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It was like a joke at first. Nigeria’s national anthem was being reversed to the previous one by a law passed by the national assembly. The president is believed to be the inspiration for this somewhat pointless action taken by the national parliament, the logic for which has been looked for to no avail. It couldn’t determine if the bill was an executive or private member bill. However, it is noteworthy and unprecedented how quickly President Tinubu signed it and how urgently the national assembly passed it. Simply put, the Tinubu presidency is majoring in minor amid economic and security crises.

Priorities and the results of actions and inactions are important to life. The economic and security challenges present President Tinubu’s administration with at least two fronts of a national emergency. A man whose house is on fire doesn’t go after rats, but going for a change of the national anthem—which, incidentally, not many Nigerians think is a problem—makes just that impression. Every citizen is concerned about the growing economic and security problems, which the president needs to address head-on.

The World Bank and the IMF, two Bretton Woods institutions, enticed President Tinubu to abandon fuel subsidies and defend the naira, a step that previous Nigerian presidents fiercely opposed or implemented piecemeal. For the sole reason that he was eager to validate his disputed presidential mandate, which is still in dispute, and to gain worldwide influence as an ‘action president’, Tinubu fell for it and led Nigeria into a trap.

Even crude oil, which makes up about 75 percent of the country’s export earnings, was heavily mortgaged during the past Muhammadu Buhari administration. This indicates that just a portion of Nigeria’s oil exports are sold for income; the remainder is used to pay off debt and meet other commitments made to other countries.

 

To make matters worse, the naira was floated and made to compete with other world currencies in the absence of significant inflow from exports and external reserves that continued to decline from $35 billion at the start of the Tinubu administration. Braggadocio is no virtue. What chance does Tinubu’s economic team see for the naira against, say, the $1 trillion foreign reserve-backed Chinese yuan, not to mention the British pound, US dollar, EU euro, or Japanese yen? Yet, the presidency boasts that the naira is floating to find its level.

The naira, as the trend is showing, has no level and needs to be defended and protected by all means. If not, it will collapse along with the nation’s economy. Because of the significant disruption and misalignment the naira floating and unplanned fuel subsidy removal have caused to the economy, the government is once again standing up for the naira, just like other nations do with their currencies.

The unplanned removal of fuel subsidies remains a tragic economic decision and another instance of braggadocio. Combined with naira floatation, the two policies dragged the economy into stagflation, with food inflation standing at about 40% as of today, a figure never recorded since Nigeria came into existence. As an example, in May 2023, when Tinubu took over, a basket of tomatoes sold for about N10,000. This week, tomatoes sold for N150,000. Yes, you read it right, and this kind of galloping inflation is not isolated. Virtually all goods have moved up by at least 300% and will leap further up when the new minimum wage comes into effect.

 

That’s what you get when you have rising prices for goods, expanding unemployment, and economic stagflation. That is what the country has to urgently deal with, yet the national assembly and the presidency are more focused on changing the national song.

In actuality, both the previous and current national anthems had important messages and were appropriate. The old hymn “Nigeria, we hail thee” is a relic from the colonial era because it was composed during the rule of the British in colonial days in 1959 and was first rendered the Whites. In 1978, Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo changed it, ostensibly to create something genuinely indigenous and to strengthen the nation’s autonomy.

The succeeding anthem brought in by Obasanjo—”Arise, O’ Compatriots”—makes a lot of sense as well. So, changing to the old has nothing to do with meaninglessness or applicability. It smacks more of inconsequential politics and ego trips that detract from the economic and security crises, which are the main challenges unsettling Nigeria at the moment. The third challenge is corruption, which is still having a field day and growing more and more intractable.

Therefore, one cannot help but beg the president to concentrate on the important matters, give the nation’s economic and security challenges the emergency attention they require, and give less attention to unimportant and irrelevant issues.

 

Nigeria is a nation of farmers. The country’s economy is built primarily on agriculture, and not much has been done to move the country away from subsistence farming and towards mechanised agriculture. Terrorists, Janjaweed bandits, and killer herdsmen have destroyed even subsistence farming by evicting Nigerian farmers from their lands and causing food shortages and serious insecurity.

