of honour as a leader who is acknowledged as the father of a reunified Nigeria. It is generally acknowledged that without his statesmanship and remarkable leadership, Nigeria would have been a different and perhaps worse place than the nation we know today.

Or, worse still, there would have been no Nigeria today as we have come to know it. Therefore, as he turns 90, we need to welcome General Yakubu Gowon into the pantheon of those human deities that have made Nigeria possible and enduring even with its imperfections.

Days ago, I stumbled on a fierce social media debate. It was centred on when Nigeria moved from “federal” to “unitary” system. I was very uncomfortable with the distortion of elementary political concepts but, as a basic rule, I do not participate in Nigerian social media debates. It is usually not a good use of time as things hardly end well. What actually jolted me was the confusion of “regions” with “federalism”. Somebody authoritatively declared that it was when we moved from “regions” to “states” in 1967 that we abandoned “true federalism” — and many agreed with him. There and then, I decided to revisit the government I studied as a subject in Form 4 during my O’Level education.

In a way, I can understand the confusion. When respected people say we should go back to “true federalism” by returning to the regions “as in the 1963 constitution”, those who do not have the foggiest idea of what used to obtain can easily confuse the concepts. I have come to understand that many Nigerians do not know the difference between a federal and a unitary structure, presidentialism and parliamentarianism, and other types and structures that define a political system. My modest attempt today is to pick on some of the common political concepts and explain them in simple and straight terms for the benefit of those who genuinely do not understand.

The first point I would make is that federalism is not determined by what you call the federating units. In Nigeria, we call the centre “federal government” and the subnational units “states”. Federations such as Mexico, the US and Germany also call them states. In Switzerland, they are called cantons; in Australia, states and territories; in Canada, provinces; in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), emirates; and in Ethiopia, regions. Therefore, what you call them does not determine whether the federalism is “true” or “fake”. Osun state was once renamed “State of Osun” in line with the nomenclature in the US where “true federalism is practised” and where states are called “State of…”

Now to the point: when did Nigeria move from “true federalism” to a unitary system? Without prejudice to the motive of those involved in the social media argument, it was the Unification Decree No. 34 of 1966 that abolished federalism and replaced it with a unitary system. The opening line of the decree was unequivocal about it: “Subject to the provisions of this Decree, Nigeria shall on 24th May 1966 (in this decree referred to as ‘the appointed day’) cease to be a Federation and shall accordingly as from that day be a Republic, by the name of the Republic of Nigeria, consisting of the whole of the territory which immediately before that day was comprised in the Federation.”

Before then, there were four regions: Northern, Eastern, Western (all created by Sir Arthur Richards in 1946) and Midwestern (created from the Western Region in 1963). Every region had provinces. Under the Unification Decree of 1966, the regions were “abolished” but — in a classic case of “potato/potahto” — they remained the same. Section 2(1)(c) of that decree stated that “the provinces… respectively comprised in Northern Nigeria, Eastern Nigeria, Western Nigeria and Mid-Western Nigeria shall be known respectively as the Northern group of Provinces, the Eastern group of Provinces, the Western group of Provinces and the Mid-Western group of Provinces”.

Now this: Section 2(1)(d) of the decree stated clearly that “for the purpose of administration each group of provinces shall subject to the authority of the Head of the National Military Government, be under the general direction and control of a Military Governor appointed by the Head of the National Military Government”. That was the end of the federalism we started practising narrowly under the Richards Constitution in 1946 and more broadly under the MacPherson Constitution of 1951 and the Lyttleton Constitution of 1954. It was the 1954 constitution that actually refined our federalism by comprehensively listing the exclusive and concurrent powers. It was produced largely by Nigerians.

The 1960 and 1963 constitutions were basically updated versions of the Lyttleton Constitution to reflect Nigeria’s independence and republicanism respectively. However, it is only important and fair to state at this point that the move to a unitary system under the military in 1966 was logical: the military operates a command-and-control system. All orders flow from the top. No military unit is independent of central authority. It is anathema under a military system for the supreme commander to issue an order and for a commanding officer to act differently or issue a counter order. It is not done. With the Nigeria military seizing political power, authority had to be centralised.

