In the world of politics, bold choices often lead to both support and criticism. That is an intricate part of politics.
Kemi Badenock, the leader of the opposition Conservative party in the UK, stands as a remarkable figure, being the first black woman of African descent to reach such heights in British political history. However, her strong and persistent stance on immigration has sparked controversy, especially among her fellow Africans. While some see her views as a betrayal of her roots, it is crucial to understand that her actions stem from a commitment to her role as a British politician. Who, as the leader of the opposition is paid by the government of her country, with tax payers money.

Badenock’s immigration policies reflect her duty to prioritize the needs of the British people. As a member of the government, she is responsible for ensuring that resources are allocated effectively and that the integrity of the nation is maintained. For example, she has argued for stricter immigration controls to address public concerns about jobs and resources. This approach may seem harsh, especially to those who share her African heritage, but it is essential for a politician to balance the interests of all citizens in the country that she now identifies as home. In a role like hers, the focus must be on national concerns, even when it means making difficult decisions.

Some African critics often accuse Badenock of distancing herself from her African origins. However, it is important to recognize that being a politician requires a level of pragmatism. She must navigate a complex political landscape where the expectations of her party and her constituents often clash. For instance, Rishi Sunak, another prominent British politician and the immediate past prime minister of Indian descent, also faced similar challenges. Both leaders must demonstrate loyalty to their country while managing their cultural identities. This juggling act does not mean they forget their backgrounds; it simply illustrates the complexities of political life. Would Kemi Badenock have attained such political heights if she had ventured into politics in Nigeria? One would leave that to your conjecture.

Moreover, Badenock’s stance on immigration resonates with many British citizens, going by their massive votes for Brexit, who feel that immigration has impacted their lives. By taking a firm position on immigration, she connects with voters who seek reassurance and stability. This connection is vital for any politician who wishes win elections on the back of the massive loss of the Conservative Party at the recent elections and to be effective. It may be uncomfortable for some, particularly those from immigrant backgrounds, whose votes might not be materially significant to sway the electorate. But the goal of any political leader is to serve the needs of the majority while addressing some of the concerns of the minority.

In the world of politics, bold choices often lead to both support and criticism. Kemi Badenock, the leader of the opposition Conservative party in the UK, stands as a remarkable figure, being the first black woman of African descent to reach such heights in British political history. However, her strong stance on immigration has sparked controversy, especially among her fellow Africans. While some see her views as a betrayal of her roots, it is crucial to understand that her actions stem from a commitment to her role as a British politician.

Badenock’s immigration policies reflect her duty to prioritize the needs of the British people. As a member of the government, she is responsible for ensuring that resources are allocated effectively and that the integrity of the nation is maintained. For example, she has argued for stricter immigration controls to address public concerns about jobs and resources. This approach may seem harsh, especially to those who share her African heritage, but it is essential for a politician to balance the interests of all citizens. In a role like hers, the focus must be on national concerns, even when it means making difficult decisions.

Critics often accuse Badenock of distancing herself from her African origins. However, it is important to recognize that being a politician requires a level of pragmatism. She must navigate a complex political landscape where the expectations of her party and her constituents often clash. For instance, Rishi Sunak, another prominent British politician of Indian descent, also faces similar challenges. Both leaders must demonstrate loyalty to their country while managing their cultural identities. This juggling act does not mean they forget their backgrounds; it simply illustrates the complexities of political life.

Moreover, Badenock’s stance resonates with many British citizens who feel that immigration has impacted their lives. By taking a firm position on immigration, she connects with voters who seek reassurance and stability. This connection is vital for any politician who wishes to be effective. It may be uncomfortable for some, particularly those from immigrant backgrounds, but the goal of any political leader is to serve the needs of the majority while addressing the concerns of minorities.

Kemi Badenock’s immigration policies may attract criticism, particularly from those who share her African heritage. Nonetheless, her role as a British politician requires her to prioritize the needs of the nation. Balancing her heritage with her responsibilities is no easy task, but it reflects the reality of political life. Ultimately, the end justifies the means when it comes to serving the interests of the country. Embracing this perspective allows for a more nuanced understanding of her actions and the challenges faced by leaders in a diverse society.

One of the most pressing aspects of Badenock’s dilemma is the expectation to represent her community. As a trailblazer in contemporary British politics, she carries the weight of being a symbol for many who see her as a beacon of hope and change. However, her strict stance on immigration reform has led to accusations of betraying her roots. This creates a conflict between her personal history as a daughter of immigrants and her current role, where she must align with party policies that may not resonate with those who share her background. This situation mirrors the experiences of other politicians who have walked a similar path, such as Barack Obama, the first black president of the United States. Obama faced scrutiny from some African American communities for his policies that were perceived as not fully addressing issues impacting black Americans. Both leaders illustrate the complex balance of individual identity and the broader expectations of political leadership.

