The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, on Monday arraigned two bankers, Freeman Austin Jacob and Umar Abdullahi and two others – Ahmed Bashir and Abdulhakim Musa (aka Gandu) before Justice Simon Akpah Amobeda of the Federal High Court, Kano on a three count charge of conspiracy and stealing.

The defendants allegedly conspired among themselves to produce an ATM card in the name of one Sani Muntari and used same to steal the sum of N20 million from his bank.

The defendants perpetrated the fraud by using the SIM card of the account holder which was stolen by Mr Bashir, the third defendant, to produce an ATM card with the help of the first and second defendants.

Investigation traced some of the proceeds of the theft to the bank account of the fourth defendant, Abdulkarim Musa, a friend to the third defendant, Ahmed Bashir.

One of the charges reads, “That You, Freeman Austin Jacob, Umar Abdullahi, sometime in February 2020, at Kano within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, connived with Ahmed Bashir and Abdulhakim Musa (aka Gandu) to prime and issue ATM card from UBA account no 2062903187 belonging to one Alhaji Sani Mutari without the knowledge or consent of the said customer and thereby committed an offence punishable under Section 14 (7) of the Cybercrimes (Prohibition, Prevention, Etc,) Act, 2015.

All the defendants pleaded not guilty after listening to the charge.

Counsel for the prosecution, Aisha Tahar Habib requested that the defendants be remanded and urged the court to fix a date for the commencement of trial.

Counsel representing the 1st and 2nd defendants made an oral bail application on behalf of his clients which was opposed by the prosecution counsel on the grounds that the application ought to formal.

L.A Umar who represented the 4th defendant informed that she intends to file a formal bail application and subsequently prayed the court for a date to do same and serve the prosecution.

After listening to the submissions of the parties, Justice Amobeda agreed with the prosecution that bail applications should be made formally as the court is a court of record.

He subsequently remanded the defendant and adjourned the matter till June 26, 2023 for hearing of bail applications and commencement of trial.

Amid claims that Nana Shettima, wife of Vice President, rejected a female Aide-De-Camp (ADC) assigned to her, a former aspirant for the post of the national youth leader of the All Progressives Congress (APC), Ameen Amshi, explained why.

Recall that a news report making rounds on social media alleged that the vice president’s wife had rejected the orderly, stating that she is very beautiful and single at the time same.

However, Our correspondent could not ascertain when the lady was assigned to the vice president’s wife.

But reacting to the claims in a statement shared via Twitter handle on Sunday, Amshi claimed Nana only turned down the orderly because she preferred her former ADC who served her during her husband’s reign as Borno State governor.

“It is important to correct the news of the alleged rejection of a female police ADC by HE Nana Shettima, Vice President’s wife, during her inauguration. The news has been circulating on social media, but it is not accurate,” Amshi tweeted.

He continued: “Assigning security details or aides to VIPs follows specific procedures that vary across security agencies. It is a process that involves selecting at least three competent personnel and scrutinizing their service records. The most suitable candidate is then presented to the VVIP/VIP for approval, and upon acceptance, the personnel is officially assigned to the individual.

“It’s worth noting that HE Nana Shettima is not new to the corridors of power and has previously worked with an ADC when she served as the governor’s wife for eight years in Borno. Therefore, the same ADC who worked with her in Borno as the governor’s wife was present at her inauguration.

“The Shettima family is known for maintaining long-term relationships with their staff and workers, like retaining the security details that served the Vice President when he was Governor. Given this track record, it’s unlikely that his wife would act differently, and she has always prioritized following due process in her official dealings, including assigning security personnel to VIPs and VVIPs.”

The Presidential Election Petition Court sitting in Abuja on Monday, admitted as exhibits, more certified true copies of polling unit results (INEC Form EC8As) tendered by the presidential candidate of the Labour party, Peter Obi, in eight states.

Again, the admissibility of the documents were objected to by the Independent National Electoral Commission, Bola Tinubu, Kashim Shettima and All Progressives Congress, APC.

Obi is disputing the presidential election results declared in favor of President Tinubu in over 17 states and over 18,000 polling units with his petition also alleging overvoting in parts of the South West.

Before today’s proceedings, Obi’s legal team has tendered INEC Forms EC8As for 12 states, including Rivers, Niger, Adamawa, Bayelsa, Oyo, Edo, Lagos, Akwa Ibom, Benue, Cross River and Ekiti states.