Farmers in many states now have to pay terrorists and bandits to gain access to their farms so they may plant and harvest crops, given the level of insecurity that has enveloped the land.

The proposed establishment of the state police is a wise decision because it will enable the people to use their state governments to defend themselves against terrorists and bandits invading the country and other groups of terrorists who are encircling the country like vultures and attacking everywhere like a pack of wild dogs. To reduce the possibility of state governor misuse, the establishment of state police would require extremely detailed legislative drafting. The national anthem change is not as urgent as security is. Yet, such frivolities are what preoccupy the FG and the NASS.

The economy is in dire straits and requires rejigging. Until the value of the naira comes down to a reasonable level (below N1,000) and stabilises there, the country’s economy will not improve. Fuel subsidy has returned through the back door as a result of the government realising that the pump price of fuel cannot be allowed to continue to rise at the whim of staged market forces. If subsidies hadn’t been used to intervene, the price of fuel at the pump would have surpassed 1,000 naira long ago.

 

However, without the refineries in the country working, the price of fuel at the pump would not resettle favourably. Not a single refinery is operating a year after Tinubu entered office. As a private enterprise, the Dangote refinery has taken off. This is unlikely to provide any relief, though, as Nigeria is unable to provide crude to the Dangote plant due to both oil theft and the Buhari administration’s mortgage of crude. Because of this, the Dangote refinery is now compelled to look for crude from the US.

In summary, the Tinubu administration ought to stop focusing on minors and shadowboxing and instead tackle the pressing issues of the economy and security.

 

The federal government must give the economic crisis urgent attention. FG has to work with state governments to break the electricity jinx and fix a workable state police.

What’s more, a lazy approach to the nation’s macroeconomic management would be to continue to tax a collapsing economy, tax citizens who have been robbed of their ability to pay by poor economic policies, and take more loans. The only options left are: getting into massive export and high-volume food production, ensuring import substitutions, and, of course, rooting out corruption. But this cannot occur unless the enablers, such as electricity and security, are first taken care of. It will not happen by squandering time and money on unimportant side issues that divert attention from the primary, urgent course of action that is required, certainly not reversing the national anthem.


Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.; Twitter: @Drlawsonmefor.

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[TheCable]

In recent times, Nigerian statesman Olusegun Obasanjo has spoken repeatedly of his conviction that Nigeria and other African countries “made a mistake” by adopting “Western liberal democracy,” a system that, being a unique product of “Western history, culture, and way of life” is poorly suited for African conditions.
In the same breath, Obasanjo has canvassed for “a model of democracy that is true to the African heritage,” a model that, in his telling, “encompasses our culture, our traditional ways of life.”

Obasanjo’s pedigree is one reason his assaults on liberal democracy have continued to attract attention. One of two individuals (Muhammadu Buhari is the other) to have ruled Nigeria in both military and civilian capacities, Obasanjo, far from just another citizen, can lay claim to having been in the thick of things and hence endowed with the kind of knowledge and perspective not vouchsafed to the average individual. Another reason is the political moment. The Nigerian statesman’s repeated attacks are music to the ears of many at a period when skepticism about liberal democracy and associated Western values is on the ascendance, especially across the Western world.      

Due to the latter coincidence, it is tempting to conclude that Obasanjo and critics of liberal democracy across the West are united by the same grievances, and to some extent they are, especially as far as there is mutual concern about the failure of liberal democracy to deliver tangible material benefits to the most disadvantaged. To be fair to Obasanjo, even in his least lucid moments, one observes what appears to be a genuine and constant solicitude for “the welfare and the well-being of the people: all the people.”    

But this is where the comparison stops. While much of the concern for the fate of liberal democracy across the Western world is animated by a desire to deepen it and make it work for all sectors of society, or at least all of those who are willing to submit to the rules of liberalism, Obasanjo seems motivated by a contrary desire: to abolish liberal democracy in toto and replace it with a “homegrown” system ostensibly hewn out of Africa’s specific culture and history.
The distinction is not trivial: unlike most Western critics of liberal democracy, Obasanjo does not want an improved version of liberal democracy; to paraphrase the inimitable Groucho Marx, whatever liberal democracy is, he is against it.