One can draw a similar line of reasoning with historical figures in the USA politics like Condoleezza Rice, who served as the U.S. Secretary of State, who faced similar dilemmas. Rice, a prominent African American woman in a significant government position, often had to navigate her identity while advocating for policies that sometimes conflicted with the interests of African Americans. Her experience highlights the challenges of being a representative of a community while also fulfilling the responsibilities of a high-ranking official. Like Badenock, Rice had to reconcile personal and political identities, often leading to criticism from those who felt she was not doing enough for her community.

Badenock’s situation also speaks to the broader narrative of representation in politics. As a leader, she is expected to advocate for diversity, equity, and inclusivity, while also addressing the concerns of the majority population. This balancing act is a common theme in political history. Figures such as Kamala Harris, the first female vice president of the United States, have similarly navigated the complexities of identity politics, often finding themselves at the intersection of advocating for their communities while adhering to the expectations of their political roles. Can Kamala’s loss to Donald Trump at the November presidential elections be attributed to what some observers think was her overt leaning too much to her ethnic background or America’s sexism and racism? These may ever remain in the realms of political speculations.

In a nutshell, Kemi Badenock’s position as a pioneering black British politician places her in a challenging dilemma where personal identity and political responsibilities intersect. History shows that many leaders, including Barack Obama and Condoleezza Rice, have faced similar challenges. The expectation to represent one’s community while fulfilling the duties of a political office can lead to complex dynamics and criticisms. Understanding these historical parallels can provide valuable insight into Badenock’s journey and the intricate balance that leaders must maintain in a diverse society. Nigerians, especially those in the UK, must try to understand that all politics is local. As far as practical and expedient, Kemi Badenock needs the vote of the British people for her Conservative Party- pure and simple.

Sonny Iroche
• Senior Academic Fellow. African Studies Centre. University of Oxford 2022-23
• Post Graduate AI. Saïd Business School. University of Oxford
LinkedIn: http://linkedin.com/in/sonnyiroche

Godswill Akpabio, Senate president, said on Thursday that the Upper Chamber will not be bullied or intimidated over the tax reform bills, asserting that legislative action on the proposed laws will continue in the interest of Nigerians.

Akpabio made the remarks during the plenary, clarifying that the tax bills have not been withdrawn and that the Senate remains committed to addressing them.

He noted that the bills contain provisions that could reduce the financial burden on citizens, noting that the Senate would act solely in the public interest.

“The Senate will not be bullied. We are doing our work in the interest of Nigerians. We don’t take orders from anyone or any office, no matter how highly placed,” he said.

The Senate president emphasised that the Upper Chamber would not be rushed into passing the bills. He said the Committee on Finance, tasked with scrutinising the legislation, has been given six weeks to complete its work, with an option to extend the timeframe, if necessary.

The Senate also reshuffled the membership of the committee responsible for meeting with the federal government delegation to address concerns raised about the tax reform bills currently under review.

Tahir Monguno, Senate chief whip, was removed from the committee and replaced by Kaka Shehu, senator representing Borno Central Senatorial District.

Akpabio explained that principal officers should not be part of the committee, stating that this was the consensus reached during a closed-door session last week before the bills passed the second reading.

The Senate president reiterated the chamber’s independence and its commitment to safeguarding the interests of Nigerians as it deliberates on the contentious tax reform bills.

[BusinessDay]

Nigeria has the highest rate of crypto adoption in Africa and the second largest in the world.

According to Chainalysis Nigeria received over $50 billion worth of Cryptocurrencies from July 2022 to June 2023 the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa at the time of study.

Earlier this year, Binance revealed that it recorded a $21.6 billion transaction volume in Nigeria in 2023.

The company disputed the figures by the Central Bank of Nigeria which claimed the crypto exchange made $26 billion from Nigeria in 2023.

The high transaction volume which runs into Billions of dollars reveals the level of crypto transactions going on in the Nigerian crypto space.

Despite mixed signals coming from Nigerian authorities, The crypto industry has continued to thrive in Nigeria as most Nigerians use crypto tokens to mitigate the effect of the devaluation of the nation’s local currency.

Nigerians use a range of apps and resources for their daily transactions. In this Nairametrics article, we will be highlighting the Top crypto apps used by Nigerians based on their Utility and ratings.