This is apart from five documents earlier tendered as evidence, including a United States District Court judgement on Tinubu’s forfeiture of 460,000 US dollars allegedly linked to drug trafficking.

Objections were raised against all the documents by the Independent National Electoral Commission, Tinubu, Kashim Shettima and the All Progressives Congress.

At the resumption of sitting on Monday, Chief Ben Anichebe SAN told the five-man panel of the court led by Justice Haruna Tsammani, that he would be continuing with the tendering of INEC certified Forms EC8As and some EC8C and EC8D (as they are available) for 8 states.

He went on to tender the INEC Form EC8As(polling unit results) for Ebonyi state with 13 LGAs (Exhibit PP1- PP13), Nasarawa (13 LGAs), Delta (25 LGAs), Kaduna State(23 LGAs), Imo (26 LGAs).

When Dr Mrs Valerie Azinge SAN took over from Anichebe, she tendered CTC of polling unit results for Ondo (18 LGAs), Sokoto (7 LGAs) and Kogi states(21 LGAs).

Lawyers representing the INEC, Tinubu, Shettima and APC, opposed admission of the documents sought to be tendered, saying the reasons for their opposition will be advanced before their final address.

Justice Tsammani subsequently admitted the polling unit results as evidence while marking them as Obi’s exhibits against the respondents.

Earlier in the proceedings, a member of Obi’s legal team, P.I. Ekweto SAN brought to the attention of the court to an interrogatory application which they filed seeking certain answers from INEC regarding accessing electoral materials.

He argued that for the petitioners’ case, the issues and answers the team seek to extract from INEC are germane for the trial.

“I am aware that before your pre-hearing report on May 23 , before that date, the petitioners’ filed an application on May 22 seeking leave to serve or deliver interrogatories on the first respondent.

“There are indeed about 12 questions which we indeed put down for them in that application.

“On the June 2, we filed an application for my lord’s leave, to enable us hear the application outside the pre-hearing session,” he said, praying the court to grant it urgently in view of the time bound nature of the PEPC.

But counsels for INEC and Tinubu opposed the application saying they are still within time to file their responses.

INEC counsel, A.B. Mahmoud described the application as a waste of time.

The panel held it would rule on it after the respondents have responded to the application.

The case was subsequently adjourned to Tuesday for continuation of hearing.

Last week, Mr Obi tendered electoral documents comprising result sheets from 12 states of the federation.

Despite winning the presidential election in Lagos, Nasarawa, Delta, Ebonyi, Imo and other states, Mr Obi argued that votes accruing to him were significantly suppressed in favour of Mr Tinubu.

Also, in aid of his case, the Labour Party candidate has called one witness.

He had indicated his intention to call 50 witnesses and tender tons of electoral documents to substantiate his claims of rampant fraud during the presidential election on 25 February.

Mr Obi has three weeks to prove his case against INEC, Mr Tinubu and the APC respondents in the suit.

A Senegalese Koran teacher suspected of raping 27 of his female students was arrested on Monday after several weeks on the run, a police source told AFP.

The man is accused of assaulting the students at his school in the holy city of Touba in central Senegal, a local police official said.

The suspect went missing after the accusations emerged earlier this year following a complaint from alleged victims who produced medical certificates, the source added.

He was arrested on Monday “after handing himself over to the police. After questioning, he was handed over to the gendarmerie,” the official said.

The source said the teacher is accused of “raping 27 students” but did not provide precise details on the dates of the alleged crimes or the age of the complainants.

Local media reported that the alleged victims were “minors”, implying they were under 15, and that the Koranic school has been closed.

The newspaper “Le Jour” wrote last week that the affair came to light when one of the girls refused to return to the school, where students learn about Islamic teachings, because the teacher “had sexual relations with her and all the other girls”.

Touba is considered a holy city by the Mourides, a major Islamic brotherhood in the Muslim-majority West African country.

The arrest comes after opposition figurehead Ousmane Sonko was sentenced to two years in jail for inciting a young woman to “debauchery”, although he was cleared of a rape charge.

Sonko’s legal battles over the rape allegations had captured media attention for two years, but the issue of sexual violence faded into the background as the affair became increasingly politicised.