I was initially taken aback that the abolition of the four regions and creation of 12 states in 1967 by the military government was described as the abolition of federalism in favour of a unitary system. One person confidently said the change from “regions” to “states” marked the end of federalism. But on a second thought, I should not be surprised. Anyone who has been listening to public debates recently will have heard that returning to “regionalism” was equal to returning to “true” federalism. That may suggest that regions and federalism are the same. That is not true. Unitary systems use “regions” as well. In Ghana, which runs a unitary system, the governing units are called regions.

Now to the concepts. What is unitary system? It is a political structure in which all powers belong to the central/national government. The subnational governments are subservient to the centre. In Ghana, for instance, the regions are subordinated to the centre. The 16 regions have 261 districts. The central government in a unitary system usually devolves power to the subnational levels. The UK — a kingdom of four countries — runs a highly devolved unitary system, with Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland having their own parliaments and heads of government business. No two unitary systems are the same. Every country localises its practice based on its own political evolution.

What is federalism? Here, power is shared between the national and subnational governments, unlike in the unitary system where all powers belong to the centre which in turn donates some to the lower levels. The basic principle of federalism is that the federating units are co-equals — and the states are not subservient to the centre. The powers each partner has are listed on the exclusive and concurrent lists. Exclusive powers are reserved for the centre while concurrent powers belong to both the centre and states. Anything not on exclusive and concurrent lists are considered “residual” and are under states. The federal government is not superior, except in areas on the exclusive list.

Federalism is practised differently in different countries, but some characteristics are common: the monetary policy is controlled by the centre to avoid having different rates and currencies; foreign affairs are under the federal government, otherwise every state will appoint ambassadors; there is only one military, else every state will have an army, air force and navy; and the country’s borders are under the federal government. However, every federation organises itself differently: there is state police in the US, unlike in South Africa. All resources are controlled by the Malaysian federal government; in the UAE, they are owned by the emirates; in Nigeria, there is a sharing formula.

In a typical federation, each federating unit has its own executive, legislature and judiciary — just like the central government. Each state runs its own budget and is not dictated to from the centre. Under military rule in Nigeria, state budgets were subject to approval by the head of state. That was a unitary system which was effectively abolished under the 1979 Constitution. Also, federalism is essentially a union between two tiers of government, but some federations recognise local governments as a tier. Brazil’s local councils have been totally independent of the states since 1987. In Nigeria, there is a strong move towards granting political and economic autonomy to the LGAs.

What is a confederation? Interesting one. It is a loose political arrangement where the units are stronger than the centre. They have individual currencies, flag, anthem, military, legislature, judiciary and executive. They are independent of other confederating units. To put it simply, it is a union or league of sovereign states — a marriage of convenience. Currently, there is no country that can be called a confederation. Although Switzerland is officially named the “Swiss Confederation”, it has been a federation since 1798. The US was a confederation from 1781 to 1789. Senegambia (Senegal and Gambia) formed a confederation that lasted for exactly seven years — from 1982 to 1989.

There are still confederations, nonetheless. The African Union (AU) is one. The European Union (EU) can be described as one, although its monetary union is a feature of federalism. There was a time many opinion leaders in Nigeria started demanding “confederalism” as the solution to our political crises and the only pathway to development. We are never short of ideas that we think will make the country great. Some have called for “true” federalism, “fiscal” federalism, change of name, change of flag and change of anthem. We are back to the “Nigeria We Hail Thee” anthem but there are yet no signs of massive development. The regionalism campaign has also staged a comeback. This is Nigeria.

As a parting shot, I would implore young Nigerians not to believe everything they read in the newspapers and on social media regarding political systems and the history of Nigeria. They should behave like the Bereans who subjected to biblical scrutiny everything they were told by the apostles. I have come to realise that a lot of revisionism is going on and many people are manipulating history and political concepts just to ram home their biases and beliefs. Some are no longer interested in the facts. All they do is pass opinions as facts and prey on the vulnerable. We are free to hold opinions and propagate ideas as we debate the state of the union, but may we kindly respect the facts?

