Admin

Admin

The National Working Committee of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) has officially released the timetable for its zonal congresses set for 2025.

The congresses will facilitate the election of new Zonal Working Committees and National Ex-Officio members.

In a statement from Abuja on Monday, PDP spokesman Debo Ologunagba announced that the party’s National Executive Committee has greenlit the congresses. He noted that the NWC finalized the timetable during its 592nd meeting, coinciding with the end of the current tenures for Zonal Executives in the South-South, South-East, South-West, North-Central, and North-East zones.

The timetable details various key activities: “Sale of forms for all ZWC positions and National Ex-Officio roles in the South-South, South-East, South-West, North-Central, and North-East: Monday, November 18, 2024 – Wednesday, December 18, 2024.

“Deadline for submission of completed Expression of Interest and Nomination Forms to the Directorate of Organization and Mobilization: Friday, January 17, 2025.

 

“Screening of aspirants at the Zonal Headquarters: Saturday, January 25, 2025.

“Screening appeal at the Zonal Headquarters: Saturday, February 1, 2025.

“Publication of cleared aspirants: Wednesday, February 12, 2025. Publication of delegate lists: Thursday, February 13, 2025.

“The congress dates are Zonal Congresses for the North-East, South-East, and South-South: Saturday, February 22, 2025.

“Appeal on Zonal Congresses: Tuesday, February 25, 2025.

“Zonal Congresses for North-Central and South-West: Saturday, March 22, 2025. Appeal on Zonal Congresses: Wednesday, March 26, 2025.”

The PDP has invited all prospective aspirants to reach out to the Directorate of Organization and Mobilization or the Directorate of Finance at the National Secretariat for details regarding fees and other queries.

Ologunagba also called on all PDP leaders, stakeholders, and members to foster unity and work towards the party’s advancement.

[FRipplesNigeria]

Billionaire CEO Elon Musk has unveiled a new initiative that offers $47 to registered U.S. voters who refer others to sign a petition promoting free speech and the right to bear arms.

The programme specifically targets voters in key swing states, aiming to maximise political influence in the upcoming elections.

“For every person you refer who is a swing state voter, you get $47! Easy money,” Musk announced via X on Sunday.

The petition is hosted on the website of Musk’s America PAC, a political action committee that aims to gather 1 million signatures from voters in battleground states.

 

The PAC, backed by several tech entrepreneurs, was established to support former President Donald Trump’s 2024 presidential bid.

 

The petition emphasises the importance of protecting the First and Second Amendments of the U.S. Constitution. The First Amendment ensures freedoms of speech, religion, the press, and assembly, while the Second Amendment protects citizens’ right to bear arms.

Musk recently took to the stage at a Donald Trump rally in Butler, Pennsylvania, where he voiced his support for Trump’s campaign.

During his speech, Musk issued a stark warning, saying this could be “the last election” if Trump fails to secure victory. He also addressed claims that Democrats are allegedly planning to curtail Americans’ rights, including free speech and gun ownership.

Musk in another post added, “Sign our petition to support the Constitution! Also earn $47 for every person you refer to sign the petition if they’re in a swing state. Goal is to get 1M voters in swing states to show support for free speech & right to bear arms.”

[Punch]

I AM excited. After about two months in police cells and the Kuje Maximum Prison, three #EndBadGovernance protesters: Michael Lenin Adaramoye, Mosiu Sodiq and Opaluwa Eleojo, are back home. They are on bail. They join the trio of Loveth Angel, Nuradeen Khamis and Abayomi Adeyemi, earlier let out on bail.

Incredibly, they face treason charges. Not because they were anywhere near where violent protests erupted, but a sort of vicarious liability. They are resident in Abuja but the authorities are holding them liable for the violent protests in other parts of the country.

The claim of the state is that they are organisers of the protests and should be held liable for the fallout anywhere in the country. Mass protests or street actions have a logic of their own. The organisers do not need to factor in violence for them to become violent.

 

My experience is that in most cases, mass protests become violent only after police or military intervention, or attack by state-sponsored agents. For instance, in organising the pro-democracy protests which began on July 5, 1993, we took pains to ensure they were peaceful. We had marshals to guide the protesters, and check any violence within our ranks.

So, even with millions on the streets on the first day, there were no violent incidents. But on the second day, the Babangida junta sent out armed convoys of soldiers to put down the protests. In Lagos, the soldiers rolled from the Murtala Mohammed Airport, through Ikorodu Road, to the Mainland on to Lagos Island. They shot at anything that moved. That single day, the Babangida regime shot dead at least 118 Nigerians in Lagos. T

hat was the figure we collated in working with the Nigeria Medical Association, NMA, which collated the figures from various public mortuaries. Almost all were shot in the back, indicating that they were running from the soldiers when they were shot.  The murder of protesters in Lagos was led by the then Chief of Army Staff, General Sani Abacha. It was therefore not surprising that under the Abacha dictatorship, peaceful protests were quickly transformed by the state into violent ones, and bombs planted in buses and public places.

Admittedly, in holding public protests, which is a fundamental human right, violence can occur. This could partly stem from the fact that protesters have a right to self-defence.