To be sure, Obasanjo is not a recent convert to this tradition-bound “Afro-democracy.” On the contrary, he has written consistently, if vaguely, about allowing “the wisdom of a linkage with our traditional political praxis to chart a progressive future for us;” his desire for a single-party system whereby “the party shall be the only legal party until such a time that national integration and cohesion would have been sufficiently achieved;” “the urgent need to create a political machine, a self-made (sic) indigenous institution that would destroy the ‘alien institution’ conception of government;” and last but not least, his opposition to “the systemic practice of the institutionalized opposition,” an idea that, as he sees it, is incongruent with an African political past when “in arriving at political decisions our fore-fathers disagreed to agree and agree to disagree.”

To the extent that he has been consistent in his avowals of them, the foregoing must be accepted as the basic elements of Obasanjo’s weltanschauung, which means that, in order to do justice to it, one must apply pressure to its cornerstone assumptions, the better to see whether they pass the smell test and are worthy of the attention—and in some intellectual circles, uncritical approval—that is being accorded them.

The first question to ask is whether Obasanjo is in fact correct in claiming that African countries have adopted Western liberal democracy. While there is no doubt that liberal democracy is, with few notable exceptions, the coin of the political realm across Africa, upon closer inspection, one discovers that the real problem facing Africa is not that it has imported Western democracy, but that, as a matter of fact, it has not. If there is one overarching sentiment from the typically rancorous relationship between political and civil societies in a majority of African states, it is that the latter have been democracies only in name, and that many of them (Nigeria and South Africa jump to mind) in fact stand out on account of being characterized by the very sensibilities that are the exact antithesis of Western liberal democracy. It would thus appear that, for reasons that are not entirely clear, Obasanjo has failed to distinguish between the appearance of democracy and its substance.

The second question is whether Obasanjo is right in his assessment and understanding of African history as an essentially friction-free paradise of political unanimity. As even the most casual acquaintance will disclose, not only is the African past as depicted by Obasanjo a pure fantasy, there is considerable evidence that it was, in many cases, stolidly hierarchical and in egalitarian. Contra the unsubstantiated mythology that Obasanjo has become strangely enamored of, modern African history is in fact mostly an account of ordinary Africans struggling against tremendous odds to relieve themselves of the burden of custom and tradition; in other words, to cast off the fetters of the very history that Obasanjo would have them return to. It is hardly a coincidence that (1) contemporary African leaders who share Obasanjo’s tendentious understanding of African history are unrepentant dictators and (2) that Obasanjo has failed to show specific examples of eras and or regimes that he would have ordinary Africans revert to.

If Obasanjo is a poor student of African history, his grasp of contemporary African politics seems even more dubious. For instance, his avid recommendation of the virtues of a single-party system does not take into account the ugly record of actual one-party states in Africa, whether de jure one-party states like Tanzania under the late Julius Nyerere, or the invariable mean into which many post-independence African states (among other examples, Cameroon, Rwanda, Equatorial Guinea, and Uganda jump to mind) have tended to regress. Even when they have managed to attain a modicum of political stability and economic prosperity as is undeniably the case with Rwanda under Paul Kagame, the ossification of civil society that is a concomitant of the personalization of political power under one-party systems raises important questions as to their long-term costs to the country as a whole.  

Finally, the fact seems to have escaped Obasanjo that he owes his freedom to criticize and propose political alternatives to the fact that he lives in an admittedly imperfect liberal democracy, one with a foundational commitment to individual freedoms (among them the freedom to express oneself freely); and that a single-party state and suchlike authoritarian cousins invariably culminate in the abrogation of such freedoms.
Granted, Obasanjo may be earnest in his espousal of alternatives to liberal democracy, but ultimately, his advocacy amounts to nothing more than an avoidance of the real causes of Africa’s underdevelopment and a far from subtle incitement to autocracy. The Nigerian statesman may be excused for exploring alternatives, but he should not escape censure for resurrecting ideas that have been tried and found wanting, and now belong, for good reason, in the museum of political ideas.  