Senegal criminalised rape in 2020.

In the wake of grievances over the removal of fuel subsidy, the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria has demanded an increase in the national minimum wage from N30,000 to N200,000.

The demands which has already been forwarded to the Federal Government, is part of conditions being put forward by the labour union to shelve it proposed strike, in the wake of the sudden removal of fuel subsidy by government.

A list of other demands is contained in a joint statement signed by Comrade Festus Osifo, President TUC and Comrade Nuhu Abba Toro, Secretary General, respectively, which was also made available to our reporter on Monday.

TUC also wants government to revert back to the old fuel pump prices of N195 while negotiation continues.

“Minimum wage should be increased from the current N30,000 to N200,000 before the end of June 2023 with consequential adjustment on Cost of Living Allowance (COLA), like feeding, transport, housing,” TUC stated.

The Union said a representative of state governors will be party to this new minimum wage and all the governors must commit to implement the new wage.

It also wants tax holiday for employees both in government and private sector that earn less than N200,000 or 500USD monthly whichever is higher.

” We want PMS Allowance to be introduced for those earning between N200,000 to N500,000 or 500USD to 1,200USD whichever is higher.

“The Exchange rate for retailing PMS in the country must be kept within a limit of +- 2% for the next ten (10) years where the fluctuation is more that 2%, the minimum wage will automatically increase at the same rate.

“Setting up of intervention fund where government will be paying N10 per liter on all locally consumed PMS. The primary purpose of this fund is to solve perennial and protracted national issues in education, health and housing. A governance structure that will include labour, civil society and government will be put in place to manage the implementation.

“Federal government should provide mass transit vehicles for all categories of the populace.

“State Governments should immediately set up a subsidized transportation system to reduce the pressure on workers and students. The framework around this will be worked out.

“Immediate review of the National Health Insurance Scheme to cover more Nigerians and prevent out of stock of drugs.

“Visitation of the refineries that are currently undergoing rehabilitation to ascertain state of work and Setting up timeline for its completion.

“The president should direct who ever will be labour minister to immediately constitute the National Labour Advisory Council (NLAC). This platform will be used by government, Labour and employer to discuss issues and policies of government that may affect workers and all other mandate as specified in the law.

“Provision of subsidy directly for food items, the 800million dollars could be a first step.

“The existing National Housing Fund (NHF) should be made accessible to genuine workers; the framework on this must be discussed and agreed.

“Medium Term, Deployment of Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) across the country in line with the earlier promise made by government. The framework and timeline will be developed and agreed by both parties.

“Labour and government to design a framework that will be geared towards the reduction of cost of governance by 15% in 2024 and 30% by 2025.

“A framework should be immediately put in place to maintain the road and expand the rail networks across the country. Government must design a framework for social housing policy for workers through Rent to Own System.

“The state of electricity in the country must be appraised and an action plan should be defined with time lines on how to get this fixed. A strong monitoring team comprising of all parties will be constituted,” the statement added.

Hon. Justice Olufunke Anuwe of the Abuja Judicial Division of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria has granted an order restraining the Nigeria Labour Congress and Trade Union Congress of Nigeria from embarking on the planned Industrial Action/or strike of any nature, pending the hearing and determination of the Motion on Notice dated 5th June 2023.

The Court ordered that the Nigeria Labour Congress and Trade Union Congress of Nigeria be immediately served with the processes in the suit, the Motion on Notice and the order of the court and fixed the matter for hearing for 19th June 2023.

Justice Anuwe made the order sequel to an ex-parte application filed by the Federal Government and the Attorney-General of the Federation & Minister of Justice.

The applicants- The Federal Government and the Attorney-General of the Federation & Minister of Justice had submitted that the proposed strike action is capable of disrupting economic activities, the health sector and the educational sector; and may gravely affect the larger society and indeed the well-being of the nation at large.

Counsel to the FG, Maimuna Lami Shiru Esq and 4 Others submitted that students of Secondary Schools nationwide, especially those writing WAEC exams will be affected; the Tertiary institutions who have only just resumed after a long ASUU strike will also be affected, not leaving the health sector, amongst other sectors; and above all, the economy of the nation.

THE Organised Labour made up of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, and the Trade Union Congress of Nigeria, TUC, yesterday agreed to suspend its planned strike scheduled to begin tomorrow to enable further negotiations with the Federal Government.
This was part of the resolutions reached at the end of the meeting late yesterday evening.

