The national minimum wage negotiation talks that broke down on Friday remind me of the social media story about the Professor of Physics who did not come to school one day. When his students phoned to ask why, he said he was conducting research at home on “The thermo-aqua treatment of ceramics in a constrained environment.” Shorn of its highfalutin academic language, the professor meant that he was washing dishes with hot water under the supervision of his wife!

If everything goes according to plan [according to threat is more like it], public and private sector workers all over this country would have downed tools by midnight on Sunday at the start of a “total, indefinite general strike” called out by the country’s two central labour unions, Nigerian Labour Congress [NLC] and Trade Union Congress, TUC. It could result not only in the closure of offices, schools and factories but could hamper transport services, disrupt fuel supply, lead to long fuel queues, re-emergence of petrol black markets, closure of banks and disruption of social and economic life.

No one is happy that it came to this. In January, President Bola Tinubu set up a tripartite committee of Federal and state governments, Organised Private Sector [OPS] and Big Labour to negotiate a new national minimum wage in line with the National Minimum Wage Act 2019, when the current minimum wage of N30,000 a month was adopted. It is subject to renegotiation every five years. The committee has been negotiating [arguing is a better word] for five months. Not privately, as we expected, but very publicly because all three sides at the table made sure that the public knew what its position was at the supposedly confidential negotiating table. In five months the parties could not agree; in fact, their respective positions are probably further apart now than they were at the beginning.

Mostly because, I think, all three sides were negotiating in a Prof-style constrained environment. At the weekend I took a look at a newspaper info graph that summarised the positions of the three parties in the stalled minimum wage talks. The gulf between their positions is wider than the one between Ukraine and Russia on their border war. It is wider than the Strait that separates China and Taiwan on the question of Xi Jinping’s “One China” policy. It is harder to bridge that the positions of Hamas and Israel over Gaza. In fact, it is wider than the Pacific Ocean that separates China and USA in trade, currency and geopolitical matters.

As at Friday afternoon when the talks broke down, Big Labour was demanding a national minimum wage of N494,000 a month. It was negotiating in a very constrained environment because since the last upward wage review in 2019 and especially since last year, with galloping inflation, huge increases in fuel, food and transport prices due to withdrawal of fuel subsidy and free float of currency, workers are under extreme pressure from their families, landlords, transporters, school proprietors, hospital owners and drug stores, not to mention food creditors. Labour leaders are therefore under pressure to extract from government and OPS a wage structure that can reclaim lost standard of living ground.

From Labour’s point of view, it made a big concession because its initial demand was in the region of one million naira a month for the lowest paid worker. That meant an office sweeper earning the current minimum wage will immediately leapfrog to earn more than what a permanent secretary takes home in legal wages today. When government raised its offer from N48,000 a month to 57,000, Labour responded by reducing its demand to N500,000. When government further increased its offer to N60,000 or double the current minimum wage, Labour reduced its demand  to N497,000 and still later to N494,000.

Good, that is some movement, but can the Federal Government pay such a wage? Don’t forget, a new minimum wage is quickly followed by an across-the-board wage increase for all Federal workers. Even if it is done more carefully than was done in the past with smaller percentage increases for workers in the higher brackets, it will still be a huge  increase in the wage bill. Minister of Information Mohammed Idris summarized Federal Government’s dilemma at the weekend when he said Labour’s demand will push its wage bill to N9.5 trillion per annum, which he said  “is capable of destabilizing the economy and jeopardizing the welfare of over 200 million Nigerians.”

Federal workers’ current number is 1.2 million. This year’s Federal budget is about N29 trillion, so 0.006% of citizens will grab one third of the Federal budget as wages alone, apart from what they will add unto themselves as perks and underhand grabs. It is however a bit better than that, because these 1.2 million workers support millions of others as family members, kinsmen and women and some of them donate to mosques and churches. Still, Federal Government has many things to do, including funding the police and military, building key infrastructure and maintaining tertiary educational and health institutions, not to mention paying debt, since it has already borrowed and spent many years’ earnings in advance. Sure it has reaped a lot of money by ending the fuel subsidy regime and floating the naira, but its balance sheets still do not add up. What Labour is demanding, according to Idris, is a 1,547% wage increase. This will make even Udoji to blush and upstage it as the greatest governmental Father Christmas ever in the history of Nigeria. In 1974 General Yakubu Gowon was not operating in a constrained financial environment; his Federal Treasury was awash in money following OPEC’s four-fold increase in oil prices in 1973. This time around, Oga Tinubu is operating in a constrained environment, under the close supervision of pipeline vandals, hungry citizens, restive trade unions and local and foreign creditors.

Truly, in this matter, the amount of money paid to a worker as wages is not the most important thing, but its overall purchasing power vis-a-vis the cost of living. To that extent the Federal Government has a [small] case when it pointed out that it has invested in many other areas, such as N35,000 wage award for all treasury-paid Federal workers, procurement of CNG-fueled buses and conversion kits, N125 billion conditional grant to MSMEs, N25,000 each to be shared to 15 million households for 3 months, N185 billion loans to States to cushion the effects of fuel subsidy removal, N200 billion to support the cultivation of land to boost food production, N75 billion to strengthen the manufacturing sector, N1 trillion for higher education student loans, release of 42,000 metric tons of grain from strategic reserves, distribution of 60,000 metric tons of rice from the rice millers association, free Abuja Light Rail rides till end of the year and 90% subsidy on health costs for Federal Civil Servants registered on NHIS. Were all these promises actually delivered? I cannot swear to it, but they should be.

If Federal Government is operating in a constrained environment with respect to the minimum wage issue, then state governments are operating in a pressure cooker. Many of them have still not implemented the N30,000 minimum wage of 2019, though I believe that is criminal. The six governors that represented them at the talks did not even offer a figure. Instead, they put forward a paper explaining their constraints. They said fuel subsidy withdrawal and naira float that fueled inflation forced state governments to adjust their budgets, reallocate resources to palliative measures and adjust capital expenditure appropriations to accommodate variations in critical infrastructure projects. They said while subsidy removal and naira float led to an increase in nominal FAAC revenues, coinciding with a surge in headline inflation, the real value of FAAC allocations increased only marginally from N1.39 trillion in first half to N1.52 trillion in the second half of 2023. “This indicates that the additional revenues, in real terms, have shrunk with the increase in monthly inflation that followed both policies.” In other words, state governments did not get much more money as we think and may not be able to pay higher wages.