Binance 

Binance is the largest crypto exchange in the world and by far the most popular in Nigeria.

• Despite the spat between Binance and Nigerian authorities which led to the detention of a Binance Executive for 7 months.
• Binance is still a very useful platform in the Nigeria crypto space with strong utility.
• Asides serving as a Crypto wallet for most Nigerians who do not fancy hard wallets. Binance remains the largest crypto exchange where almost every crypto token can be bought and Sold.

Binance delisted its Naira P2P feature following its dispute with Nigerian authorities but the platform has remained relevant in the Nigerian space due to its many other uses.

The platform can also be used to trade cryptocurrencies of all sorts.

Bybit  

Bybit is the second-most popular crypto exchange in Nigeria which gained an advantage after Binance delisted its P2P feature.

• Bybit offers every other thing that Binance offers while still maintaining its P2P feature. Bybit doesn’t charge fees for its P2P trades making it quite attractive to the Nigerian market.
• Crypto traders can also trade cryptocurrencies on Bybit taking advantage of its mobile app designed to optimize that.

Bybit is quite popular in Nigeria but suffers a slightly bad reputation due to the high level of complaints coming from its P2P section.

Koyn  

Koyn is the leading go-to app for converting USDT and other top crypto tokens to Naira instantly. USDT is a high-traffic crypto token in Nigeria as many Nigerians use it to hedge against inflation.

Therefore, there is high demand for the conversion of USDT to Naira daily by most Nigerians. Koyn facilitates that transaction using its rate calculator which is consistent with the market rate. Other crypto assets like Bitcoin can be sold or converted on the app too.

The App is quite popular with a 4.2 rating and 1000 votes on Google Play Store.

DexScreener  

Dexscreener is popular amongst a distinct section of the Nigerian crypto space. The app is used mostly by Crypto traders and investors for technical analysis and real-time updates on potential 10X tokens.

The app tracks real-time data from tokens on Decentralized exchanges and arranges them in their order of potential.

The DexScreener app is popular in Nigeria for memecoin trading which is one of the activities Nigerians like to engage in. The next 100X token could be any of the many tokens that pop up on the screen when you

Local Traders  

In the Absence of Binance Naira P2P which was heavily used by Nigerians. Some P2P platforms are springing up to feel the void created by Binance’s departure.

• Local Traders is a P2P platform that supports Nigerian banks making it easy for Nigerians to withdraw their tokens to their very own bank accounts.
•  P2P platforms like Local traders are a much better alternative to direct P2P trading using WhatsApp or Telegram without any escrow.

Nigerians engage in P2P trading daily and platforms like Local traders facilitate a huge percentage of such trades.

What to Know  

• Crypto is going nowhere in Nigeria with a massive bull run coming in 2025 Nigeria’s daily crypto transaction volume is set to increase.
• Many Nigerians are also getting interested in crypto trading as a select group of young people have been able to make good money from trading crypto. However, the space is still polluted by bad actors selling exclusive groups or influencers shilling shitcoins to the public. A strong regulatory framework will go a long way in deepening the adoption of crypto in the country.

[Nairametrics]

ChannelsTV, on Monday 2nd December 2024, held a Town Hall session on the Tax Reform Bills during which Taiwo Oyedele, Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy & Tax Reforms presented a simulation of the proposed VAT sharing formula to the public for the first time (at least to the best of my knowledge).

MTN Nigeria Communications Plc was used as a hypothetical case study for the simulation to highlight the difference between the current sharing formula based on the Remittance Model of Derivation which has the headquarters effect and the proposed sharing formula based on the Consumption Model of Derivation in the Tax Reform Bills.

It is a fact that companies currently remit VAT based on the location of their headquarters even though internally many of them have information about consumption activities in each state.

However, since the current VAT remittance model has never required location specific information, a number of companies may just need to start paying attention to their internal database for that purpose in preparation for the proposed VAT regime if it takes effect.

Perhaps that is why the information to showcase a comparison of the current and proposed models using a specific month on a complete basis may not be readily available and/or CREDIBLE at this point.

If that is the case as is likely so, then at least it is better to simulate using hypothetical data than not having any data to explain the impact of the proposed model.

The key point of misconception by Governors and a number of other stakeholders is the proposal to increase the percentage shared based on derivation from 20% to 60%!

The erroneous understanding is that the proposed 60% would still be based on the current Remittance Model of Derivation with the headquarters effect. Meanwhile, the proposal is 60% based on the Consumption Model of Derivation!