Monday’s meeting and resolution were attended and signed by Mr Femi Gbajabiamila, Chief of Staff to the President; Festus Osifo, President, TUC; Nuhu Torò, Secretary General, TUC; Joseph Ajaero, President, NLC; Emmanuel Ugboaja mni, General Secretary, NLC and Ms Kachollom S. Daju, Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Labour and Employment.

Other resolutions arrived at the meeting include: “Continued engagements by the TUC and the NLC with the Federal Government and secure closure on the resolutions above.

“The Labour Centres and the Federal Government are to meet on June 19, 2023, to agree on an implementation framework.

According to the Negotiating Committee, the Federal Government, the TUC and the NLC are to establish a joint committee to review the proposal for any wage increase or award and establish a framework and timeline for implementation.

•The Federal Government, the TUC and the NLC to review the World Bank Financed Cash transfer scheme and propose the inclusion of low-income earners in the program.
•The Federal Government, the TUC and the NLC to revive the CNG conversion programme earlier agreed with Labour centres in 2021 and work out detailed implementation and timing.
•The Labour centres and the Federal Government to review issues hindering effective delivery in the education sector and propose solutions for implementation.
•The Labour centres and the Federal Government to review and establish the framework for the completion of the rehabilitation of the nation’s refineries.
•The Federal Government to provide a framework for the maintenance of roads and expansion of rail networks across the country.
•All other demands submitted by the TUC to the Federal Government will be assessed by the joint committee.

One of the first things that had been cited as evidence of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu showing courage and wisdom and hitting the ground running as the 16^th President of Nigeria, has been his announcement that “fuel subsidy is gone”. In his inaugural speech on May 29, 2023, he did not state how but within 24 hours, his rather speculative declaration was given effect. Oil marketers and managers at fuel stations adjusted their operations, shifting prices per litre of petrol upwards. By the following day, the NNPC Limited, the country’s sole supplier of finished product had announced a new template for petrol pricing, from N195 per litre to between N480 and N570 per litre - a more than 200% adjustment in the pump price of petrol. The given excuse is that this is in fulfilment of the All-Progressives Congress (APC) promise during the campaign season in the lead up to the 2023 General elections. The APC was not alone. Indeed, fuel subsidy removal was one of the major issues in the 2023 campaign process. Virtually every major political party promised that the subsidy would be removed. 

The IMF/World Bank in their global outlook for Africa and Nigeria had also advised against retaining fuel subsidy in Nigeria, being a source of wastage and leakage. Nigerian economists also agreed that the subsidy regime was unsustainable. It benefitted only the rich and was a ready source of arbitrage and a vehicle for the smuggling of petrol to neighbouring countries. The subject also gained a legal imprimatur with the passing of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA), whose express purpose was to introduce a legal and governance framework to guide activities in the oil and gas sector. By the tenets of the PIA, the subsidy regime was meant to go by 2021. 

Citing what he called “social consequences” that may arise from such action, the Buhari administration, literally postponing the evil day, got the National Assembly to shift the implementation of that part of the law till 18 months later, to coincide with the end of his own tenure as President of Nigeria. As that administration began to wind down, the then Finance Minister, Zainab Ahmed continued to remind Nigerians that Nigeria would not be able to fund fuel subsidies beyond May 29, 2023. The extension granted under the two relevant laws, the Petroleum Industry Act (2021), and the 2023 Fiscal Framework and Appropriation Act could not be stretched legally beyond May 29. To do so would be to break the law. In the weeks leading to the end of that administration, we were further told that the outgoing government had decided that the incoming administration should join the Federal Government to take a decision as to what it would do. 

In the weekend leading to the Inauguration of the new administration on Monday, May 29, the National Assembly hurriedly met: Senate first, followed by the House of Representatives to pass amendments extending the 2023 Supplementary Appropriation Act till December 2023, and another Bill amending the Central Bank of Nigeria Act, to give effect to the criminal violation of Section 38 of the Law on the approved threshold for Ways and Means. The Bill as passed moved the threshold from 5% to 15%. Till he handed over the instruments of power, there was no information that Buhari had signed either of the two Bills. He left for Daura, with a promise to cross the border to neighbouring Niger, if anyone tried to drag him into any Nigerian crisis. As he did so, he left behind a debt burden in excess of N77 trillion Naira, debts owed to the country’s major oil company, the NNPCL, totalling N2.4 trillion, a debt service to revenue ratio of over 96%, an inflation rate of 22.24%, an unemployment rate in excess of 33%, an essentially broke country, whose travails were further compounded by insecurity and hopelessness resulting in the Nigerian invention of a “Japa” phenomenon turning Nigerians into asylum and opportunity-seekers in other parts of the world. 