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

THE RIVERS BETWEEN

Why should a court of law direct the INEC not to release voters’ register to the Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) for the local government election? Why should a court ask police not to perform their constitutional duty of providing security? We are literally ruining this democracy because of egos and politicking. At the root is the conflict between Governor Simi Fubara and his estranged benefactor, Chief Nyesom Wike. President Tinubu must put his foot down on the crisis before things get out of hand. It is purely a political crisis to be resolved politically and Tinubu must urgently take the lead, otherwise the conflagration may become unquenchable. Statesmanship.

RISING STATS

Starlink recently announced a rise in its monthly subscription fee by 97 percent — from N38,000 to N75,000. The hardware is  now N590,000, up from N440,000. The price hike, according to the satellite internet service owned by Elon Musk’s SpaceX, was necessitated by inflation in Nigeria. It is hard to argue against the justification, with the heavy depreciation in the value of the naira in the last one year and several other costs associated with tech services. However, with Nigerian telcos also making a similar case for tariff adjustments in response to the economic statistics, you sense that it is just a matter of time before the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) approves. Imminent.

KEMI BADOO

Kemi Badenoch, the former UK business and trade secretary, has been making a passionate bid to become the new leader of the Conservative Party — a step towards becoming the prime minister in the future if things work in her favour. I am so happy for her. But can she please stop telling lies about Nigeria? She said she left the country in 1996 after “leftist” policies had eroded private wealth. I know she was just six when the structural adjustment programme (SAP) was introduced in 1986, resulting in the massive devaluation of the naira, but SAP was a neo-liberal, not leftist, economic policy. I think she can use the services of fact checkers before her next Nigeria-bashing show. Shame.

NO COMMENT

The Jigawa state government has decided to acquire Khadija University, a privately owned institution in the state, for N11 billion. N11,000,000,000! Wow! What exactly is the state government buying? Is it the land (in a state where land is surplus to requirements)? Is it the buildings (how much does it cost to put brick and mortar together)? Is it the facilities (do they have nuclear reactors and rocket launchers on campus)? NB: this is aside the subventions for capital and operational expenditures that will soon enter the state budget. So, this thing they do with award of contracts and purchase of private buildings has now found its way into the campus? ELEVEN BILLION NAIRA. Wonderful.

The quest for fame is a global pandemic. From time immemorial, man has craved recognition and social pre-eminence through various means – even if he has to be anti-social to attain social recognition. In this pursuit, the line between popularity and notoriety thins out. Most people would rather be notorious than be unknown. Every Tamuno, Dike and Hadi knows this fact.

I commend Nicola Formichetti’s words to the dark minds who foul up the virtual superhighway of social media in their quest for recognition: “The dark side of social media is that, within seconds, anything can be blown out of proportion and taken out of context. And it’s very difficult not to get swept up in it all.”

Tamuno, Dike & Hadi

Tamuno: Ah, Silifa has suddenly become an arrogant celebrity. Small girl of yesterday! Since her social media post about her stepfather went viral, she has suddenly become a superstar and is on demand everywhere…

Dike: I can give you a long list of her type in my neck of the woods. She must be the envy of other girls now, except that I wouldn’t go as far as she went just because I want to “trend”. Some people have more scandalous stories but they will never tell the world because the internet never forgets. You may become famous today but your grandchildren may be embarrassed by your disclosures several decades ahead.
Hadi: I insist that cultural red lines are sacrosanct. Despite the fact that social media tries to create an artificial “global culture”, we all know that there are western cultural fads that will never gain traction in Africa because culture is thicker than a fleeting craze. By the way, please refresh my memory on the Silifa story.