Organized private sector was represented at the talks and was said to have agreed to the N60,000 new minimum wage. Let’s hope it can pay without job losses. But Local Governments were not even there. If state governments cannot pay, is there any chance in [expletive] that Local Governments can?

The obvious danger of pushing the governments and OPS to pay much higher wages is they will look in the direction of reducing their workers. It will also reopen the old question of whether we need so many people in the public service. It happened before. In 2000 AD when President Obasanjo increased the minimum wage to N7,000 a month, we asked then Borno State Governor Mala Kachallah, who visited us at New Nigerian, why his state was yet to pay the new wage. He said Borno State had the country’s second largest workforce of 30,000 and cutting it must precede a wage increase.

Alhaji Mala gave an unforgettable example. He said, “The Poultry Department of the Borno State Ministry of Agriculture, their last hen died in 1981. But they still have 671 workers including many vets, and every year they bring a long list for promotion.” Big Labour, please let us return to the negotiating table with an honest broker and work out something that accommodates the just concerns of all sides. Before someone peruses his labour force with Alhaji Mala Kachallah’s old eye glasses.

Quite honestly, I am going to leave my speech and speak to you from the heart.
Having listened to the man from Singapore, Gregory Vijayendren, former President, Law Society of Singapore, I think if there is nothing else and if indeed we are serious and sincere about making change in this country, there is something we need to take away from here.

Lagos, by sheer coincidence, also is like a dot in the country; it’s less than 0.4 % of the size of this country. So, technically, it also can be a dot and of that 0.4 %, 1/3 (one third) of it is water. But, by sheer coincidence, it is the commercial, economic nerve centre of the country. Singapore holds its place too as a major economic hub worldwide today.

Lagos is home to so many things – our international businesses, a lot of start-ups  businesses that are all the best names we have in Africa today, all the unicorns, the creative industry, the entertainment industry;  they are all sitting here in Lagos and, by some coincidence, we have also acknowledged that Lagos also is taking a lead in the judicial sector reforms and access to justice. But guess what, Singapore that is a tiny little country have also done so, but they have done it more.

So, we have gotten good comment from the Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation. Everybody has spoken well about Lagos, but I am not satisfied yet. Lagos now needs to take this to an international scale.

We cannot sit back and expect that because we are the best in our country that equates us to being one of the best in the world. Singapore is less than five million people, maybe six million today and we are 224 million. They don’t have two heads. They don’t have the kind of the minds and strength we have in this state and this country. The question is, what is wrong with us?

He mentioned to us that Singapore is what it is today because one: ease of doing business. You can register a business in less than 30 minutes. Maybe we have improved a little bit; it used to be like two-three months. Maybe we can do it in three days now in Nigeria. They clear a container in Singapore in seven hours. In Nigeria, it used to be three-four months. Now maybe it has reduced to a month or three weeks now, but we are not near where it should be. They have one seaport, we have two seaports; now we have a deep seaport, but they have several.

And one of the other things they have also done, they ensure that the very best of their citizens work in the public service. All the best that go to Oxford, Harvard in Singapore find themselves in the Public Service. We also have a Public Service that we can be proud of in Lagos, but we need to be able to raise the bar, we need to be able to do a lot more than where we are today. Maybe the only thing that Singapore have over us, which they have the bragging right and we don’t is that they are a Sovereign State and we are a subnational.

Leadership is all about what you put in your heart and the sense of purpose that you bring to it and by sheer coincidence this Government has given the opportunity, in less than five years I have appointed 24 new Justices into Lagos State Judiciary, the highest ever and, later in the week, we are going to add additional 13 to it. From 63, we are going to go to 76. It’s not the clap; it is how you use the opportunity that has been given to us; it is how we bake the cake to be big enough for everyone to share. Of course, there are issues; of course, there are challenges, but guess what, the man that we brought here to be the guest speaker has challenges.
Singapore was just a fishing village. The colony of Lagos had been in existence in the 19th century. There was a tram in Lagos in the 19th century; there was a tram on Lagos Island. So, what is wrong with us? Maybe some people constricted us to reduce our level of growth, but that cannot be an excuse; that cannot be a reason for us not to be able to fly high, think out of the box, and do things quicker, faster and smarter.

The man left us with a few actions; he said to us that Singapore has one of the best judicial systems in the world, a tiny country. They are respected internationally on issues around mediation and dispute resolutions.

It’s about the bench and the bar. How do we collaborate? How do we ensure that the opportunity that this space has given to us, all of us are using it to the best of our capacity because I am not sure we are driving at that capacity well enough? And he left us with some unique features – there has to be collaboration with the government, which is where I stand; the Bench, the Bar; it’s not by lip service. We need to understand that there is a clear separation of power; we need to respect each other, but everybody has to bring something to the table.

He says to us that we need to think fast; we need to move very quickly; we need to be able to tweak things; meaning we need to think out of the box, challenge the status quo and ask ourselves, “is this the best that we can get?” The best you can get does not necessarily have to be like my brother the President of the Nigerian Bar Association said in road construction and the rest of it. The best can be in our intellectual property, in our capacity to think and do things right.

And the things that we can do are not so far off. And that is why I am not touching the speech that the Attorney-General has prepared. We all know it, we are this and that; we are doing this, No! Constitutional things. We want State Police; we have been on this conversation for how long? Just as simple as what we all swore to, the protection of life and property. And how do we need to do it? What are the things that must be in place for us to do that? Decentralize these things, let us have State Police. We are still making politics about it; we are making it political; it is right, it is not right. Everybody is just being careful in today’s age, and you can curb all the criminal excesses that we see. It is not rocket science.

And by the way, even when we get the State police, how prepared are we? How many correctional facilities do we have? How well have we also unbundled that to ensure that even the Justices and Milords that are working. I know that it is filled up.  How well have we unbundled to ensure that we can actually build more correctional facilities; rehabilitation centres, because that’s a part of the rule of Law? If there is meant to be a punishment, there is need for a facility where it will be addressed. I am not learned so I will be very careful, just educated. I know too well that there is a wide difference between access to justice and implementation of it, but I know clearly that when we come to engagements like this, sessions like this, it shouldn’t just be talk shop; it should be an opportunity for us to challenge ourselves to speak truth to power, to push ourselves so we can make the best of it and we can leave here a lot better.