In an attempt to seize ownership of the narrative however, Buhari’s handlers rolled out a number of publications: about four books in which they tried to justify the legacy of the administration, including reports by the Presidential Communication Council (PCC) and the Buhari Media Council (BMC). In a flurry of speeches, the outgoing President himself reminded everyone not to look at the debt overhang that he was leaving behind, but what he did with the borrowings: infrastructure development, reforms, reduction of insecurity, repatriation of stolen loot, the ease of doing business. In more than six months after assuming office, the Buhari administration could not appoint key Ministers or get the government going. The President himself spent more than a year in UK hospitals on medical tourism. 

He began his tour of duty with an ear challenge that had to be treated in the UK. He ended it with a toothache that could only be attended to by specialists in the same UK.  But in fairness to President Buhari, he finished on a physically strong note. His last two weeks in power was characterized by a burst of youthful energy. The Federal Executive Council approved contracts and memos, in one week – 83!. Legacy projects were launched - the Second Niger Bridge, the Dangote Refinery, housing projects etc. President Buhari left behind a much stronger statement as he departed than he did when he arrived. Many have interpreted this to mean that he tried to set a trap for his successor. I don’t think so. After all, the transition that Nigeria has seen is APC to APC, it is more or less the same party remaining in power even if it is the ACN wing of the APC coalition replacing the old ANPP/CPC wing. The former headed by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu formed an alliance with others to get rid of the Jonathan government in 2015. At the risk of sounding superstitious and protean, I think the events of the past week would seem to point to one thing- retributive justice. Karma is truly a bitch. The God of Jonathan would seem to be at work. 

In the Holy Bible (1 and 2 Samuel), the story is well told of Jonathan’s faith in God. He did not ascend to the throne because of his father, Saul’s sin, and he may have died in battle at Mount Gilboa, but students of the Word will remember his valiant outreach against the Philistines. He told his armor bearer: “it may be that the Lord will work for us…”  (1 Samuel 14: 1-15). In the midst of the onslaught on members of the Jonathan administration in 2015, after the general elections of that year, the persecution was so much by the new administration that people advised President Jonathan to speak up to defend his team or pay a visit to President Buhari to protest. One evening, President Jonathan told me in his library: “Reuben there is no point… after God, it is government and government can do and undo. But what I believe is that our God will fight for us”. The reader is advised to fill in the gaps as you may deem fit, but I have chosen to use the above title, advisedly in reference to that 2015 conversation and in the limited context of the current outrage over the fuel subsidy removal debacle. Outrage is even a simple word in the context of the brewing crisis. My friend and brother, Patrick Obahiagbon, the grammarian describes the emerging situation as “supercalifragilisticcepalalidocious.” I have since given up searching for that word in the English language dictionary, simply because I have a deadline to meet to submit this piece to the editor. But Obahiagbon’s word twists the tongue in the same manner in which current events in Nigeria are twisting the mind. 