I was engaged in a national street action in 1993 during the Interim National Government, ING, contraption headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan. The ING had been put in place by the departing Babangida dictatorship that had annulled the June 12, 1993 presidential election. Its primary purpose appeared to be the conduct of a new election that would supplant the annulled election.

But Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, the winner of the June 12 election, said the annulled election was like a train derailment, and that until the track was cleared, no other train could use it. He thought a sure way of derailing the election plans of the ING was to stop the review of voters register which was a prelude to the planned election.

Chief Abiola turned to the Campaign for Democracy, CD, which had organised the July and August pro-democracy protests for the de-annulment of the June 12 election. He sent the then Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu to meet with the CD. Three leaders of the CD: the medical doctors Beko Ransome-Kuti and Frederick Fasehun, and I, met Tinubu in his then Victoria Island, Lagos office.

He conveyed Abiola’s request which we accepted on behalf of the organisation. Dr Ransome-Kuti then asked me to present an implementation plan. I said the CD has members across the country who will be willing and capable of physically stopping the voters review exercise. They were committed and needed no inducement whatsoever.

All we required were advertisements in two national newspapers, production of mobilisation leaflets and funds to transport and distribute them across the country. Additionally, I said Lagos, the economic and pro-democracy capital of the country would need at least fourteen 911 ‘Molue’ buses to cover the six zones we would divide the state. I listed the zones as Lagos Island-Victoria Island, Mainland-Ikorodu, Ikeja-Ogba-Agege, Orile-Ajegunle-Badagry, Mushin-Isolo, and Oshodi- Sango Ota.

A shocked Tinubu said he did not need to get back to Abiola for resources as he could personally provide the meagre funds we were requesting.

When the voters review exercise began, we were ready across the country. In Lagos, we filled the 14 big buses with activists and rolled through the city and its environments in a convoy, seizing the materials of the Electoral Commission.

It turned out to be a fairly easy street action. The handful policemen at each review centre did not put up any resistance. The electoral officials, who were mainly teachers, were so sympathetic to our cause that in many places, they helped us to load the review materials, including the voters register, into our buses. When the buses were full, we headed out to empty them, and returned to the roads. Within two days, the ING gave up the idea of the review exercise as it watched its planned elections effectively checked.

The point is that our actions could easily have met resistance by the security agencies, the electoral officials, locals or paid thugs. Had that happened, there would have been street battles and we would have resisted arrest by security forces. But had we been arrested, it would have been unthinkable that we would be arraigned in court on treasonable charges with the state asking for the death penalty. Yet, this was under a dictatorship with no constitution or claims to democratic principles.

Given the pro-democracy background of President Tinubu, his involvement in public protests and street actions, it is necessary that he rejects the advice of some members of his team that public protests should be criminalised. People in the corridors of power waxing strong on this, could not have lifted a finger for democracy when the military and its fascist allies were running riot in the country.

Also, we must not assume that there are no persons or groups in and outside the country who may not want to reverse our gains in transiting from military misrule and brigandage to civilian rule. Therefore, we must keep the tradition of mass protests alive.

 President Tinubu should stay true to the pro-democracy campaigns he was associated with by directing the release of all protesters, including Daniel Babatunde Akande, Suleiman Yakubu, Buhari Lawal, Bashir Bello and Abdulsalam Zubair who remain behind bars in Kuje Prison, and discontinuing the cases against them.

 

 

PRESIDENT Bola Tinubu has directed the police to provide security to Rivers State Local Government Officials and to restore and maintain peace, law, and order immediately.

While instructing law enforcement agencies to bring the situation under control, President Tinubu emphasised the need to ensure the security of public institutions.

 

The President in a statement by his Special Adviser on Information and Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, said government facilities built with public funds must be safeguarded from vandalism.

He stressed that self-help has no place in a democratic system, especially after 25 years of continuous democracy.

According to President Tinubu, the judiciary can settle all political disputes, and the outcome of this election should be no exception.

The statement further stated that the “President called on Governor Siminalayi Fubara, political leaders and their supporters in Rivers State to exercise restraint and uphold the rule of law.

“In response to recent tensions following last Saturday’s local government council election, the President expressed deep concern over reports of arson and explosions in the state.

“He urged all political actors to de-escalate the situation and discourage their supporters from engaging in violence or destructive actions.”

Vanguard News

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) campaign council in Edo says the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) is yet to allow it from inspecting election materials used in the state governorship election.

The election was held on September 21.

Asue Ighodalo, governorship candidate of the PDP, is challenging the victory of Monday Okpebholo, Edo governor-elect.

Okpebholo, a serving senator, won the election with 291,667 votes to defeat Ighodalo who polled 247,274 votes.

 

In a post on X on Monday, Oseh Anenih, the campaign’s director of strategy, said his party was prevented from inspecting the materials when it visited INEC’s office.

“This morning they refused to comply with a court order mandating them to allow the PDP inspect BVAS machines used to steal the Election,” he posted.

“The Nigerian Police prevented the PDP legal team from accessing the Commission; then thugs magically appeared.”