How well do we ensure that people who do not have access to justice still have a fair hearing and the belief that the Judiciary is the last hope; how well? And how well, even me as a leader, political leader or whatever it is that I am called, do I use my office to the best to ensure that the greatest good is always for the greatest number? This, for me, are the pertinent questions that we need to ask ourselves as a country. And this morning, the conversation is still about you, the Judiciary, like Mr. President said yesterday, “Oba di meji ni ilu kan”. I won’t talk much. Now everybody is waiting for a legal interpretation of who should be the Emir or not. The buck stops right at your desk again. Everybody will be pulling you here and there and that is why fairness, equity must come to play.

And it is very interesting, because even in the news today, the Honourable Attorney- General of the Federation sued all the 36 States because we are not giving autonomy to the third tier of government. Though the only mistake is that some of us are in compliance. So, the Honourable Attorney-General’s Office should have done due diligence to know which States are not in compliance so that you don’t carry all the 36 States, and be able to show example that out of the 36 States, four, three, two are exempted; it’s 31 that I am taking to the Supreme Court, and that is part of the back work that we need to do.

Mr. Sanwo-Olu is the Governor of Lagos State. He spoke extempore at the Justice Reform Summit 2024 with the theme “Enhancing the Administration of Justice for Growth, Investment Protection and Security in Lagos State” on May 27, 2024, at Marriott Hotel, Ikeja.

It is with the utmost gravity and reverence that I once again elected to address the concerns surrounding our New-Old National Anthem, "Nigeria We Hail Thee."

I empathize profoundly with the immense economic challenges and the spiraling cost of living that have tried the patience of our people which invariably will make any populace kick against any policy that failed to address these economic concerns. 

Nevertheless, I must assert, in the most explicit and unequivocal terms, the adoption of the New-Old National Anthem by the President Bola Tinubu, GCFR and passed into law by the National Assembly in 2024 was ten year ago, recommended by the 2014 National Conference, put together by presided over by President Goodluck Jonathan, this we must note holds profound legal and historical significance.

Let us not forget that our nation, as it stands today, is a construct of British imperialism. While this fact may be unpalatable, it is an inescapable reality that we, as a people, have come to embrace and build upon. Similarly, the adoption of our current national anthem, penned by the British author Lillian Williams, was a considered and purposeful decision made by our forefathers upon the attainment of independence. Similarly, Nigeria as it is, is a comptraction put together by the British Imperialists and most our our institutions till date is part and parcel of such heritage. 

The legal and legislative process that led to the recent codification of "Nigeria We Hail Thee" as our national anthem was transparent and inclusive. The fact that our citizens did not voice their concerns during the deliberations in the National Assembly does not diminish the validity of the outcome.

I must also address the concerns raised by our feminist compatriots regarding the lack of explicit mention of "sisterhood" in the anthem. Their observations are indeed valid, and we must acknowledge the crucial role of women in shaping our national identity. The recognition of our "sovereign Motherland" in the first stanza can be seen as a nod to this vital contribution, but we must remain vigilant in our pursuit of greater inclusivity and representation in our national symbols.

As we navigate these challenging times, we need to approach issues with a spirit of constructive dialogue cum civic engagement and civil disobedience. 

While the economic hardships we face are undoubtedly immense, we must not lose sight of the historical and legal significance of our national anthem. By working together, in a manner befitting the dignity of our sovereign Motherland, we can strive to create a more just, inclusive, and prosperous Nigeria.

Let us remember that it is our sacred duty to have regard and respect for our State symbols, National Flag, Coat of Arms, Anthem, and Currencies, as enjoined by our laws. It is axiomatic that legislative enactments inherently entail correlative sanctions, which may manifest as punitive measures and/or financial penalties.

In conclusion, I empathize with the challenges faced by our compatriots and the desire to express their dissatisfaction. However, I would encourage a more holistic approach that addresses the underlying economic and social issues, while also considering the historical and symbolic significance of our national anthem. By working together in a spirit of constructive dialogue and civic engagement, we can strive to create a more just, inclusive, and prosperous Nigeria, befitting the grandeur of our sovereign Motherland.

-Dr Olukayode Ajulo, OON, SAN

The Transmission Company of Nigeria hereby informs the general public that the Labour Union has shut down the national grid, resulting in black out nationwide. The national grid shut down occured at about 2.19am this morning, 3rd June 2024.

At about 1:15am this morning, the Benin Transmission Operator under the Independent System Operations unit of TCN reported that all operators were driven away from the control room and that staff that resisted were beaten while some were wounded in the course of forcing them out of the control room and without any form of control or supervision, the Benin Area Control Center was brought to zero.

Other transmission substations that were shut down, by the Labour Union include the Ganmo, Benin, Ayede, Olorunsogo, Akangba and Osogbo Transmission Substations. Some transmission lines were equally opened due to the ongoing activities of the labour union.

On the power generating side, power generating units from different generating stations were forced to shut down some units of their generating plants, the Jebba Generating Station was forced to shut down one of its generating units while three others in the same substation subsequently shut down on very high frequency. The sudden forced load cuts led to high frequency and system instability, which eventually shut down the national grid at 2:19am.

At about 3.23am, however, TCN commenced grid recovery, using the Shiroro Substation to attempt to feed the transmission lines supplying bulk electricity to the Katampe Transmission Substation. The situation is such that the labour Union is still obstructing grid recovery nationwide.

We will continue to make effort to recover and stabilize the grid to enable the restoration of normal bulk transmission of electricity to distribution load centres nationwide.

Ndidi Mbah

GM, Public Affairs

The Nigeria Police Force, while acknowledging the recent announcement by organized labour regarding the intention to embark on a nationwide strike action and understanding the right of organized labour to engage in such actions to advocate for the interests of all workers, wishes to emphasize the importance of adherence to the existing laws governing such activities; and calls for caution to prevent a breakdown of law and order within the country.

In light of the Federal Government's recent declaration that the planned strike is illegal and premature, the Nigeria Police Force views this action as a potential catalyst for increased tension and political instability.

The NPF hereby urges organized labour to proceed with the ongoing deliberations at the Tripartite Committee, which is focused on determining a new minimum wage, and shelve the planned strike as such decision is essential to prevent untold hardships on members of the public and maintain order and stability within our country.

The Nigeria Police Force assures the public that ample deployments have been made across the country to ensure that citizens can go about their lawful duties without hindrance. Therefore, all members of the public are encouraged to remain calm and continue with their lawful daily activities, while organized labour is urged to act responsibly and in accordance with the law, prioritizing dialogue and legal avenues to resolving the existing grievances.