Tamuno: You mean scandal?
Hadi: Whatever!
Dike: She claimed that she snatched her stepfather from her mum and is today cohabiting with the man who is 39 years her senior. She told the story with lurid details and virtually disrobed her mother…
Hadi: Stop! Now I remember! The details are too offensive. Please, spare me!
Tamuno, Dike and Hadi are like most of the average people in the world who frown at extremes. Silifa, the subject of their gossip, is our local version of Christie, the American TikToker whose story went massively viral when she disclosed that she had married her stepdad. The story was so salacious that the video was viewed 22.3 million times on TikTok. It also attracted over 124,000 comments from viewers who also asked for more information.

Married Your Stepdad?
The world enjoys watching the dance of a mentally deranged person as long as she’s not a family member.
The woman who goes by the username @Christywho_ shared her video with the on-screen caption,

“Marrying my step dad was the best decision I’ve ever made.” The upload showed a man hugging a woman who had her legs wrapped around him as they kissed….
You would think that America was too far gone in debauchery to see anything wrong in what the woman claimed to have done, but the pushback was instant.

“Am I the only one wondering how your mom is doing?” asked one viewer whose comment was liked over 3,000 times.

“There’s seven billion people in the world, why?” asked another who received over 9,000 likes.
Many TikTok users stitched and duetted the video, appearing shocked by the story — one uploader’s silent reaction received over 103,000 views.

The video also made its way to Twitter where a user wrote, “Can someone unplug the internet please? I don’t want it anymore!”

The TikToker’s post had achieved as much notoriety as anyone could wish for, and she had become known by millions of people all over the world within a few days. But to what end? The negative reactions were so damning that she did a sequel to the video clip and changed her story.

Joke Turned Sour
Christie, the mother of two from Tampa, Florida, has now come out and revealed that the couple’s love story is not actually as controversial as she had portrayed it to be. She told the New York Post that she posted the clip as a “joke”.

In answer to some of the questions asked by commenters, she replied: “Was I groomed? No. Did my stepdad raise me? No. Was I a minor when I met him? No. Do me and my mom still talk? Yes. Did he have kids with my mom? No.”
Some critics had, inevitably, reacted with hate towards her children and her late brother. And that touched her deeply.

“The amount of death threats I received, wishing that my children were born without arms and legs and they were glad my brother had died, and they wanted to call child protective services on me.”
To another critic, she retorted, “This filter is insane. Plz leave my kids and ‘unalived’ brother out of this.”
She explained that her new husband isn’t even her stepdad – she simply made the comment because the couple have a 16-year age gap. She revealed that her husband was actually her older brother’s best friend, and after her brother died in a motorcycle crash, they bonded over the loss and fell in love.

“I didn’t expect the video to blow up as much as it did,” Christy admitted. “I wanted to show that people will believe anything that they read on the internet. I also wanted to prove that everyone will be upset and believe anything they see on the internet nowadays,” she elucidated.

“They were mad when I ‘married my stepdad,’ and they were mad when I posted my real story and found out that it wasn’t actually my stepdad. The internet feeds on the drama.”

Nigerian Desperadoes

It is that drama that will rubbish the legacies of many trending stars of today who will weave any kind of story to go viral. Politicians who have access to the public treasury indiscriminately buy hours of prime airtime on television stations to advertise their partisan poison. They also retain an army of internet warriors who terrorise their opponents and further spread their lies. They forget to ask themselves: Where are the liars of yesterday?

It is in this context that one must pity some Nigerian desperadoes who are like Nevada’s Christie. There is one who calls herself an investigative journalist but who, to all intents and purposes, is just a social climber and name dropper. She has tried so many tricks in the book but so far, no luck. People generally think she needs to see a shrink.

Then the attempt by a self-styled activist, critic and social media influencer, Martins Vincent Otse, alias VeryDarkman, to use a fib against the Falana family to climb to millions of social media endorsements and commentaries has blown up in his face. Tails between his legs, he’s now begging the Falanas for mercy.

The evolution of social media has changed our lives for good. Social scientists are still trying to fathom the full extent of the influence of this phenomenon which has changed the way we relate with each other and shrunken distances and knowledge gaps in such an unprecedented way that it is nothing short of a socio-scientific revolution.

It can be a powerful instrument for good or social destruction depending on how it is deployed.