 

TRIBUNAL ORDER

In an order dated September 29 and seen by TheCable, the Edo governorship election tribunal, said the PDP should have “unfettered access” to all electoral materials in its custody.

“That the 1st Respondent (INEC) is directed to grant the Applicants or their Solicitors and Forensic documents Examiners unfettered access to and open up for inspection all electoral documents or any document in the custody of the National Chief Elcctoral Commissioner or any officer of the Commission/ 1st Respondent particularly the Voter Registers, the ballot papers, the BVAS machines, Forms EC25B, EC 25B(i), Forms EC40A and Forms EC40C which were utilised for the conduct of the Edo state governorship election held on the 21st September, 2024,” W.I. Kpochi, the tribunal judge, held.

[TheCable]

“The secret of change is to focus all of your energy, not on fighting the old, but on building the new.” –Socrates.

One of the greatest preachers who ever lived, Charles Haddon Spurgeon, called the “prince of preachers,” loved to tell this story: It seems there was a Duke who once boarded a galley ship and went below to talk to the convicts manning the oars.

When he asked several of them what their crimes were, almost every man claimed that he was innocent, blaming someone else, or even accused the judge of taking a bribe.

 

There was one young man whose reply was different. He said. “I deserve to be here, sir. I stole some money. No one is at fault but me. I am guilty.”

Nigerian Airways

Nigerian Airways

When the Duke heard this he shouted, “You scoundrel, you! What are you doing here among all these honest men? Get out of their company at once!” The Duke ordered the young prisoner to be released.

So, the young man was set free, while the rest of the prisoners were left to continue to tug at the oars. The key to his freedom was his admission of guilt.

In the last few weeks, I have “touchlighted”, the Nigerian Railways, the old NITEL, I am randomly picking on what was once the fabric of this truly great nation called Nigeria, and this time, I sadly am xraying what was equally known as the Nigerian Airways.

 

The story of Nigerian Airways! It’s a tale of ambition, progress, and unfortunately, ultimate decline.

Nigerian Airways didn’t simply emerge; it soared from the remnants of colonial influence, embodying a newly independent nation’s dreams. Born from the West African Airways Corporation (WAAC), a joint venture of British colonies, Nigeria seized its moment, taking majority control and eventually full ownership. This marked a significant step, not just in aviation, but in Nigeria asserting its autonomy on the world stage.

The 1960s and 70s were a time of rapid expansion, mirroring Nigeria’s own post-colonial growth. Nigerian Airways became a symbol of progress and modernity. Investment in new aircraft, the establishment of international routes connecting Lagos to major global cities, and a burgeoning workforce all testified to the airline’s ambition. It wasn’t just about transporting passengers; it was about connecting Nigeria to the world, facilitating trade, tourism, and cultural exchange.

 

This ambition was further fueled by the oil boom of the 1970s. Nigeria’s newfound wealth translated into the acquisition of state-of-the-art aircraft like the DC-10, a symbol of technological advancement. Nigerian Airways even had the distinction of operating the last DC-10 ever built, a testament to its prominence in the aviation world. The airline became a major player in African aviation, a source of national pride, and a key contributor to the continent’s growing interconnectedness.

Sadly, the narrative takes a somber turn. Despite its promising beginnings, Nigerian Airways became entangled in a web of mismanagement, corruption, and political interference. What were once symbols of progress – expansion and modernization – became burdens as the airline struggled to manage its growing fleet and complex operations.

Debt began to accumulate, and the airline found it increasingly difficult to maintain its aging aircraft. This led to a decline in service quality, with delays, cancellations, and safety concerns becoming more frequent. Competition from both established international airlines and emerging African carriers further exacerbated the situation.

 

The 1990s and early 2000s saw various attempts to salvage the airline. Restructuring plans, privatization efforts, and even rebranding exercises were implemented, but none could overcome the deep-rooted problems. The airline was ultimately grounded in 2003, weighed down by insurmountable debt and unable to compete in a rapidly changing aviation landscape.

Now in academic parlance let me give us a short comparative analysis, using two national carriers. The first RwandAir, the flag carrier of Rwanda, known for its relatively young age (founded in 2002) and impressive growth. It has become a symbol of Rwanda’s post-genocide resurgence and ambitions in the aviation sector. RwandAir’s main hub is the Kigali International Airport (KGL), a modern and growing airport that serves as a gateway to East Africa. RwandAir focuses on connecting East Africa to the rest of the world. It flies to over 25 destinations across Africa, the Middle East, Europe, and Asia.

While operating a modern fleet of Airbus and Boeing aircraft, including A330s for long-haul routes and Boeing 737s for regional flights. It has built a reputation for its excellent customer service, having won awards for its cabin crew and overall passenger experience. It’s also committed to safety and has obtained the IATA Operational Safety Audit (IOSA) certification.

 

Like many African airlines, RwandAir faces challenges such as competition from larger carriers, infrastructure limitations, and the need for continued investment to support its growth. It is growing in leaps and bounds…

Meanwhile, the Ethiopian Airlines, a continental giant and flag carrier of Ethiopia and one of the largest and most successful airlines in Africa, has a long history, dating back to 1945. Her Addis Ababa Bole International Airport (ADD) major hub is a significant aviation center for the continent.