ACP OLUMUYIWA ADEJOBI, mnipr, mipra, fCAI,

FORCE PUBLIC RELATIONS OFFICER,

FOR: INSPECTOR-GENERAL OF POLICE,

FORCE HEADQUARTERS,

ABUJA

A legislative agenda is to the parliament what a navigation compass is to a ship. Apart from offering direction, it guides appraisals. It is not a legal requirement but it is a mark of diligence and commitment to benchmarked accomplishments.

However, in Nigeria, it has always been one thing formulating an agenda defined by ambitious projections and yet another thing getting them actualized, even if not completely.

For the 10th Senate, the priority areas of its agenda are food security, ending poverty, economic growth and job creation, access to capital, inclusivity, improving security, rule of law and fighting corruption.

Remarkably, there is an open acknowledgement that these are “in line with the Agenda of the President, H.E. Sen. Bola Ahmed Tinubu” and also that they are “ambitious yet realistic, visionary yet grounded in the needs of our people”. As such, the theme of the Senate’s agenda is Renewing Hope For A Better Nigeria.

Though this piece is just an overview of the policy thrusts essentially to track performance, it is instructive that in a developing democracy like Nigeria, where the president enjoys absolute powers and influence sequel to a faulty constitution, it is only by deliberate collaboration that the other arms can meaningfully function. Put differently, a legislature can deliver optimally only when there is a fair balance of influence or relative equalization of powers between it and the executive. This is common knowledge, anyway, and of course, the major reason the Constitution deserves urgent attention.

Hence, the president of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio, is not wrong in asserting that this Agenda is a reflection of “the collaborative spirit between the 10th Senate and the Executive”.

Again, it is noteworthy that those highlighted areas of focus are interrelated thus necessitating largely holistic strategies.

As an instance, and given the inter-connectedness of poverty, food shortage, unemployment and insecurity as indices of an ailing economy, the proposed measures include the passage of laws that prioritize technical and vocational education as well as skills development, healthcare, transportation systems, energy, export-oriented industries and non-oil sectors including the creation of opportunities for the digital economy and other emerging technology-driven sectors including, generally, an atmosphere for private sector investments.

Above all, the Senate shall initiate two specialised bills. One is to establish the National Poverty Alleviation Management Commission taking into account, the unemployed, underage, older people, and those with disabilities. Among others, there shall be provisions for “the support needed to participate fully in the economy and society” in favour of the vulnerable population, and also, “unemployment insurance schemes to provide temporary financial assistance to unemployed individuals actively seeking work”.

Then the second legislation shall create the Small and Medium Enterprises, SME, Development Fund that offers low-interest loans and grants to verified SMEs. These grassroots-oriented initiatives shall be backed up by strategic policies to “attract both domestic and foreign investors”, make it easier for the banks to lend to the SMEs and generally, guarantee “a stable environment for economic activities”.

The other intended bills are on tax reform, microfinance and small business support, to stimulate sustainable investments and wealth creation, in addition to the ones that “focus on improving working conditions, enforcing minimum wage laws, and supporting workers’ rights to organize”. The rest are “to allocate more government funding to the agricultural sector, focusing on infrastructure development such as irrigation systems, storage facilities, and rural road networks to facilitate access to markets”; ensure the safety of farmers, prevent disputes over lands and empower the agricultural research institutions for resourcefulness and productivity.

Then towards attaining accelerated improvements in farmers’ income and access to technology, private sector investments, quality of fertilizers and growth of the seed industry as well as access to local and international markets, there shall be an integrated review of the National Agricultural Policy, Agriculture Promotion Policy, National Food Security Council, National Fertilizer Quality Control Act, Seed Act, Anchor Borrowers’ Programme, Rural Development Policy and Special Agricultural Processing Zones. The Senate shall also pass the Food Safety and Quality Bill to discourage food importation and ensure safe food products. Again, it shall review and expand the social investment programmes and other related existing frameworks for effectiveness.

On insecurity, the senate proposed “the formal integration of community policing into the National Security Strategy, emphasizing the role of local communities in intelligence gathering, conflict resolution, and maintaining public order”. Equally, it is poised to consciously promote economic development programmes for the geo-political zones with an emphasis on job creation, education, and infrastructure development, and quite proactively, create “a legal framework for national reconciliation processes, including truth and reconciliation commissions, to address historical grievances and ethnic or communal conflicts”. There shall also be specific laws for “the enhancement of border security through improved surveillance, intelligence sharing, and cooperation with neighbouring countries to prevent cross-border movements of terrorists and arms”.

To broaden these interventions, the Senate shall seek to strengthen the Money Laundering, Terrorism, Proceeds of Crime, Armed Forces and the National Security Agencies Acts. The other key legislation slated for similar attention include the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Cybercrimes, Nigeria Police, Anti-Torture, Nigerian Maritime Administration and Safety Agency and the Piracy and Other Maritime Offences Acts as well as the National Security Strategy.

Furthermore and towards entrenching inclusivity, transparency and rule of law in every aspect of our national life, particularly in “politics, governance, decision-making and economic development”, the legislative agenda provides that the Constitution is to be amended “to establish quotas for women, youth, and persons with disabilities in elective and appointive positions to ensure their representation in governance” and also prohibit “all forms of discrimination in employment, education, and access to services”.

Additionally, there are planned actions aimed at enhancing “the credibility and transparency of the electoral process” with a special focus on engendering popular participation from all segments of the populace, irrespective of status or background.

Again, and overtly reassuring, the 10th Senate shall “fund public campaigns aimed at changing societal attitudes towards marginalized groups and promoting the benefits of inclusivity” and also encourage “private companies to implement Corporate Social Responsibility programmes that address inclusivity, such as scholarship programmes for underrepresented groups and internship for young graduates”.

Is there a better way to underscore legislative responsiveness in the history of democracy in Nigeria?

Commendably again, the protection of citizens’ rights shall receive profound attention. In this wise, there shall be “independent bodies tasked with monitoring and reporting human rights violations, with the power to hold perpetrators accountable”, deliberate reforms to “promote the timely resolution, ensuring that justice is not delayed or denied” and also that “public service appointments are merit-based and transparent, promoting professionalism and reducing political patronage”.