Despite the ongoing military offensive in Katsina and Zamfara States against criminal elements, bandits still have a firm grip on several communities in 24 local government areas of the two states.

The activities of the bandits are more pronounced in Zamfara where unofficial sources put the communities where the bandits hold the people to ransom at over 100 in 14 local government areas.

In Katsina State, LEADERSHIP Sunday gathered that no council is currently under the control of the bandits, but they still hold sway in several communities in 10 councils.

A source in Faskari council of Katsina State alleged that about 32 communities have been abandoned due to relentless attacks by the bandits. He named the communities as Ungwan Dorowa, Ungwan Bika, Gidan Wakili, Kogon Kura, Gidan Saidu, Migyadali and Shuwaki, among others.

President Bola Tinubu had recently directed the minister of defence, the chief of defence staff (CDS) and other security chiefs to relocate to Sokoto to flush out bandits from Zamfara, Sokoto, Katsina and Zamfara states.

Since then, the military and police have killed top bandits’ leaders and arrested several others.
But investigations by LEADERSHIP Sunday in Katsina and Zamfara states showed that several communities were yet to be free from banditry.

Findings in Zamfara showed that majority of the communities from across 14 local government areas of the state are still under the control of bandits despite military onslaught where scores of them including one of the wanted notorious kingpins, Halilu Sububu, was killed.

Some residents said the military onslaught has led to a drastic reduction in attacks, but in some parts of the state, the bandits had defied the presence of the troops as they resort to guerilla warfare.

The locals said it was disheartening that over 100 communities from across the 14 local government areas were not free from bandits’ attacks and exploitation.

They said that while some of the villagers had been forced to flee to urban areas for fear of continuous attacks, others who chose to stay behind were forced to live under the dictates of the criminals.
Our correspondent gathered that the most harassed villages were in Maru, Anka, Shinkafi, Maradun, Zurmi, Gusau and Bungudu local government areas.

In Zurmi council, the villages allegedly under control of the bandits are Gidan Kabbo, Tsakauna, Dogon-hako, Gidan duwan, Jididi, Asako, Gidan-Oho, Dunnu, Gwamawa, Gidan Labbobuzu, Marmaro, Takalmawa, Tukurawa, Sangamawa, Tataka, Gidan-Galadima, Gidan-Zago, Kadamutsa, Holuwa, Makosa, Judidi, Geza, Rinni and Dadan.

In Tsafe local government area, the affected villages are Munhaye, Dustin Kura, Kekawa, Yarzaiga, Sabon Birnin Nakak, Unguwar Gyauro, Matso-Matso, Magazawa, Kawasaki, Bare-Bari, Turba-Kuceheri, Marne, Maidagalo, Yar-tsakuwa, Garkuwan, Kofar Fasa, Sansami and Dankutau.

In Maru LGA, the villages under bandits’ control are Madada, Bingi, Dandalla, Babbar Doka, Kabaro, Sangeku, Danmani, Kunjemi, Karauci, Gajeran Kauye, Saulawa, Randa, Kango, Balge, Gobirawan Cali, Gidan Ardo, Bulakke and Kilin,

In Anka council, the embattled villages are Rafin Sanya, Barayar Zaki, Rafin Gero, Karfa, Bawar Daji, Sunka, Tungar Kudaku, Matseri, Dankalgo, Matsafa, Nassarawa and Kawaye.
In Maradun LGA, the communities are Aljimma, Gwargawo, Kuzi, Ruwan Bado, Magamin Diddi, Gareka, Saurar Kade, Damage, Asarara, Burmi Gidan Adamu, Gidan Maidawa, Gidan Baushi, and Wari.

In Talata Mafara council, Ruwan Jema, Ruwan Gora, Dankalgo, and Ruwan Gizi suffer the same fate.
In Gusau LGA, the villages under the control of bandits include Madaro, Kungurmi, Dandindin, Burwaye, Burnai, Fankarfe, Dadin Zama, Bakin Dutse, Tungar Kudi, Ruwan Mesa, Koli, Buzaye, Lilo, Tungar Rakumi, Rijiya, and Kwarya Tsugune.