Ethiopian Airlines boasts an extensive network covering over 130 destinations across Africa, Asia, Europe, North America, and South America. It plays a crucial role in connecting Africa to the world. She operates a large and diverse fleet, including Boeing 787 Dreamliners, Airbus A350s, and Bombardier Q400s, allowing it to serve a variety of routes.

 

A Star Alliance Member, the world’s largest airline alliance, providing passengers with seamless connections and benefits. Ethiopian Airlines is known for its profitability and operational efficiency. It has consistently been ranked among the top airlines in Africa and has won numerous awards for its service and performance. Ethiopian Airlines plays a key role in promoting aviation development within Africa, with a vision to become the leading aviation group on the continent.

Let me not go into the botched story of the last Air Nigeria fraud, but simplistically put it this way, we have remained deaf, blind and dumb to the greatness that we possess. Like Ethiopian Airlines like Rwandair. Trust me these nations have very dynamic governance issues and it’s not all gold glittering but we as Nigerians are on a bad patch. Our consolation being that we would get there and then my question is get where and, really we think anyone is waiting for us to get there. When we either do not want to get there or we are afraid of there, and don’t even know there.

By 2030 Air Nigeria will still not be beyond the logo, that’s one airline that crashed without flying once. We will never know how much all the drama has cost us as a nation. Why did Virgin Atlantic leave Nigeria, what killed Bellview or Aero, why is Arik sick. Will Ibom and the humanitarian AirPeace stand the test. What’s Rwanda doing differently that we need to copy?

 

When all our leaders are saints, and no one is guilty of any infraction, no one is sorry for the mess Nigeria currently is, we will remain far from redemption, let the blame game continue; May Nigeria win…when—Only time will tell

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

As Nigeria continues to grapple with the ripple effects of economic mismanagement, inflation, and rising poverty, all eyes are now on President Bola Tinubu’s expected cabinet reshuffle. Speculation is widespread that his administration is poised to make critical decisions, potentially rejigging his cabinet, unarguably for a more result-oriented performance. This move offers a unique opportunity for the president to demonstrate his commitment to Nigeria’s economic revival. However, if this reshuffle follows the same path of patronage-based appointments that prioritize political loyalty over merit, it will signal that this government has chosen to sideline competence in favor of vested interests. Tinubu’s legacy as a leader determined to restore Nigeria’s economic glory hinges on his ability to rise above the narrow confines of patronage politics.

In the face of deep economic challenges, the time has come for President Tinubu to make bold choices that prioritize expertise, knowledge, and proven leadership over political loyalties. These decisions should be aimed not just at improving Nigeria’s economic landscape but also at strengthening his political stature and legacy. If the president can successfully steer the country through these turbulent times by appointing individuals who are well-equipped to navigate Nigeria’s complex socio-economic realities, he will earn the respect of not just his political base but the wider Nigerian population and international observers alike.

The reason for the foregoing view cannot be farfetched as Nigeria has long been mired in a political culture where appointments are made based on loyalty rather than competence. This has led to the emergence of a bureaucratic elite, often out of touch with the struggles of ordinary Nigerians. While it is tempting for any leader to reward loyal supporters with positions of power, such appointments often come at the expense of national progress. Patronage-based appointments have been at the heart of Nigeria’s governance problem, contributing to a cycle of inefficiency, corruption, and economic stagnation. Political appointees focused on advancing personal or group interests often lack the foresight, skill, or will to tackle the country’s mounting problems head-on.

 

President Tinubu, a seasoned politician, must recognize that this cycle is not only unsustainable but also dangerous for Nigeria’s future. The country is in dire need of reforms, especially in key sectors like power, education, healthcare, and infrastructure. These reforms require skilled technocrats with the vision and expertise to implement long-term, sustainable policies, not political loyalists with little experience or knowledge of governance.

Nigeria is currently dealing with a myriad of economic challenges that cannot be addressed by mere political calculations. Inflation is eroding the purchasing power of the average Nigerian, food insecurity is on the rise, unemployment is at an all-time high, and foreign investment is dwindling. These are not problems that can be solved by political rhetoric; they demand innovative solutions grounded in sound economic policies and the ability to execute them effectively.

For Tinubu, who campaigned on promises of economic reform and transformation, the time to make good on those promises is now. If he reshuffles his cabinet based on competence and merit, the positive effects on the economy could be immediate. For instance, appointing a seasoned economist with a track record of success to the Ministry of Finance could help stabilize the economy, build investor confidence, and guide Nigeria through its debt restructuring. Similarly, bringing in professionals with vast experience in energy could help address Nigeria’s long-standing power generation problems, which continue to stifle industrial growth and development.

 

Appointing qualified and competent individuals is not just an economic necessity, it is a political strategy that could enhance Tinubu’s standing both within Nigeria and internationally. By doing so, Tinubu will demonstrate that his government is serious about fixing the economy and addressing the concerns of ordinary Nigerians, thereby gaining widespread support from across the political spectrum.