Continuing, the Senate shall review some “statutory and regulation frameworks and policies, which collectively are intended at strengthening the rule of law”. It shall also strengthen the relevant laws to ensure “the protection of whistle-blowers” and a “high standard of transparency in all government dealings, including public access to information on government contracts, expenditures, and processes related to public procurement”. These are added to institutionalizing periodic disclosure of assets and liabilities by all public officials, “detailed publication and easy accessibility of national and state budgets, including expenditures and allocations”, including, unprecedented again, compulsory “anti-corruption education and training for all public officials, emphasising the legal and ethical responsibilities of their positions” and also “e-procurement systems to reduce human interaction and the potential for corrupt practices”.

Still on the Constitution alteration, while the independence of the local government shall be vigorously pursued to take governance closer to the communities, the Senate shall “enact laws to further safeguard the judiciary’s independence, ensuring that judges are appointed based on merit through a transparent and impartial process”. It has also proposed “measures to protect judges from undue influence, intimidation and harassment to uphold the integrity of judicial decisions”.

Expectedly though, the Senate shall uphold the clamour for rationalization of the ministries, departments and agencies towards reducing the cost of governance. Similarly, it will consolidate the Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences, Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, Money Laundering, Fiscal Responsibility, Public Procurement, Freedom of Information, Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative, NEITI, Central Bank of Nigeria and Proceeds of Crime Acts.

Of course, there are mechanisms for robust oversight responsibilities.

Therefore, the programme of action is quite elaborate. But once again, this is just an overview purposed to invite close monitoring for an informed assessment in the fullness of time.

This is because the eventual success of the Agenda is largely dependent upon the quality of cooperation from the executive and of course, the public.

Thankfully, there is yet another corporate acknowledgement that “through these focused areas, the Senate demonstrates its commitment to supporting the government’s reform measures, signalling a unified approach to national development”.

The senate president corroborated it, noting that “this Agenda, therefore, is more than a document; it is a call to action for all stakeholders, including civil society, the private sector, and international partners, to join hands with us in this noble quest”.

So, the journey has begun!

While it is hoped that the presidency will sustain the “collaborative spirit”, constituents are enjoined to always empower their representatives with the right information and also poke them with the right questions.

But in the interim, the 10th Senate’s innovative stance on mandatory anti-corruption education for leaders, direct sponsorship of ethical and value re-orientation campaigns, protection of human rights and specialized bills for economic revitalization deserves an overwhelming embrace.

Egbo is a parliamentary affairs analyst

If there is one person who has defined avant-garde nightclubbing in Nigeria, it is the one and only Ken-Calebs Olumese, known to his legion of fans and admirers as ‘The Guv’nor’, Nigeria’s unofficial 38th Governor. Not of a State, no; nor of our apex bank, The CBN. It is his own nom de guerre conferred on him by popular public acclamation and consensus, albeit informally. How did this come about? How did one man transcend the statutory (and indeed, constitutional) strictures to appropriate to himself so effortlessly what so many have deployed life and limb (not to mention financial fortunes) to acquire: the ‘right’ or - more correctly, privilege – of being addressed as a ‘Governor’ (even if, in his case, it is stylized as ‘Guv’nor’v)? It is a long and interesting story, but the occasion of his eightieth birthday is as good an opportunity as any for a historical excursion, a trip down memory lane, into the remarkable life and times of Chief Olumese.

Our celebrant made his earthly debut on the 27th day of May 1944. From his relatively humble beginning (his father was a priest) in the sleepy town of Ekpoma, in Edo State, his initial inclination was to follow his father’s footsteps into priesthood. This was sequel to his education, first at Western Boys High School, Benin City, followed by Hussey College, warri. He subsequently worked with the Federal Ministry of Information from where he was seconded to become the Personal Assistant to the Executive Director of FESTAC 77. Thereafter, he became a Medical Visitor with a Paris-based international pharmaceutical firm. He then transitioned, to becoming, first, a Medical Representative of the firm, then its Marketing Co-ordinator; then Manager, Finance and Administration, and finally, as an Executive Director.

Having reached the zenith of a reputable corporate organization (Roussel Nigeria), Mr. Guv’nor bowed out gracefully and left to pursue his long-held dreams and his desire for self-actualization: to establish his pet project – a nightclub and corporate events centre. This was what prompted him to launch the Niteshift Club at Opebi, Road, Lagos, in 1988. The first of its kind then in Nigeria and the West African sub-region, it boasted of all the facilities and ambience of similar leisure and recreation centres anywhere in the world.This was deliberate, as Chief Olumese set out to target the creme de la creme of the society – the best of the best and, he succeeded. They came in droves, deserting older,

more established nightclubs. The Coliseum (as it was later known) became the nightclub to beat. It set the bar and No. 34 Salvation Road, Opebi, Ikeja, Lagos – its address – became the entertainment capital of Nigeria, not just Lagos. This remained so even after the country’s capital was moved to Abuja in 1991. It was not uncommon to find scores of businessmen (and women) and others trooping from Abuja on Fridays to spend their weekends in Lagos, just because a non-political, non-institutional Chief Executive, our very own Guv’nor, had a “jam” or two (events or programmes) planned at the Club/Coliseum. So famous was he that he became synonymous with first-rate entertainment, event hosting and nightclubbing. To be sure, Olumese did not invent night life or night clubbing in Lagos; but for over three decades, he reshaped it and accorded it its gravitas.

His Coliseum outfit became the place to see and be seen. Presidents (including Jerry John Rawlings of Ghana), State Governors (real Governors!), Captains of Industry, name it: they all flocked to Niteshift and the Coliseum. Very few of them, however, knew the amount of industry, hard work, dedication, commitment, sacrifice and benevolence (of friends and well-wishers), which contributed to making the club the success it was. From an isolated, lonely, decrepit marshland, the Guv’nor spent a fortune (five times the cost of the land itself) sandfilling it alone. This was followed by the colossal cost of erecting the physical structure and ancillary works which is the imposing edifice that we all recognize today.

The choice of the name of the club’s make-over (from Niteshift to the Coliseum) was deliberate: a brilliant stroke of marketing ingenuity of a genius as it echoed a cavernous structure in Ancient Rome. Even though its Nigerian ‘replica’ does not match its famous namesake in size, it arguably rivals it in style, grandeur, panache and appointment. Standing on a mere six pillars (just like that of Rome), its uniqueness is all-embracing: from the designation of its attendants (called ‘hosts’, not ‘waiters’ or ‘waitresses’), to its patrons (called ‘guests’); to disc jockeys (called ‘music presenters’); to its restrooms (called ‘vanities’); and finally, its door-keepers (normally called bouncers, but whom it calls ‘first men’).