•Reina Patel contributed to the research for this article

Picture the international and national illicit drug and narcotic trade as a tree. The roots are buried in the perverted demands, and needs, of an ever-growing population of the young, old, rich and poor of both sexes. Here in Nigeria, the percentage of rural youths and women who are now totally beholden to aphrodisiacs and opioid derivatives benumbs the imagination. Worse still, some variants of psychotropic drugs are now so cheap, so readily available and so easily addictive. Thus, the problem which the Nigerian Drug law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) has to deal with goes way beyond the matter of seizing drug consignments, arresting drug peddlers or burning down Indian hemp farms.

The trunk, or stem of the drug tree, which carries water and nutrients to the branches and the leaves, is the international and national drug superhighway. It is this highway that facilitates and projects the drug trade universe. Like a typical tree trunk, it grows ever bigger, as it develops Cambium Cells, just like the process commonly known as Secondary Thickening in the biological sciences. With secondary Thickening, a trunk gets sturdier, and becomes less susceptible to the blast of strong winds and the paltry endeavours of scraggly machete-wielding persons who try to cut it down.

The drug business is a wide universe, with strong and deep enablement from the deep Dark Web. The Dark Web, for those who may not know, is the Alternate Reality that has more cash, more capacity for devilry and even more capacity for perverting and subverting the 10% reality we, law abiding do-gooders, mistake for the actual reality of human life on earth today. Everything, including human body parts and high-end security information of the most secretive of nations, is available on the Deep Dark Web, once you can pay. It is a world better not visited, because a permanent tab is kept on you once you make any form of contact with it.

It is easy to see that the branches of our drug tree are the international, regional and national cartels. The twigs, or branchlets of the tree are the village dealers, city lounges, side street hawkers and neighbourhood facilitators that service various strata of the clientele. The leaves of the tree are the consumers, while the flowers and fruits are distribution, consumption, addiction and disorientation.

As fruits and flowers of the drug tree, the mentally deranged of all ages are all over the place. They spare no efforts, including selling off precious personal or stolen property at giveaway prices, to satisfy their craving. The growing population of disoriented youths who adopt desperate measures, including determined criminality, to keep their drug supplies going, are now a major social problem that should not be there in the first place.

It is against the background of the foregoing that we are to look at the latest exploits of the Nigerian Drug law enforcement Agency (NDLEA). This is not about an officer of the Agency, Francis Ameh Igonoh, who got a special motion yesterday and who emerged the 2024 winner of the prestigious International Law Enforcement Academy (ILEA) with an outstanding success Award, no. It is about the latest report of NDLEA’s deconstruction and asphyxiation of a massive drug cartel, including substantial sections of its tributaries and clientele.

The agency, last week, announced the successful bursting of an elaborate cocaine trafficking cartel. The two successful operations were in Lagos and Ogun States. Multi-billion-naira worth of illicit drugs were seized and a couple, Bolanle and Olayinka Dauda, were apprehended by operatives of a special operation unit of the NDLEA. They were arrested while attempting to cross the land border to deliver the consignment in Ghana. Some 42 blocks of the Class A drug weighing 47.5 kilograms was found on them and a swift follow-up operation at their residence led to the recovery of another eight blocks of the same drug, this time weighing 10kg

The major points to note here are that: (1) NDLEA operations are intelligence-led, (2) Collaboration with international network or capacities is always part of the cocktail of measures leading to a successful raid, and (3) The recent success stories came through joint operations involving NDLEA officials and the Drug Enforcement Administration of the United States.

Also, another stint of the Special Operations Unit, which led to the recovery of about 1,100 ampoules of the lethal synthetic opioid, fentanyl, was intelligence-led. The 6.48kg of the opioid was recovered from a member of a drug trafficking syndicate at Idumota Market in Lagos. The story is the same for about 790 ampoules of the dangerous opioid weighing 5.273kg seized from another member of the fentanyl syndicate at the same Idumota in Lagos.