Beyond economic benefits, a cabinet reshuffle based on merit could help foster national unity in a country often divided along ethnic, regional, and religious lines. By moving away from appointments that cater to specific political factions or ethnic groups, Tinubu can send a powerful message that his administration is focused on governing for all Nigerians, not just a privileged few. This is crucial for nation-building, especially in a country as diverse and complex as Nigeria.

Tinubu’s government has a rare opportunity to bridge the nation’s divides by appointing individuals from across different backgrounds based on their competence and contribution to national development. This approach would not only build trust between the government and the governed but also lay the foundation for a more inclusive political culture.

 

In the long run, Tinubu’s political legacy will be shaped by the decisions he makes now. If his administration can deliver tangible results by surrounding itself with capable, knowledgeable, and experienced individuals, his name will be remembered as a leader who rose above the politics of patronage to deliver for the Nigerian people. On the other hand, if the reshuffle follows the same path of political patronage that has plagued past administrations, his government risks being remembered as one that squandered an opportunity for meaningful change.

The stakes are high, and Tinubu must choose wisely. He must understand that in the context of Nigeria’s current economic crisis, appointing the wrong individuals to key positions could result in further hardship for the Nigerian people, increased disillusionment with his administration, and political fallout that could jeopardize his broader reform agenda. However, by making appointments based on merit, he stands a better chance of not only revitalizing the economy but also positioning himself as a statesman who put the country first.

Tinubu’s political capital will not grow simply by rewarding loyalists. On the contrary, the only way to enrich his political stature is to show that his leadership transcends the narrow interests of his political allies. A leader who demonstrates a commitment to the collective welfare of the nation will always enjoy broader support, even from opposition quarters. If Tinubu can usher in a new era of merit-based appointments, his administration will earn the respect of Nigerians and the international community, thus boosting his credibility and giving him the political leverage needed to implement even more

 

By surrounding himself with technocrats and experts, Tinubu can also send a message that his government values competence, professionalism, and efficiency. This would go a long way in restoring the faith of the Nigerian people in their leadership and could even inspire future leaders to follow the same path of prioritizing merit over patronage.

As the Tinubu-led administration prepares for a cabinet reshuffle, the president faces a critical choice: continue the tradition of political patronage, or break from the past and embrace a merit-based approach to appointments. Nigeria’s economy, political stability, and future prosperity hinge on this decision. By appointing qualified, experienced, and capable individuals to key positions, Tinubu can revitalize the nation’s economy, foster national unity, and secure his political legacy as a leader who rose above the politics of patronage for the betterment of Nigeria.

For the sake of Nigeria’s future and his own political survival, President Tinubu must make the right choice. The country can no longer afford appointments driven by political loyalty over merit. The time has come for a new era of governance, one where competence, professionalism, and national interest take precedence over all else.

The ongoing friction between Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his predecessor, Nyesom Wike, has captured the attention of the nation, sparking conversations about loyalty, governance, and the personal dynamics that often shape political landscapes. As both men engage in what appears to be a test of political strength, the question arises: “Will Wike no longer be Wike, or Fubara no longer be Fubara if they choose to shield their swords and focus on the greater good?”

Wike, the charismatic former governor and now a prominent figure in Nigeria’s political arena, has a reputation for his assertiveness and political dexterity. Fubara, on the other hand, was once seen as Wike’s political protégé, rising to the governorship largely due to Wike’s influence. However, their relationship, which seemed rock-solid during the campaign period, has grown increasingly strained as Fubara works to establish his own identity as governor.

Gov.-Siminalayi-Fubara-of-Rivers

In Nigerian politics, it is not uncommon for successors to feel overshadowed by their predecessors, especially when the latter wields significant influence. Fubara’s attempts to assert his independence may be seen as an effort to step out of Wike’s shadow and make a mark of his own. However, for Wike, this might be perceived as ingratitude or an affront to his legacy and political prowess.

 

At the heart of this power tussle is the larger-than-life image of Wike, whose legacy in Rivers State remains undeniable. His achievements, particularly in infrastructure development, are visible across the state. But as Fubara begins to carve out his path, the question remains: “Can both men coexist without undermining each other?”

In many ways, the conflict between Wike and Fubara represents the age-old battle between continuity and change. Wike’s legacy, while significant, must evolve as Rivers State enters a new chapter under Fubara’s leadership. On the other hand, Fubara’s leadership needs stability and wisdom from his predecessor’s experience to fully thrive.

Should Wike and Fubara continue their standoff, the state may suffer from the distraction of political infighting. In times like these, the focus must shift from individual interests to collective governance. Rivers State, with its rich resources and potential, deserves leadership that is unified in its pursuit of progress.

 

Nyesom-Wike

Analyzing the Wike-Fubara fight from any perspective yields one clear conclusion: this conflict, in no way, represents progress for Rivers State or the individuals involved. From whichever ramification it is assessed, politically, socially, or economically, their feud only serves to stall the state’s advancement and perpetuate division among their supporters.

Their ongoing dispute is not a symbol of strength but rather a distraction from the pressing challenges that demand their attention as leaders. In a state that has the potential for industrial growth, infrastructural expansion, and improvement in the welfare of its citizens, such internal squabbles only detract from governance. If the two leaders could channel the same energy they expend on their rivalry into resolving Rivers State’s issues, they would deliver lasting change that the people of the state desperately need.