Talking about appellations, Olumese’s moniker of ‘Guv’nor’ was also deliberate: it was, by his own admission, self-chosen, but with a spin, in terms of spelling, to distinguish it from the 36 State Governors in Nigeria and the CBN Governor. This is why he is the 38th Governor.

Even though a rose by any other name would smell just as sweet, however, it would be a mistake to think Mr. Olumese’s outfit is all about form and not substance - because it is not. There is far more to it than that, as it is more than the sum of its parts. This accounts for its longevity and durability over the years, when its rivals have since folded up and gone into extinction in a field that is notorious for its high mortality rate. So, how did Olumese sustain it, to become, effectively, the Mohican; the last man standing in elite entertainment exclusively targeting the discerning? The answer must be in Olumese’s sheer organizational wizardry and acumen, which ensured that his club was scrupulously run in line with international best practices, as is obtained in the entertainment capitals of the world. These rules were religiously and uniformly applied to all: guests, staff and even himself – without

discrimination.

Mr. Olumese was very clear from day one about his target clientele. He set out to establish an outfit that was not an all-comer’s affair. No. It was not for the hoi polloi – for every Tom, Dick and Harry. He was  unapologetic about this: his focus was the Upper-Middle Class, the Upper Class and the Super Upper Class. This model was so successful that it was followed by other entertainment organizations (such as, Ovation Magazine). Finally, he shrewdly ensured that, apart from nightclubbing, other services were also offered by his organization.

These include hosting corporate meetings, conferences, seminars, exhibitions, fashion shows and even children’s parties. The last was particularly a master stroke as its strategy of ‘catch-them-young’ ensured that some of the children who attended those parties, grew up to join the club, and they – in turn – brought their own children to such parties thereby securing a potentially endless generation stream of loyal customers.

Such satisfied customers are legion, with some bearing customized identifiers called ‘Glamour Cards’ which were upgradeable to Gold Status. Such is the class and panache which Mr. Olumese has come to symbolize and for which he is justly recognized. This came, recently, this year, in the form of a well deserved Lifetime Achievement Award conferred on him by organizers of the Silverbird Man of the Year Awards, belying the saying that a prophet has no honour in his homeland (Mark 6:4). This is one prophet honoured in his home. That singular event was a richly deserved reversal of roles of sorts, as it was usually Mr. Olumese who habitually celebrated others at his Club’s “Grand House Reception”. On those ocassions, he hosted special guests (successful Nigerians, such as captains of industry, opinion leaders, entertainers and sportsmen and women). While those receptions were,

strictly speaking, not award ceremonies, they however afforded the guests and his club’s patrons unique opportunities to mix and fraternize which (for many of the former) were opportunities of a lifetime. Such guests were as illustrious as they came, including the likes of Senate Presidents, Ministers, State Governors and even former Ghanaian Leader Ft. Lt. (later President) Jerry Rawlings. A special guest was normally put on the hot seat with Rueben Abati and Taiwo Obileye grilling them. A case of intellectual fisticuffs amidst wining and dining. I was one of such guests; praise God.

Chief Olumese’s success is all the more remarkable because he did not acquire any special proficiency prior to plunging into nightclubbing. He simply learnt on the job and his spartan self-discipline, work ethic and natural inborn flair seem to have done the trick. That’s what made his club tick. But no good thing lasts forever. In his case, Mother Nature (in the form of age) has taken its toll – which is what we are presently celebrating: all of four scores! Wow! Incredible, because the Guv’nor is still as sprightly as a spring chicken. He does not use prescription glasses, nor a walking stick; not even a cane. He possesses elephant memory which is razor-sharp; and so are his wits.

The vagaries of time have however forced him to cede the running of his beloved club to another, equally capable outfit, in order to ensure the confirmation of his legacy. It was, however, merely, leased out, not sold as was popularly rumored, ensuring that his legacy outlives him for generations unborn. As the one and only 38th Guv’nor in Nigeria who was neither elected nor appointed by the people, Mr. Olumese has carved a niche which remains peculiarly his own with his own people.

There is no other like him in the entertainment world. He is nullus secondus. In the twilight of his earthly sojourn, here is wishing this unusual man of grace, style, effervescence, class and panache, God’s grace and even more blessings. You are a rare gem, sir. They do not make them like you anymore. We can confidently say that you came,

saw and conquered (vini vidi vici) the terrain of nightclubbing and entertainment. You bestrode that field like a colossus and, indeed a titan.

You are one of a kind. Congratulations and many happy returns. Nigerians are proud of you!

“So, what do I get for my labour and when?”

That was often the next question by the hitherto “public-spirited” contributor who, after getting published twice or thrice, had apparently started to bask in sudden “fame.” S/he would become less shy.

As the manager of a start-up national newspaper some 16 years ago, such solicitation — legitimate, no doubt — from many a stringer was never easy for me to consider. It simply meant further tightening the fiscal noose around our slender exchequer amid fiercely competing costs.

The operating climate hardly left you an option. However formidable your editorial faculty, there was always some external contributor who wanted to add that “extra something.” They sometimes bring illumination in uncharted waters. Let us face it: other than those pushing special “interest”, it would take exceptional altruism — if not material comfort — for a good many others to readily agree to invest ample time and energy to write for free for long.

If compensating such a category outside the normal staff was financially tough 16 years ago, one can only imagine tougher choices current media managers now have to make under a far more asphyxiating operating condition today.

Circulation figures are crashing, while production costs are mounting stratospherically. Added to the troubling mix is the sheer “outlawry” of the new media, which seems to normalise intellectual theft, whereby stories are brazenly lifted by “e-rats” from the established traditional media without the minimum courtesy of attribution.

It is why Azu’s soon-to-be-unveiled offering entitled,Writing for Media and Monetising It, is, in my view, a game-changer for the media industry. The book outlines a sustainable win-win balance for platform-owners and content providers.

The plight of creators in the music industry is different. Thanks to music streaming platforms like Spotify, for example, Nigerian musicians of diverse genres shared N25 billion royalties in 2023 alone. This is apart from revenues from other platforms like YouTube music, Apple Music, Amazon Music, among others. A significant shift from the recent past, when musical creators virtually slaved for pirates at Alaba market, Lagos.

But as things now stand, media veterans can only recall with nostalgia the relative “boom” enjoyed before the crunch came. As an intern in Concord Press in the early 90s, I made steady income from contributions to its three titles weekly. That created an extra incentive to be prolific. But such opportunities have dried up today as most media houses struggle to pay staff salaries. Stringers are largely on their own.