As was said on this page on March 9, under the title, “Buba Marwa’s NDLEA, “All the arrests and seizures of illegal drug consignments and sundry successes of Marwa’s NDLEA have been very heavy on preemptive intelligence work. There is also overwhelming evidence of thorough going demographic analysis. Within this you find, also, the conscious mapping of drug production, transportation, distribution and consumption patterns. Marwa’s NDLEA is one of the few examples of an organization that is paying deliberate scientific attention to the physical and human geography of drug-related issues today”.

The current exploits also confirm what was said here on the article under reference, namely: “There seems to be, in all of this, a structured collaboration with the international anti-drug network, with focus on predictive, and predictable drug-related activities”.

During the sensitization and advocacy programme for women and youths in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) in Abuja, a collaborative engagement with Dr Aminu Gusau organized under the platform of WADA, Brig. Gen. Buba Marwa (rtd) said that drug abuse among Nigerians was one of the main drivers of insecurity in the country. He was concerned that the phenomenon had taken a life of its own all over the nation; and was no longer an urban phenomen.

It is a matter or record, born out by our collective experience, that many rural communities play host to a disturbingly large drug consuming population. Marwa has had cause to draw public attention to the fact that the problem of drug abuse among the youths has now become everyone’s problem, which calls for synergy and joint endeavours at all levels. Federal and State Governments, traditional and religious leaders, parents, schools, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), Community Based Organizations (CBOs), among others, must work together as a single societal force working for the good of all.

As was said here, “One of the essential takeaways from Marwa at the aforementioned event is his observation that the youths constitute the engine room of every society, which must be in the right shape mentally and physically to drive a better future. But that will not happen if they are damaged by psychotropic drugs. This is a universal problem of humanity, irrespective of tradition, culture, and religion”.

He also said, further, on that occasion; “The youths exhibit attitudes both for the development of society and, at the same time, for the creation of problems in society. Drug abuse leads to criminal offences, and this fuels insecurity, such as armed robbery, murder, kidnapping, and banditry, among others. This also leads to burglary and sex work. Evidence shows that young people use drugs for various reasons, which include relaxation, experimental/curiosity, and enhancing performance, among others”.

His charge of “Go all out for drug barons and cartels”, to NDLEA commanders, when he set targets for Commanding Officers in his 2024 Tasking Orders, which was also his charge to Zonal Commanders, State Commanders and Area Commanders of the Agency, continues to yield visible results. The dismantling of the cartels, distribution networks and other facilitating platforms of the drug universe by NDLEA can best be described as a deliberate, well-designed, structured and intelligence-driven, root and branch onslaught against the burgeoning drug tree.

Today, there is visible evidence of a decline in the availability of illicit drugs. This is largely because of the NDLEA’s progressive asphyxiation of illegal drug supply channels and facilitators. We see the Agency constantly engaging stakeholders within and outside the country. We see the agency taking administrative and other steps that will progressively enhance its operational efficiency and effectiveness. We see, also, that the job of the Agency is a thankless one, and that it cannot rest on its oars.

The NDLEA’s existing collaborations and linkages should be strengthened and deepened. All relevant state and non-state actors must team up as Strategic Partners to drive both the effort and the narrative. Once we burst cartels, cripple distribution channels and undermine drug availability, much would have been gained in the war against illicit drugs. This will naturally impact drug abuse, drug addiction and opportunistic youth criminality.

In the aforementioned article referenced above, Marwa was quoted as saying thus to his Commanders: “This year, we want to raise the bar of our performance and this calls for commanders who are up to the task to be up and doing on the job”, it means that the NDLEA should be helped to “… clean our streets and communities of illicit substances… recently, there is another demand by kidnappers and bandits aside money, which is drugs. In that sense, it means NDLEA is working because they don’t ask for it before, meaning that they’re no longer as available as they used to be and the prices of those available have gone beyond their reach.”