It is essential to remind both Wike and Fubara that making peace and setting aside their differences will not make them lesser human beings, nor will it diminish their political standing. On the contrary, it would elevate them as leaders who can rise above personal grudges and put their state first. History has shown that true leadership is measured by the ability to prioritize the greater good, even when it means stepping back from conflict.

 

Wike, with his vast political experience and influence, should recognize the long-term benefits of reconciliation. His power and reputation will remain intact if he chooses to mentor Fubara from a place of peace rather than competition. Fubara, too, has nothing to lose by seeking harmony with his predecessor. By doing so, he will not only solidify his standing as governor but also prove that he is a leader capable of forging unity, not division.

The people of Rivers State need a united leadership. The developmental challenges facing the state, from unemployment to infrastructure decay, cannot be effectively addressed if the leaders are constantly at odds. By shielding their swords, Wike and Fubara would send a powerful message that they are willing to do what it takes to put their state first.

Tinubu, Fubara and Wike

Rivers State’s development trajectory should not be derailed by personal differences. A peaceful resolution between Wike and Fubara is not just a matter of political convenience; it is a necessity for the progress of the state. The people of Rivers deserve leaders who are focused on governance, not bickering.

 

Their fight does not benefit anyone, not their loyalists, not the state’s economy, and certainly not the ordinary citizens who look to them for leadership. For Rivers State to flourish, both Wike and Fubara must rise above this unnecessary conflict and work together.

History will remember them not for the battles they fought against each other, but for the legacies they left behind. If Wike and Fubara choose to shield their swords, they will not lose their identities. Rather, they will be remembered as statesmen who put their people first.

In the end, true leadership is defined by wisdom, not just power. Rivers State needs both Wike and Fubara to lead with that wisdom, not with their swords drawn. The question now is, will they rise to the occasion?

In Nigeria, where music and culture intertwine with deep-seated traditions and monarchies, few moments carry as much weight as when a cultural figure meets with royalty. Such was the occasion on a remarkable day when Afrobeats superstar Davido paid homage to the Olu of Warri, Ogiame Atuwatse III. This meeting was not just a gesture of respect, but a blending of modernity and heritage, two forces that define Nigeria today.

Davido, whose real name is David Adedeji Adeleke, has long been celebrated as one of Nigeria’s biggest musical exports. Known for hit tracks like “Fall,” “FEM,” and “If,” he has transcended boundaries both within and beyond the continent, bringing Afrobeats to the world stage. His fame, however, has not detached him from his roots, a quality he demonstrated on this occasion when he visited the Olu of Warri’s palace. This event symbolized the merging of Nigeria’s dynamic contemporary culture and its regal traditions, as the two worlds came together in a spirit of mutual admiration.

The Olu of Warri, Ogiame Atuwatse III, is one of Nigeria’s most revered monarchs, presiding over the Itsekiri people of Delta State. His reign is marked by a focus on modernization, cultural preservation, and a deep connection to his people’s heritage. Since his ascension to the throne in August 2021, the Olu of Warri has become a symbol of progressive leadership, advocating for the balance between traditional values and the inevitable pull of modernization.

 

For Davido, this visit was more than just a formality. The Afrobeat star has always made it clear that despite his global fame, his connection to his Nigerian heritage remains unshakeable. This homage to the Olu of Warri showcased his commitment to respecting traditional authority and the values that have shaped the Nigerian identity for generations.

The ceremony, which took place at the Olu’s palace in Warri, was a vibrant affair. With the atmosphere filled with anticipation, dignitaries, chiefs, and well-wishers gathered to witness the historic moment when one of Nigeria’s leading cultural icons would pay his respects to one of its most important traditional rulers.

In Nigeria, paying homage to a traditional ruler is a gesture steeped in history and meaning. For centuries, traditional rulers have commanded respect not only within their communities but also at the national level. Monarchs like the Olu of Warri serve as custodians of culture, history, and local customs, preserving these values for future generations.

 

When Davido knelt before the Olu of Warri, it was a powerful image that spoke to the importance of humility and respect for the institution of monarchy, even in an era where fame and fortune often seem to override cultural traditions. In this single act, Davido demonstrated that no matter how high one rises, the respect for tradition and the symbols of authority remains paramount.

Ogiame Atuwatse III, in return, welcomed Davido with open arms, expressing his admiration for the artist’s contributions to Nigerian culture through his music. The king praised Davido for using his platform to promote Nigeria globally and for staying grounded in his values, a gesture that highlighted the monarch’s own progressive outlook. This mutual recognition spoke volumes about the evolving relationship between traditional rulers and contemporary figures in the entertainment industry.

Beyond the immediate symbolism of the meeting, the day Davido paid homage to the Olu of Warri carries broader significance for Nigeria’s cultural landscape. It serves as a reminder that even in an era of rapid change, traditional values and institutions remain central to the Nigerian experience. The connection between celebrities like Davido and traditional rulers like the Olu of Warri strengthens the cultural fabric of the nation, ensuring that the legacies of the past are not lost amidst the waves of modernity.