It is a known fact that in January 2012 when President Jonathan’s administration announced the deregulation of the downstream sector, otherwise known as fuel subsidy removal, the same people who opposed the government and organized protests at Ojota, Lagos, Abuja, Minna, Ilorin, and in other parts of Nigeria, even in London, are the same people who have now since returned to the same original arguments about the non-sustainability of the subsidy regime. When they wanted power, they whipped up sentiments against President Jonathan. At Ojota in Lagos, they carried coffins, they portrayed Jonathan in a derogatory manner, they danced, wore specially made T-shirts, they served designer jollof rice. They called it “Occupy Nigeria.” The Nigeria Labour Congress and the Trade Union Congress were involved and they had the backing of the opposition. There were casualties. The government stood its ground. Then Minister of the Economy and Finance, Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, now WTO Director-General threatened to resign if the government reversed itself. The CBN Governor at the time, HRM Sanusi Lamido Sanusi was one of the more outspoken defenders of the simple proposition that fuel subsidy was unsustainable. The Jonathan administration had proposed a 120% increase in the price of petrol. Hell was let loose. In Ojota, speeches were made by civil society leaders: Pastor Tunde Bakare, Dr. Tunji Braithwaite and a host of others. Many believed that the 2012 “Occupy Nigeria” protest was a major cause of the Jonathan administration’s early loss of goodwill. It was all politics though. But ironically, the same people who turned the matter into partisan politics, upon assumption of power in 2015, started by increasing fuel price from N87 per litre to N145, later to N195 and they met little or no resistance indicating that the crisis of 2012 was indeed stage-managed. Not too long ago, a man I respect told me that President Tinubu did not sponsor the protests of 2012. But nobody has denied an article in circulation titled “Removal of Oil Subsidy: President Jonathan breaks social contract with the people – by Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu” (January 11, 2012.)

I am tempted to quote the essay in extenso, but I guess, a few excerpts would be adequate. Tinubu wrote inter alia as follows: “I am not calling President Jonathan an evil man. I do not believe he is perverse. However, the economic ideas controlling him are so misguided and that they have a perverse impact. Because he is slave to wrong-headed economics, the people will become enslaved to greater misery. This crisis will bear his name and will be his legacy. The people now pay a steep tax for voting him into office. The removal of the subsidy is the Jonathan tax. This situation shows that ideas count more than personalities. People may occupy office but how that person performs depends on the ideas that occupy his mind.”

He added: “Though someday, Nigeria will have to remove the subsidy the time to do it is not now. This subsidy removal is ill-timed and violates the condition precedent necessary before such a decision is made. First, government needs to clean up and throw away the salad of corruption in the NNPC. Then proceed to lay the foundation for a mass transit system in the railways and road network with long term bonds and fully develop the energy sector towards revitalizing Nigeria’s economy and easing the burden any subsidy removal may have on the people.”That was Tinubu on the marble. 

As a witness to history, I know that before the Jonathan administration announced any deregulation of the downstream sector, the term we used then, he had set up a verification panel to study and advise the government on the subsidy regime. The team under the auspices of the Ministry of Finance was chaired by Aig Aig-Imoukhuede. The committee reported that the subsidy regime was a big scam, the play-field of rent collectors who submit fraudulent claims to the government and that 21 firms had stolen about N383 billion subsidy money. The proposed deregulation was to check rent-collection, inefficiency, arbitrage and smuggling. For these and other reasons, it was submitted that the subsidy regime was unsustainable. Yet another committee was set up to review the submissions of the Aig-Imoukhuede committee. The same conclusions were reached. Then the government embarked on consultations with a broad spectrum of stakeholders. As the President’s spokesperson and media adviser, it was part of my job to take notes and mobilize my team to provide communications infrastructure support. Meetings were held at the main conference centre at the Villa, House 11 and sometimes at the First Lady’s Conference Room. Ahead of the announcement of the fuel subsidy removal as it became known, the Jonathan administration also set up a Subsidy Reinvestment Committee and announced palliatives. Key government officials were given time off to travel to their constituencies to explain to the people that the policy would be in the best interest of the poor.  

I have quoted Asiwaju Tinubu at length. Please has he now heeded his own advice of 2012? He was sworn in as President on May 29, and he promptly slammed fuel subsidy removal on the people. Nobody knows when and how, if any, consultation was carried out. The conversation about subsidy removal has been mainly elitist. Nobody has tried to speak to the people, or give them hope, the same hope that is said to be the original mission of the Tinubu administration. Anderson, Brady and Bullock (1978), E. Young and L. Quinn (2002) and Augustine Eneanya (2020) in their analysis of the public policy making process agree that no matter how valid a public policy may be, it is important to secure multi-stakeholder adoption of the agenda to generate a sense of ownership and easy implementation. By dictating to the people on the first day in office, without even any attempt at communication which is central to policy-making, the Tinubu administration obviously misses the theory and the strategy. Trying to intimidate organized labour, or relying on the politics of divide and rule also misses the point. Social problems are complex, they cannot be resolved with arrogance or hypocrisy as has been well-exposed. 

Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Peter Obi and Atedo Peterside have reportedly asked President Tinubu to apologize to President Jonathan. Of what use would the apology be in the circumstance? Buhari has thrown the Gordian knot into Tinubu’s laps. He should untie it. The irony is that his own hands are tied.  He won’t be able to blame Buhari for the problems of Nigeria as Buhari did to his own predecessor. Act One, Scene One: we will watch as the movie unfolds. 

The Canadian Association of African Studies (CAAS) has awarded the prestigious Lifetime Achievement Award to Toyin Falola, a professor of History, University Distinguished Teaching Professor and the Jacob and Frances Sanger Mossiker Chair in the Humanities at the University of Texas, Austin. CAAS is the preeminent association of Canadian scholars studying Africa. The Lifetime Achievement Award is the highest honour of CAAS. Therefore, it is rarely bestowed.

For context, no scholar received this honour in my three years on the board of CAAS as vice president, president and past president (2019-2022). The latest in Professor Falola’s constellation of global awards represents another acknowledgment of the worldwide status of the Bobapitan of Ibadanland. As a former president of CAAS, I know the painstaking process involved in the adjudication of CAAS awards. I am particularly delighted that Baba Falola, as we all call him, is recognised in this manner.

It was unusually fitting that York University, Toronto, was the venue of the conferment. Falola was a professor at York University between 1990 and 1991. He had also previously delivered keynote addresses at the CAAS signature annual gatherings and helped to organise the conference in 1991. The president of CAAS, Nduka Otiono, a professor and director of the Institute of African Studies, Carleton University, Ottawa, noted that the “esteemed accolade recognises (Falola’s) exceptional contributions, unwavering dedication, and profound impact on the field of African Studies in Canada and beyond.”

 The United States took Falola from Canada but his influence is very much like he never left. The University of Texas, Austin has somehow managed to hold on to Professor Falola. I am curious about how Texas has done that since 1991.

I met Professor Falola at the 2016 Africa conference at the University of Texas, Austin. I was immediately struck by his fine magnetic personality. You immediately felt an instant connection as you would a family member. The annual conference convened by Falola is an excellent gathering and for some young scholars, their first international conference outside Africa. The conference also attracts senior scholars and university administrators across Africa and the diaspora.

Toyin Falola received his B. A. (Honours) in History in 1976 from the University of Ife (later renamed Obafemi Awolowo University). His PhD in history was awarded by the same university in 1981. Falola wrote his doctoral dissertation on “The Political Economy of Ibadan, c.1830-1900.” Always on a quest to learn and chart new grounds, Falola received his D. Litt. in African Studies from the University of Ibadan in 2020 (i.e. 42 years after his first doctorate). This is the stuff of extraordinariness.

Professor Falola has received 16 honorary doctorates from universities across the globe. The roll call includes the University of Jos; Lincoln University; Olabisi Onabanjo University; Monmouth University; Federal University, Lokoja; and Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta, among others.

A Member of the Order of the Niger (MON), Falola has held fellowships, professorships and distinguished scholar status at various universities and other institutions globally. For example, he was visiting professor at the Olusegun Obasanjo Centre for African Studies, National Open University, Abuja (2019-2021) and honorary professor, Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town, South Africa, from 2018 to 2022. Professor Falola was also Kluge Chair in Countries and Cultures of the South, Library of Congress in 2016; visiting professor, Pontifícia Universidade Católica De São Paulo, Brazil in 2007; and fellow at the Humanities Research Council, Australian National University in 1995. He is a life member at Clare Hall, University of Cambridge.

Traditional institutions have also bestowed high honours on Professor Falola. He is Nii Kpani Ashaabla 1, Adabraka Otukpai Palace, Accra, Ghana; the Agbakin of Kusela-Ibadan; the Bobagbimo of Ugboland; and the Mayegun of Auga,Akoko.

Being a globally recognised scholar and an excellent human being are not necessarily mutually inclusive. Falola is an iconic scholar, a mentor to generations of scholars and a humane person. His devotion to the success of others is astonishing and uncommon. Falola is intentional about creating opportunities for others. He derives great satisfaction in seeing others thrive. Falola’s accomplishments require a truly exceptional intellect, fine analytical mind, perspicacity and a strong work ethic. His long list of accomplishments speaks to a lifetime of devotion to investing in others and expecting nothing in return: World class brilliance meets humaneness.