As was said at the beginning of this article, the roots of the illicit drug and narcotic trade is like a tree. “The roots are buried in the perverted demands, and needs, of an ever-growing population of the young and old of both sexes. For us here in Nigeria, the percentage of rural youths and women who are now totally beholden to aphrodisiacs and opioid derivatives benumbs the imagination. Worse still, it is all now so cheap, so readily available and so easily addictive that the problem is no longer a matter of seizing drug consignments, arresting drug peddlers or burning down Indian hemp farms”.

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The fruits and flowers of the drug tree, the mentally deranged of all ages … spare no efforts, including selling off precious personal or stolen property at giveaway prices, to satisfy their craving. The growing population of disoriented youths who adopt desperate measures, including determined criminality, to keep their drug supplies going, are now a major social problem that should not be there in the first place.

 

The Abia League of Professionals Initiative (ALPI) strongly denounces and condemns the recent brutal killing of soldiers in Abia State by unidentified gunmen. We urge the military high command to kindly restrain from retaliatory actions that may result in more innocent lives being lost. Instead, we recommend a comprehensive investigation to identify and apprehend all individuals directly or remotely responsible for the heinous murder of these soldiers, whose duties are to protect the nation's territorial integrity.

ALPI calls for peace and condemns the disturbing trend of targeting soldiers and other security officials. This criminal behavior must be unequivocally condemned in all its ramifications.

Sonny Iroche
Director General
Abia League of Professionals Initiative
(ALPI)
May 30, 2024

Who is a leader? Simply put, a leader leads by example. My idea of a leader can see what an entire populace can not see, and whose vision is far greater than that of the nation. A leader can think outside the box while everyone around him is scared out of their pants. Therefore, the road to a prosperous Nigeria and the leader that will lead Nigeria to the dawn of that new day of economic growth, technological advancement, and Political stability, will not come from Mars but from within the people who so wish to pay the full price.
 
Leadership is an action-oriented process involving influencing and motivating people to achieve goals. Leaders have a vision for the future and inspire others to follow them. There are many ways a leader can be seen as good or bad. It all depends on the person and their goals. Leadership is contagious. If you hang out with a great leader, you'll become a leader. Great leaders don't "lead", they inspire people to become leaders with their actions. Actions speak louder than words. I was fortunate enough to work closely with some great leaders. I learned a lot from them -- just by observing them. With profound humility, in my little world, I know others who learned from me, just by observing. So leadership spreads.
 
I'd like to digress here by pointing out the obvious and stark reality of hunger, poverty, and dissatisfaction -- the harsh realities of President Bola Tinubu's first year in office. Hopefully, our dear President will painstakingly address such issues that will alleviate the pains on June 12 DEMOCRACY DAY. Nonetheless, there are fundamental issues that must be addressed. As such, effective leaders don’t avoid hard truths or difficult challenges. Instead, they take responsibility for their decisions, maintain optimism, and focus on charting a new course of action. 
 
President Bola Tinubu (PBAT), signed into law the bill to revert to the old national anthem. PBAT, assented to the bill on Wednesday '29 2024. The newly re-adopted anthem, which begins "Nigeria, We Hail Thee," was written by Lillian Jean Williams in 1959 and composed by Frances Berda. The anthem symbolizes Nigeria's diversity. "...Help Us to Build A Nation, Where No Man is Oppressed.." is a powerful line. Historically speaking, several countries have changed their national anthems over time for various reasons. Hence, my preference for the then-former national anthem, 'Nigeria, We Hail Thee’ over ‘Arise Oh Compatriots’:
 
1. South Africa: Changed in 1994 to reflect the country's transition from apartheid to democracy.
 
2. Germany: Changed in 1990 after reunification, replacing the East German anthem.
 
3. Canada: Changed in 1980 to make the lyrics more inclusive.
 
4. Australia: Changed in 1984 to replace the British national anthem with a more Australian-focused song.
 
5. New Zealand: Changed in 1977 to include Maori language and culture.
 
6. Russia: Changed in 2000 to replace the Soviet-era anthem.
 
7. Poland: Changed in 1926 and again in 1991 after the fall of communism.
 
8. India: Changed in 1950 from "Vande Mataram" to "Jana Gana Mana" to promote national unity.
 
9. Sri Lanka: Changed in 1951 to include Tamil language and culture.
 
10. Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe): Changed in 1980 after gaining independence from British colonial rule.
 