 

In addition to this, the event highlighted the intersection of cultural diplomacy and entertainment. For a global star like Davido, this homage was not just about paying respect, it was also about reinforcing the narrative that Nigerian culture is vibrant, diverse, and worthy of global recognition. His homage to the Olu of Warri transcended mere formalities; it became an act of cultural promotion, with Davido acting as a bridge between the younger generation and the traditional custodians of Nigeria’s heritage.

The event also resonated deeply with fans and observers who recognized the significance of the moment. Social media was abuzz with commentary, as Nigerians and fans across the world reacted to images and videos of Davido’s visit. Many praised him for staying connected to his roots, while others commented on how the meeting symbolized the harmonious relationship between Nigeria’s past, present, and future.

The meeting between Davido and the Olu of Warri is emblematic of a broader phenomenon occurring in Nigeria today. As the country continues to evolve, there is a growing recognition of the need to preserve its rich cultural heritage while embracing the opportunities and challenges that come with modernity. Traditional rulers like Ogiame Atuwatse III play a crucial role in this process, serving as both guardians of the past and advocates for the future.

 

Similarly, cultural figures like Davido are at the forefront of a global movement to promote African culture through music, fashion, and art. His homage to the Olu of Warri not only affirmed his respect for tradition but also positioned him as an ambassador of Nigerian culture on the global stage. The fusion of these two worlds, traditional leadership and modern entertainment, reflects the ongoing evolution of Nigerian society.

In fact, the day Davido paid homage to the Olu of Warri will be remembered as a moment of cultural significance in Nigeria’s history. It was a day that reminded Nigerians, and indeed the world, that no matter how much the country progresses, the importance of tradition and respect for authority will always have a place in the nation’s identity.

As Nigeria continues to navigate the complex terrain of globalization and cultural preservation, moments like these serve as a beacon, guiding the way forward. Davido’s visit to the Olu of Warri was not just a visit; it was a powerful testament to the enduring relevance of tradition in modern Nigeria, and a call to future generations to honor the past even as they shape the future.

Editors of Nigerian print and online newspapers and websites, are you not tired of using the word “sweep” to report the results of local government elections wherever they are held in Nigeria? Can’t you flip the pages of Roget’s Thesaurus, or even of the old Student’s Companion that we relied upon during our school days, to synonyms and reduce readers’ boredom? 

Four Nigerian states, namely Jigawa, Benue, Akwa Ibom and Rivers, held local government elections [if they can be called that] this weekend. Early on Sunday morning, all the newspapers reported that “APC sweeps Benue council polls.” Chairman of Benue State Independent [if it can be called that] Electoral Commission, BSIEC, Richard Tombowua, said candidates of APC, which controls the state government but which is riven by divisions, won all 27 chairmanship and all 276 councillorships across the state, leaving none to the seven other political parties that contested the election. The word “contested” here should be qualified because quite often, small and virtually non-existent parties are mobilized to “contest” local elections in order to give them some credibility, although I am not necessarily saying that was what happened in Benue. The fact that the state’s governor is a Roman Catholic priest, there was widespread expectation that elections in Benue will rise above the Nigerian normal.

Weekend’s local government election in Rivers was the most anticipated in the country. Because it was not really an election; it was a mighty contest of egos between godfather and former godson; state power versus federal power; courts controversially wading in to stop an election when the Constitution empowers, in fact mandates, the state electoral commission to conduct a local election. Nigeria Police, which has got thousands of unobeyed court orders lying in its shelves, rushing to “obey” a court order and, not only refuse to provide security for an election but tried to thwart it. No one even knows which parties the top antagonists belong to. The godfather Nyesom Wike controls both the national and Rivers State PDP, is a serving minister in an APC government, and had made 27 members of the State Assembly loyal to him to all defect to APC. Governor Siminayi Fubara, on the other hand, was elected on PDP’s platform, never said he deserted it, has the support of fellow PDP governors, but just before the election, he directed his supporters to contest under the platform of almost unheard-of Action Peoples Party, APP.

Within hours of the election’s end, Rivers State Independent Electoral Commission (RSIEC) announced that APP “swept” 22 of the state’s 23 Local Government chairmanships. One LGA and the councillorships were yet to be declared but everyone knows that as night follows day, APP will sweep [that word again] all of them. The danger existed that someone will go to court on Monday and seek to quash the election, so Governor Fubara hurriedly swore in the elected chairmen on Sunday, usually a non-working day. At least, the worst Nigerian courts could do is to ask for the status quo to be maintained, and the status quo means Fubara’s men are sitting pretty on their seats.

Benue and Rivers were not the only cases of “sweep” this year. Local government polls were held in Borno State [luckily, months ahead of the Flood].  Again, the word “sweeps” was in play. Chairman   of   Borno   State Independent Electoral Commission (BOSIEC), Alhaji Lawan Maina, announced that APC, which governs the state, won all 27 chairmanships and all 312 councilors in the state. Five other political parties that contested the election could not grab even one councillorship.