In Birnin Magaji council, the villages are Madomawa, Nasarawa Mailayi, Dan’Ali, Birnin Tsaba, among others.

Speaking with LEADERSHIP Sunday, the senior special assistant (SSA) to the governor on media and publicity, Mustapha Jafaru, said Governor Dauda Lawal has assured the people that his administration would do everything humanly possible to ensure that total peace is restored in the state.

The aide said the governor had made adequate arrangements with security agents to check the excesses of the bandits and to rescue the villagers from their control.

He said the administration of Governor Lawal had no plan to reconcile with the bandits or negotiate with them irrespective of their activities.

“The state government will squarely face them and deal with them so that security will be restored by the grace of Allah,” Kaura said.

When contacted, the spokesperson of the state police command, ASP Yazeed Abubakar, said the police in collaboration with other security agents were doing everything humanly possible to ensure those areas suspected to be under bandits’ control are liberated.

The spokesperson of 1 Brigade Command of the Nigerian Army (OPHD), Gusau, Lieutenant Sulaiman Omale, said he would not comment on any issue with regard to security because he was not directed to speak.

In Katsina State, the areas under bandits’ activities are Faskari, Sabuwa, Safana, Kankara, Dutsin-ma, Danmusa, Jibia, Batsari, Kurfi, and Dandume.

In Faskari, some communities such as Kadisau, Fankama, and Sabon Layin Galadima have resorted to negotiating with the bandits and paying levies to access their farms.

However, others such as Jarkuka, Ungwan Sakkai and Kampani remain under constant threats.
In Batsari LGA, communities such as Batsari Anabi, Garin Yara and Dan Kwalaso face similar challenges.

In Kankara council, Fanwa and Mabai are high-risk areas while Marke, Domawa, Maidabino and Dan Ali in Danmusa local government are identified as dangerous communities under bandit attacks.

A senior government official who sought anonymity asserted that the crime rate had significantly decreased following the deployment of additional security personnel in the region.

The Katsina State Police Command spokesman, Sadiq Abubakar, said significant progress was being made in combating banditry in the state, particularly after President Tinubu’s directive for an offensive against the criminals in the North West zone.

Abubakar added that the command had neutralised several bandits, rescued many victims and recovered weapons and ammunition. He also mentioned that numerous suspects had been arrested.

[Leadership]

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is expected to reshuffle his cabinet soon and some portfolios may be reassigned and some ministers be relieved of their duties. According to the Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, ''When the reshuffle happens, it is expected to align with the President’s broader strategy to enhance governance and better communicate the administration’s successes.'' To achieve the desired results, the performance review of ministers should be holistic, as various factors affect performance, some of which may be beyond their control. The lag between policy announcements and implementation has contributed to the perceived poor performance of this administration.

The workload of the ministers should be reviewed to identify those who may be overwhelmed. No matter how capable a person is, being overloaded with tasks will lead to longer turnaround times and delays in policy implementation. Some ministerial portfolios may need to be split, or Ministers of State appointed in some Ministries where they do not exist. Some people think the Minister of Finance, who also doubles as the Coordinating Minister of the Economy, should have a Minister of State.

The problem of bureaucracy in Nigerian governance has always existed. Tasks that can be completed in two days in a private setting take much longer in government. The government should conduct a process review and streamline its operations for greater efficiency. This should be done without losing sight of the need for control and supervision. This will speed up policy formation and implementation thereby making the government more responsive. Beyond bureaucracy, another factor causing delays in policy implementation is the lack of, or delays in, funding. In such scenarios, there is little a minister can do.

One may ask if the roles, responsibilities, and deliverables with timelines expected of the ministers were clearly communicated to them. For example, just recently, Bayo Onanuga said, "The President has instructed ministers to actively communicate what their ministries are achieving. Some have been hesitant to engage with the media, but the President wants them to change that." While some ministers have been very vocal, though it may seem implied, it is possible that others did not know they were expected to be, given that the government has other means of promoting its successes.