Azu’s book, arguably the most audacious effort yet to bridge the gap between editorial business and editorial independence, is the fruit of almost forty years of hands-on experience and practice. The multiple-award-winning columnist is giving away practical secrets, curated in a 259-page tome, not just on how to ascend career zenith, but also secure financial success for anyone fascinated by the possibility of the written word.

What’s more? His nugget, with an enthralling foreword by Dapo Olorunyomi, is further garnished with success tips from other accomplished media professionals he had interviewed including Nigeria’s only Pulitzer Prize winner, Dele Olojede.

If someone offers to clothe you, it is axiomatic that you first evaluate the condition of the shirt on their back. Azu surely lives his words. Of course, he is perhaps not just the most syndicated columnist in Nigeria today but also the one with the most bylines in reputable media addresses across continents.

Those close enough to him will attest that he is, therefore, a mobile signage of the prosperity he preaches… (In order not to expose a dear friend unduly to the predatory proboscis of the tax-man, let us stop there.)

But suffice to note that Azu’s confident smile, that Kwale (Delta) swagger, is partly rooted in forex harvested from such affiliations offshore. As a buddy of more than thirty years, I should know.

I think Azu confesses this a little bit on page 89: “I have written articles for a fee, and also for free, for the Argentina-based Clarin magazine; Press 24 and Mail & Guardian in South Africa; The Ghana Chronicle; and also, for online platforms such as Daily Maverick in South Africa; and the Europe-based Indepth News, and more recently for Bird, a South African-based private-owned news agency, amongst others.”

To play in that elite league, you have to get a copy of Writing for Media and Monetising It.

Azu’s prescription should, in fact, stir up a new consciousness in the larger literary community for just compensation for those engaged in the knowledge economy. Perhaps, I should share a personal story to illustrate this point.

At an event in the United States not too long ago, an acquaintance I was introduced to marveled, after a quick, on-the-spot online check on my past works and he found that there were over 197, 000 views of a piece entitled “Regulating Anambra’s Obituary Economy” on just TheInterview.com alone.

“Men!” he exclaimed. “You must be earning fantastic bucks weekly from merely writing if such a mammoth number follow you on just one platform alone. I can see dozens of platforms publish you weekly and simultaneously too.”

That should happen where there is a strong culture of the media economy and reward.

However, I disappointed my acquaintance by reporting that writers don’t yet have the structure in Nigeria to help derive a just compensation for their creativity and sleepless nights; the sort of opportunity Spotify now creates for Nigerian musicians.

On the contrary, writers enthusiastically forward their works to platform-owners (traditional and new) to use for free as “public service.” Otherwise, widely read and syndicated weekly columnists in Nigeria like Segun Adeniyi, Lasisi Olagunju, Sam Omatseye, Reuben Abati, Simon Kolawole and Festus Adedayo would be multi-billionaires today.

But with Azu’s prescription, things are not likely to remain the same again.

Louis Odion, a former commissioner and also presidential aide, is one of Nigeria’s most accomplished journalists

I had planned to continue with the conclusions of my reflections on the chaotic presidency of our current leader especially when the presidential communications office touched off more chaos last week on the eve of their first year in office and 25 years of unbroken democratic dispensation.

Most of my valued readers including some respected scholars had earlier advised me to continue to suggest to the chief executive of the federation on how to fix the chaos his leadership style has triggered. I had a draft until two related issues arising from the chaos in the presidency led to fresh chaos within the leadership of our National Assembly that actually advertised a celebration of 25 years of democracy in Nigeria.

The celebration notice actually roused my consciousness and it was taking some steam out of my curiosity on why our representatives hurriedly passed a law to adopt a former national anthem written by a foreigner. I was wondering why there was no thorough debate and public hearing on such an important national cohesion and orientation issue (national anthem) when an item on the 25 years of democracy event advertised by the National Assembly, notably commissioning of a Library and Resource Centre within the construct of a joint sitting of the National Assembly caught my attention.

Although Bayo Onanuga’s statement to the effect that the president was going to address the joint session of the federal legislature as part of the celebration of democracy had touched off another commotion in the media when the person who always claims to be the chief spokesperson of the president, Ajuri Ngelale went overboard by denouncing Mr. Onanuga’s statement as unauthorised. And so a more bizarre decision of the National Assembly – naming their brand new library and resource centre in honour of the head of the executive arm of government can’t be ignored.

For me, the decision of the National Assembly leadership to name their library after an incumbent president should have attracted more reactions than all other chaotic offerings at the time of celebrating 25 years of unbroken sessions of the National Assembly. I had thought that no matter the troubles that we have had in the last twenty-five years in this anything-is-possible country, a programme of even a weeklong events by the National Assembly should be worth any while. Having been part of the surviving journalists who have followed the National Assembly’s liaison office from an office in Wuse zone 1, to the International Conference Centre, Abuja where they were hibernating before the inauguration of the First Session of the Assembly on June 4, 1999, I was interested in a series of well planned activities to mark the 25 years of keeping the ‘militicians’ away from arena of political leadership. I had thought the Chairman of the Joint Session of the National Assembly and President of the Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio and the Deputy Chairman of the Joint Session and Speaker of the House of Representatives, Honourable Tajudeen Abbas should have organised a purposeful weeklong activities where they should have recognised and honoured some of the old legislative officers who began the building blocks of the bureaucracy of the National Assembly such as Malam Ibrahim Salim, Alhaji Ibrahim Arab, Mr Yemi Ogunyomi, Salihu Maikasuwa, Olayide Adelami (Now Deputy Governor, Ondo State), etc. They should have hired event managers who would have worked out beautiful and historic events that would have relived sweet memories of the making of the National Assembly in 25 years. There would have been exhibitions of so many photographs and voices of some resourceful journalists and resource persons who have covered the Chambers and bureaucracy of the National Assembly. They would have published the Hansard/Verbatim Report of Proceedings for pubic presentation.

There would have been documentaries to showcase the majesty of democracy through the National Assembly, easily the most remarkable institution and symbol of democracy. If they had strategically planned this event through a genuine event committee, they wouldn’t have hurriedly named their most important monument after the head of the executive they are elected to put on his toes through oversight and the public purse the constitution empowers them to protect.