These changes often reflect significant political, social, or cultural shifts in a country's history. My stand: as an unrepentant advocate of restructuring and having written series of articles on "Mind Restructuring" I can conclude that we need to rebuild our beloved country Nigeria together. Therefore, I have concluded that; it is a lack of, and inadequate, education including our mindsets. That Africans, particularly Nigerians, in our mentally lazy state, and expectation of magical happenstance, believe we can live in a society that we did not create because we are dissatisfied with the one we have made! People who want to live well must work 100% to achieve that yearning; no shortcut to this reality! 
 
Let me conclude by stating that, I have the utmost respect for the person of Marcus Tullius Cicero, of the blessed memory; a Roman statesman, lawyer, scholar, philosopher, writer, and Academic skeptic, who tried to uphold optimate principles during the political crises that led to the establishment of the Roman Empire. His extensive writings include treatises on rhetoric, philosophy, and politics. Cicero was the one who said: "Vox Populi, Vox Dei," literally meaning the voice of the people is the voice of God or the voice of the divine. Therefore, I crave our compatriots' indulgence at home and abroad in voicing out, more particularly, to revisit the issues of our constitution and electoral process/laws. 
 

The House of Representatives has distanced itself from a trending bill seeking to restore the regional system of government in Nigeria.

Naija News reports that the bill, which has gone viral on social media, is titled, “A Bill for an Act to substitute the annexure to Decree 24 of 1999 with a new governance model for the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”

 

The Bill is said to have been drafted by one Dr Akin Fapohunda as a private bill as the individual is not a lawmaker.

The draft seeks, among other things, new extant laws to be cited as “The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria New Governance Model for Nigeria Act 2024.”

 

However, the spokesperson of the House of Representatives, Akin Rotimi, has denied knowledge of the bill. He added that the said bill is not before the lawmakers and is not under consideration before the House.

“The Committees on Rules and Business and Constitution Review have confirmed that there is no such bill before them,” he told Punch in a telephone conversation.

Similarly, the Chairman, House Committee on Rules and Business, Francis Waive, said the bill is not before the committee.

 

He said, “There are two routes to making presentations for constitutional amendments. One is by members proposing an amendment bill during the plenary. The second is by memoranda from individuals and groups to the Constitution Review Committee

“Please, note that memoranda submitted should eventually come by way of bills sponsored by a member of the committee.

“On this specific memo (draft bill) under reference, I doubt if it has come before the Rules and Business Committee for listing. I speak as chairman of the committee.”

[NaijaNews]

Since May 28, 2024, the Mauritian-incorporated company, Tengen Holdings (Mauritius) Limited, has acquired approximately 59.403 million shares of Access Holdings, valued at roughly N1.012 billion.  

According to corporate disclosures on the NGX website, Tengen Holdings initially purchased 45 million units of shares at N17 per share on May 28.

The company then purchased an additional 14,402,633 units at N17.20 per share on May 30.  

 

Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, the Non-Executive Chairman of Access Holdings Plc and Herbert Wigwe jointly founded Tengen Holdings in December 2013, after Aig-Imoukhuede’s exit as the CEO of Access Bank.  

About Tengen Holdings Limited  

  • Before his demise, Access Holdings’ Group Managing Director, Herbert Wigwe was the largest individual shareholder of the group with a 3.72% shareholding in the group. While the erstwhile CEO, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede held no direct shareholding in the group.  
  • The second largest substantial shareholder in the group, following Stanbic Nominees, is “Coronation Trustees Tengen Mauritius”. This entity, associated with Tengen Holdings (Mauritius) Limited, holds a 7.11% stake acquired in 2023. 
  • Tengen (Holdings) Limited is a part of the Tengen Family Office, co-owned by both Herbert Wigwe and Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede, the partners who took over Access Bank in 2002.  
  • According to a directory of Nigerian companies, Tengen Family Office was incorporated in Nigeria in 2017, with Herbert Wigwe and Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede identified as the shareholders in the company.   