There are factors beyond a minister's control that can affect their perceived performance, apart from funding. For instance, whilst not celebrating or defending the performance of the Minister of Agriculture, without addressing insecurity, which has led to incessant attacks on farmers, farmlands, and livestock, domestic food production will remain impaired. The Ministry of Solid Minerals is faced with a similar circumstance with many mining sites under the control by non-state actors.

As Mr President prepares to reshuffle his cabinet, it is imperative that issues like workload, funding, bureaucracy, communication of deliverables, and other factors beyond the control of ministers are properly addressed. Changing ministers or reassigning portfolios without dealing with all the issues impairing performance may not lead to significant improvement. Performance review is holistic and goes beyond just evaluating the individual responsible for certain tasks. Nigerians deserve a more responsive government.

Kenechukwu Aguolu   FCA,FCIA,PMP

In 2024, Nigeria continues to grapple with significant economic challenges, characterized by rising inflation and fluctuating currency values.

The cost of living has surged, affecting many sectors, including education.

As families seek quality schooling options, private secondary schools in Lagos have seen a notable increase in tuition fees, reflecting both the economic landscape and the demand for high-quality education.

The following is a detailed look at some of the most expensive private secondary schools in Lagos for the 2023/2024 academic year, highlighting their offerings and unique features.

American International School, Lagos (AISL)

Founded in 1964, the American International School, Lagos (AISL) is a private coeducational school that provides an American-style education for students of all nationalities from preschool to grade 12. The school year runs from August to June and is divided into two semesters.

AISL is accredited by both the Council of International Schools and the Middle States Association of Colleges and Schools. Its IB Diploma Program is fully accredited by the International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO).

The school offers recognized qualifications, including the International Baccalaureate (IB) Diploma, SAT, and PSAT, which are important for students pursuing higher education.

It has around 600 students from 57 nationalities, with a notable number of American and Indian students, highlighting its international diversity. AISL maintains a favourable student-to-teacher ratio, with an average class size of 18 students and a maximum of 25, allowing for personalized attention.

It is stated that the Tuition fees range from N15,775,898 to N26,880,485, yearly, depending on the grade and program, reflecting the school’s dedication to high-quality education in a global setting.

Greensprings School

Greensprings School is an independent institution for children aged 18 months to 18 years. It offers both day and boarding options, promoting confidence and respect among students.

The school prepares students for internationally recognized qualifications, including the International General Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE) and the International Baccalaureate (IB) Diploma. Instruction is conducted in English, and the average class size is 20 students, which allows for effective teaching and individualized attention.

Greensprings serves approximately 2,200 students, with 92% being local Nigerian students and 8% international students. Tuition fees are about 3.8 million ₦ for day students and 7.1 million ₦ for boarding students.

Lycée Français Louis Pasteur

Lycée Français Louis Pasteur is part of a network of French schools worldwide, following the French curriculum for students from nursery to graduation.

The school prepares students for the French Baccalaureate and Brevet, which are qualifications recognized in France and other countries. These qualifications help students pursue higher education and career opportunities. The primary language of instruction is French, supporting language fluency and cultural understanding.

Lycée Français Louis Pasteur has an average class size of 17 students, with a maximum of 24. This structure allows for personalized attention from teachers.

The school serves about 580 students from 30 nationalities, including a significant number of French and Nigerian students. Annual tuition fees range from 10,092,316 ₦ to 18,124,102 ₦, based on grade level and program choices.

Lekki British International School

Lekki British International School was established in September 2000 on a 25-acre campus in the Lekki Peninsula of Lagos, Nigeria. With multiple campuses in Lagos, which include; the Lekki British Pre School, Lekki British Junior School, and Lekki British High School.

The High School serves ages 11 to 18, located on Victoria Arobieke St, and the Junior School serves ages 1 to 11, located on Olubunmi Owa St.

The school offers external examinations such as IGCSE and A Levels, and details inform that 99% of students pursue further education after graduation.

Lekki British International  has 350 students from 6 nationalities, with 80% local and 20% international students. Tuition is about N4.6 million per year for day students and N6.8 million per year for boarders.