And so here is the thing, this is a time to tell Senator Akpabio that the office he is holding in trust as President of the Senate is too important to be used anyhow, too sacred to be deployed to serve personal interest of the President, the head of the executive arm. That office makes him N0.3 citizen in the federation’s order of national precedence. Akpabio who achieved prominence in his capacity as Governor of Akwa Ibom State should be seeking significance at this time of national crisis. The nation may not be boiling at this time but there is fire already on the mountain except that no one seems to be on the run as our worthy daughter and artiste Asa once mused in a song.

First, changing our national anthem to reflect what President Asiwaju confirmed at the weekend as “my priority” is absurd and preposterous. Why was there no public hearing on such an important national issue? Why was the bill that denigrates our ingenuity and seeks to celebrate colonial heritage rushed because the president’s interest, not public interest is involved? A scholar and columnist has aptly described the strange capitulation as a “national self debasement.” That is what it is. And all members of the National Assembly on the platforms of APC, PDP, Labour, SDP, APGA should take responsibility for that tragic error and reproach they just imposed on the nation.

Second, in this our representative democracy model, where was the decision to name an important knowledge institution such as a Library and Resource Centre of our country’s parliament after an incumbent president?

So, no one in the committee reminded the powerful sycophants who proposed the idea that the library of the National Assembly is supposed to be one of the most important monuments in the parliament? What is more, nobody within the leadership of our federal legislature could suggest that some of the iconic figures in our country’s fight for democracy should have been remembered? No one could remember significant legislators such as the late Anthony Enahoro who in a pre-independence legislature moved the first Motion for Independence? Would an “Anthony Enahoro Library and Resource Centre” not have been an ideal monument? What of Senator Joseph Wayas or Ume Ezeoke Library to put an imprimatur of parliament on the resource centre? Why didn’t they remember even the first President of the Senate of this dispensation of 25 years, Senator Evans Enwerem? What of the first Clerk of the National Assembly’s first Session, Ibrahim Salim? Do these people remember them? Did they remember there was a Clerk, National Assembly who actually held all the positions in the two legislative chambers, namely Deputy Clerk, House of Representatives, Clerk, House of Representatives, Clerk Senate, Deputy Clerk, National Assembly, (DCNA) and Clerk, National Assembly? His name is Oluyemi Ogunyomi? Did they remember the first authentic Speaker, House of Representatives, Ghali Naaba? Why didn’t they have institutional memory to remember a famous Radio Nigeria journalist, the late Isa Idime, (Igala) who popularised parliamentary reporting through his daily evening programme: “Democracy in Action” during the Second Republic? In a good democracy, such iconic figures can be honoured by naming institutions and monuments after them.

So, Senator Akpabio and Honourable Abbas should explain to the nation the political sense and calculations that led to the naming of their first “well –equipped” library after the head of the executive arm of government. They should note that their two actions on the national anthem and naming of the library of our Congress after the head of another arm of government is a tragedy for the democracy they should be celebrating.
I hope someone can remind our National Assembly presiding officers who take all these arbitrary decisions that the power of the Congress of the United States is largely in their library, easily one of the best equipped in the world. There is nothing on earth you want to research on that you can’t obtain from that remarkable library. No agency or arm of government can concoct ‘anyhowness’, any data, any documents and dump on the Congress of the United States. All public officers and researchers, scholars know the power of the Library of Congress supported by another powerful monument, the Budget Office.

On May 21, 2023 here, I wrote an article on the expediency of maintaining federal character balance in the leadership of the National Assembly in the world then. In the article titled, “NASS Leadership: Who Is On Nigeria’s Side?”, I had quoted the following as an opening statement:

‘All things are lawful for me, but all things are not expedient: all things are lawful for me, but all things edify not’.

‘Some of you say, "We can do whatever we want to!" But I tell you not everything may be good or helpful’.
(I Cor. 10:23)

I quoted various English versions of these same very important ancient words to the very inordinately ambitious politicians who I said then “… do not care about the very delicate and fragile nature of this federation… They don’t care if Nigeria comes to harm again as long as they have their way. They are on the march again. They do not care if the country goes up in flame again in the name of political ambition. They don’t believe the master strategist and leader of leaders who told a lot of carefree believers before that, some of you say, ‘We can do whatever we want to’ But I tell you not everything may be good or helpful…’

And so today, I want to repeat my May 21, 2023 counsel (from above) to the President of the Senate Godswill Akpabio and Tajudeen Abbas, the Speaker of the House and other leaders of the National Assembly that indeed “everything is allowable, but not everything is profitable. Everything is allowable, but everything does not build others up. When amplified this means: All things are lawful [that is, morally legitimate, permissible], but not all things are beneficial or advantageous. All things are lawful, but not all things are constructive…” They should always consider public interest above their own interest. They should always remember that Senator Ahmad Lawan and Honorable Femi Gabjabiamila were also serving the interest of the then President Mohammadu Buhari instead of public interest. Don’t tell me where they are. Tell me where we are in Nigeria because some leaders served personal interest.

Responding to minimum wage impasse, Mr Osita Okechukwu appealed to Organised Labour to desist from the danger of throwing away our Baby-Democracy with Bathwater; as the indefinite strike could destablise the economy, spiral into unintended consequences and harm our fledgling democracy.

Okechukwu agreed with Organised Labour that the labourer is entitled to living wage, especially in the midst of stagflation and declining living conditions; however he advised labour to adopt house ownership for every worker as middle ground, to augment the N60,000 offered by government and the private sector.

He argued that rent is one of the items in Abraham Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, which is tearing the hair of workers nationwide, as workers spend one third of their disposal income on shelter related matters.

Okechukwu added that house ownership gives workers inner peace of mind, improves living conditions and encourages productivity.

He accordingly called on President Tinubu to as matter of urgent national importance to retool his Renewed Hope housing program and embark on house ownership for all workers nationwide as alternative to unaffordable minimum wage.

“Mr President house ownership for all workers is the doable middle ground in this impasse, as workers over the years have been contributing 2.5% of their salary to the National Housing Fund; all that is needed is Federal, State, LGA and private sector’s supplement.” Okechukwu opined.

He maintained that the N497,000 is unaffordable, because more than ten states either could not or had blatantly refused to pay N30,000 till date.

“Whereas one agrees with the working people that there is economic hardship and declining standard of living; albeit ownership houses is the middle ground in this impasse and better than more liquid cash which could spiral hyperinflation out of hand and lead to mass retrenchment of workers”. Okechukwu retorted.

Okechukwu finally appealed to the organised labour to remember the blood and tears shed decades ago by our compatriots enroute our return to democracy; therefore we should not in vain throw the Baby-Democracy away with Bathwater.