Nearby Yobe State, which was excised from Borno State 23 years ago has a very similar history and political culture, plus the most astute gentleman as Governor. It held local elections in April and the YOSIEC Chairman Dr. Mamman Mohamed announced that APC, which rules the state, swept all 17 chairmanships, 15 of them unopposed, and all the councillorships at stake. It was understandable that Borno and Yobe should exhibit similarities in political behaviour, but Bauchi State, which separated from them nearly 50 years ago, was also a case of sweep because in local elections held in August, PDP, which governs the state, swept all 20 chairmanships and all the councillorships.

PDP was also on a roll in Adamawa State, a state it controls. In local polls held in August, the party swept all 21 chairmanship seats. Chairman of the Adamawa State Independent Electoral Commission Alhaji Mohammed Umar said PDP also won 225 councillorship seats while the New Nigeria People’s Party won one seat in Demsa ward in Demsa Local Government Area. At least it was not a total sweep; PDP lost one councillorship seat!

PDP chapters in three other states were not as magnanimous as in Adamawa. In local council polls held in Oyo State in July, PDP candidates won all 33 chairmanship positions. OYSIEC chairman  Isiaka Olagunju also said PDP won 499 of the 500 councillorship seats at stake, thus necessitating the use of the word “sweep” in all newspaper headlines.

Nor did PDP let go in Delta State, where local polls were held in July. Jerry Agbaike, chairperson of DSIEC who announced the results in Asaba, said PDP “swept” all 25 local government chairmanship seats and also “clinched” 499 of the 500 councillorship seats, losing one to the Allied Peoples Movement in Oshimili North Local Government Area. Agbaike said no election was held in Udu Local Government because the PDP chairmanship candidate was returned unopposed.

In Enugu State too, which is PDP controlled, the party was on a roll in local elections held in September. Prof. Christian Ngwu, Chairman of the Enugu State Independent Electoral Commission (ENSIEC), announced that PDP candidates won all chairmanship and all councillorship positions, another case of clean sweep.

Before you say PDP is the party of sweep, APC too did several clean sweeps of its own in recent local polls. Apart from the aforementioned ones in Borno, Yobe and Benue, APC candidates in Imo State  “cleared” all the 27 local government chairmanships and all 305 councillorship seats in local elections. Charles Ejiogu, chairman of ISIEC, said “All the candidates of APC have been officially declared winners as Councilors and Executive Council Chairmen-elects.” At least in Imo, the word used was not “swept” but “cleared,” a sign that Roget’s Thesaurus was consulted for some variety.

In elections conducted by the Kebbi State Independent Electoral Commission (KESIEC) in early September, its chairman, Aliyu Mohammed Mera, announced that “APC won all the chairmanship and councillorship seats based on the results collated from the 21 local government areas where the elections were conducted.” APC is the ruling party in Kebbi State. PDP, which forced it into a run-off in last year’s governorship polls, did not participate in the election, citing allegations that KESIEC officials were affiliated with APC [as if that is not the case everywhere else]. No one expected Sokoto State to be different from Kebbi, two states that were not only together in the Hausa kingdoms, Sokoto Caliphate, Northern Region, North Western State and old Sokoto State but are remarkably similar in ethnic, religious, cultural and even political outlook, both of them ruled by APC. It was no surprise therefore that when Sokoto held local elections in late September, Chairman of SOSIEC Alhaji Aliyu Sulaiman announced that APC candidates “swept” all 23 chairmanship and all the councillorship seats at stake, even though 14 other political parties contested the election.

If “sweeping” is the stuff that both the nationally ruling APC and the main opposition PDP are made of, what about the other three political parties that control at least one state each in Nigeria? Well, we have already seen the stuff of one of them. In local elections held in Anambra State on September 28,  All Progressives Grand Alliance [APGA], which rules the state, was said to have “coasted home to victory” in all 21 chairmanship and all 326 councillorship positions in the state. Chairman of ANSIEC Genevieve Osakwe announced the results in Awka. So, it made no difference that the state governor is a professor, who blows very heavy grammar, who was the governor of another place before Anambra, and yet ANSIEC is attached to APGA apron strings like all the rest of them?

We are waiting to see if things will be different in Abia, the only state controlled by Labour Party, and in Kano, the only state controlled by NNPP. I have my doubts, because newspaper reports said NNPP “primaries” were held in the house of its leader, Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, and some party stalwarts emerged from the house, protesting loudly that it was not democratic because the Leader anointed his favoured persons. I do not know if that was true, since I was not a delegate to the red-cap Kwankwasiyya “primaries.” But the real test will soon come when the state holds local elections. NNPP only just managed to edge out APC in last year’s governorship polls but no one will be surprised if it “sweeps” all the seats in the upcoming local elections.

This word “sweep,” I am fed up with it. All the “national” and “international” election observers who were harping on INEC’s perceived shortcomings in last year’s general elections as well as in some off-season governorship elections since then, what have they got to say about State “Independent” Electoral Commissions all over the country, regardless of region, religion or political party in power in the state? All the institutions created by the 1999 Constitution as amended have exhibited one failure or another in the discharge or lack of discharge of their duties, but that of SIECs is the most glaring. It is time to end this sweeping game by sweeping them out of the Constitution.