Grange School

Established in 1958, Grange School operates as a not-for-profit co-educational institution, providing an all-through education for ages 4 to 16.

The school has an average class size of 18 students, which allows for individualized attention and effective engagement between teachers and students.

Tuition fees per session at Grange School are approximately N4.5 million for day students and N6.5 million for boarders. This pricing supports the school’s educational programs and services.

Grange School serves around 760 students, focusing on collaborative learning as an important part of its educational approach. This emphasis on teamwork fosters a sense of community among students.

British International School (BIS) 

British International School (BIS) opened in September 2001 and offers a British-style curriculum for students aged 11 to 18, with both day and boarding options.

The school prepares students for IGCSE and A-Levels and has an average class size of 20 students, with a maximum of 20 students per class.

Annual tuition fees are about N6.1 million for day students and N8.1 million for boarders.

Atlantic Hall

Atlantic Hall was established in January 1989 as a nonprofit institution focused on educational standards for the 21st century. The school charges annual tuition fees of approximately 6.7 million ₦. This fee supports the school’s educational programs and facilities.

Atlantic Hall offers a curriculum aimed at preparing students for future challenges. It emphasizes critical thinking, creativity, and practical skills.

This approach, according to the school, ensures that students are academically prepared and equipped for their future endeavors.

The school has around 360 students, which helps build relationships among students, teachers, and families. With a spread of extracurricular activities such as swimming, football, rugby, basketball, volleyball, netball, hockey, rounders, athletics, tennis, table tennis, badminton, debating, drama, art, dance, orchestra, songwriting, choir, and jewelry making.

The rising tuition fees in these prestigious schools reflect the broader economic conditions in Nigeria, where families are increasingly investing in education as a pathway to future opportunities. While the cost of schooling may be high, these institutions strive to provide quality education, diverse curricula, and a supportive learning environment for their students.

[Nairametrics]

The squad includes familiar faces like Captain William Ekong, in-form winger Moses Simon, midfielder Alex Iwobi, Atalanta star Ademola Lookman and Sevilla’s Chidera Ejuke.

The absence of Victor Osimhen due to injury and the return of defender Bright Osayi-Samuel are notable talking points from the squad list, which was announced earlier today, October 5.

The squad will face Libya in home-and-away fixtures, with the first match scheduled at the Godswill Akpabio Stadium in Uyo, Nigeria, on Friday, 11th October followed by a trip to Benghazi for the return leg on Tuesday, 15th October.

Note that the invited players are expected to report in Uyo on Monday, 7th October.

Below is the full Super Eagles squad for the clash against Libya:

Goalkeepers: Stanley Nwabali (Chippa United, South Africa); Maduka Okoye (Udinese FC, Italy); Amas Obasogie (Fasil Kenema SC, Ethiopia)

Defenders: William Ekong (Al-Kholood FC, Saudi Arabia); Bright Osayi-Samuel (Fenerbahce SK, Turkey); Bruno Onyemaechi (Boavista FC, Portugal); Oluwasemilogo Ajayi (West Bromwich Albion, England); Calvin Bassey (Fulham FC, England); Olaoluwa Aina (Nottingham Forest, England); Benjamin Tanimu (Crawley Town, England)

Midfielders: Wilfred Ndidi (Leicester City, England); Raphael Onyedika (Club Brugge, Belgium); Alhassan Yusuf Abdullahi (New England Revolution, USA); Fisayo Dele-Bashiru (Lazio FC. Italy); Frank Onyeka (Augsburg FC, Germany); Alex Iwobi (Fulham FC, England)

Forwards: Samuel Chukwueze (AC Milan, Italy); Chidera Ejuke (Sevilla FC, Spain); Ademola Lookman (Atalanta FC, Italy); Kelechi Iheanacho (Sevilla FC, Spain); Victor Boniface (Bayer Leverkusen, Germany); Moses Simon (FC Nantes, France); Taiwo Awoniyi (Nottingham Forest, England)

[NaijaNews]