Access Bank since the demise of Herbert Wigwe 

  • Since the demise of Herbert Wigwe, Access Holdings has undergone leadership changes, with Ms. Bolaji Agbede stepping in as the Acting Group Chief Executive Officer and Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede stepping in as the group’s Chairman.  
  • In Q1 2024, Access Bank posted a 148% year-on-year growth in pre-tax profit to N202.7 billion, from N81.7 billion as of Q1 2023. The group’s net income within the period hit N159.3 billion, marking a 123% YoY growth from the N71.8 billion net income posted in 2023.  
  • Less than two months after Wigwe’s departure, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) announced new minimum capital requirements for banks, thereby imposing the responsibility of recapitalization on Access Bank’s new leadership.  
  • Access Bank needs to raise at least N248.2 billion in new capital to meet up with the N500 billion capital requirement before March 2026.
  • During the institution’s Annual General Meeting in April, the shareholders approved the bank’s move to issue 30 billion new shares.  

As one of his first tasks upon returning to leadership, Aig spoke nostalgically about his experience as Group CEO of Access Bank Plc during the last recapitalization exercise. 

He noted during the AGM, “The amount we have mentioned today, is large and significant, and the capital raising efforts we’re pursuing is a significant step in your company’s history and future.”  

However, I’d like to remind shareholders that between August 2004 and 2007, you may recall that cumulatively, in a period of two and half years, we raised $2 billion in equity together. So, it is not new for us to come to you like this and for us together to succeed in such capital raising effort.”  

[NAirametrics]

Details of the soldiers gruesomely murdered by members of the outlawed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) have emerged.

Our correspondents had earlier reported how vehicles and tricycles (popularly known as Keke Napep) were also set ablaze by the rampaging IPOB terrorists while the attack lasted on Thursday.

The military high command had earlier on Friday confirmed that no fewer than 5 of its troops deployed at Obikabia Junction Checkpoint in Obingwa Local Government Area adjourning Aba metropolis in Abia State were killed.

In a signal sighted by Daily Trust on Friday, those killed included two Sergeants, two Corporal and one Lance Corporal while 6 civilians, according to the military were killed in the cross fire.

The soldiers were identified as:

  • Sergeant Charles Ugochukwu (94NA/38/1467)
  • Sergeant Bala Abraham (03NA/53/1028)
  • Corporal Gideon Egwe(10NA/65/7085)
  • Corporal Ikpeama Ikechukwu (13NA/70/5483)
  • Corporal Augustine Emmanuel (13NA/70/6663)

Then signal read, “On 30 May 24, at about 0830 hrs, troops of 144 Battalion deployed at Obikabia Junction Federal School Road, Ogbor Hill in Obingwa LGA were attacked by unknown gunmen suspected to be IPOB/ESN members.

“Gunmen who were enforcing Sit-At-Home order numbering about 30, stormed troops location in 3 black Toyota Land Cruiser Jeeps and opened fire during which 5 x Soldiers were killed.”

It further disclosed that the assailants also carted away 5 AK47 rifles, burnt down 2 military patrol hilux vehicles and injured 2 civilians.

 

The signal noted that the current situation in Aba is generally tensed while monitoring continues as further details will be forwarded as situation unfolds.

[Dailytrust]

Arsenal legend Paul Merson has predicted Real Madrid to beat Borussia Dortmund in Saturday’s UEFA Champions League final.

Merson believes the LaLiga Champions have too much firepower, adding that Carlo Ancelotti’s side will beat Dortmund 3-1 at Wembley Stadium.

“Real Madrid have way too much firepower in their squad, but it’s not to say Dortmund won’t have a trick or two up their sleeves.

“I think it will be an open game, but Carlo Ancelotti and Co. know how to get the job done on the grandest stage, so I think they will get their hands on the trophy for the 15th time in their history.

“Borussia Dortmund 1-3 Real Madrid,” Merson stated.

The kick-off time for the match is 8 pm.

[DailyPost]