Before the referenced Town Hall session, the simulation was not in the public domain and even after the session, it hasn’t really circulated.

Most stakeholders (Governors, Lawmakers and other members of the public) would have better clarity with the visual illustration using data (albeit hypothetical), thereby making discussions more constructive.

There might not have been this level of opposition and distrust driven by misinformation if such an illustration comparing current and proposed scenarios had been readily available.

Something simple but crucial like the simulation might hopefully douse tension on the VAT issue with more clarity and better understanding by stakeholders. This would allow appreciation of other aspects of the Tax Reform Bills which have been obfuscated by the intense VAT debate.

The simulation should be circulated as widely as possible and used as the basis of engagement at different forums going forward.

I was watching the evening news on Monday night when two presenters used a word at different times that jolted me. I’ve heard and seen that word used often, especially by millennials and Gen Z, but I didn’t entirely pay heed because they were mostly in informal settings.

Anyways – I meant to write, anyway – I was jolted to hear that word, anyways, twice from two TV presenters on different programmes on the same station just minutes apart! My Use of English teachers would have beaten the straying “s” out of me if I had used that word even in error.

But that was at another time, before young adults invented more new words and other tokens of social expression, including memes and abbreviations, than at any other time in recent lexical history, thanks to technology and the prevalence of social media.

Words avant-garde

I’m trying to adjust, but I’m not quite there yet. And in this transition to a brave new world of avant-garde lexicography dominated by young adults, it’s improbable that I would have considered, anyways, a jarringly colloquial word, as proper form.

However, Oxford United Press (OUP), the bastion of rectitude, is leading the world in de-sensitising squeamishness in the use of the English language. In other words, sooner than later, I might well find myself loving and even using, anyways, in proper communication.

In a language and literary study in 2023 for the Word of the Year, OUP crowned “rizz” as the winner. The Press said it created a shortlist of eight words “all chosen to reflect the mood, ethos, and preoccupations” of the previous year and “rizz” emerged as the favourite after over 30,000 language lovers worldwide pared down the word soup to four finalists: rizz, Swiftie, prompt, and situationship.

Rizz up, darling!

In case you’re interested in a brief history of the etymology of how rizz might soon become mainstream, OUP explained that just as the fridge was from refrigerator and flu was from influenza, rizz (a noun), which can also be used as a verb, as in “to rizz up,” meaning to attract, seduce, or chat up), has its roots the word “charisma.”

I’m unsure which word might win OUP’s crown in 2024, but I have an in-vogue word slate that would be difficult to ignore. Perhaps lovers of language, especially millennials and Gen Z, the generational curators of these species of unusual words, might help crown a winner from my list for 2024 and share that list on any of my social media handles @azu ishiekwene or email azuishiekwene@gmail.com. Or text Word of the Year to +234 805 210 0356.

The first candidate for me is “steeze.” I was confused the first time I heard it and couldn’t immediately determine its meaning. An English language coach and content creator on Quora, Jasveer Kaur, described “steeze” as “A slang term which is a mix of ‘style’ and ‘ease’, that means ‘looking effortlessly cool, i.e., charisma or grace.” It’s a cousin of rizz, or “composure”, another synonym for steeze from the Gen Z corpus.  

The lit vs the ill-lit

And how about “lit?” When I first heard that someone was “lit”, I thought they were alight, literally burning! It turned out that I was hugely mistaken. “Lit”, I later found out, means something different. It’s a slang derived from African American Vernacular English, which gained popularity in the 2000s. It’s been around for quite a while, but somehow, the “ill-lit” like me never quite thought it would soon be making its way to the mainstream.

But thanks to hip-hop and pop culture, it has become a favourite expression among millennials and Gen Z. If you say, “The concert last night was lit,” for example, or “Her performance in the game was lit,” there’s nothing more to add. It’s the highest expression of excitement and enthusiasm. In the same way, my father’s highest compliment was “noble”, as in “You’ve done noble!”

Rizz, lit, and dope, I’m told, are in the same class, with ritz (derived from the ostentation of Ritz, the famous hotel and hospitality brand) being at the higher end of the word spectrum.

Who’s the simp?

How about “simp”? It’s not exactly a new word. It has evolved, losing five original letters in the process, but gaining new meaning and currency with TikTokers. Back in the day, that word used to be “simpleton”, a man or woman generally thought or believed to be naïve, foolish. Hip-hop culture in the mouth of younger adults gave it a makeover.

They twisted it against men today, and now a simp is often used to describe a man who is overly anxious to please women. This seems to be the opposite of “demure,” a word formerly used to describe modesty in young ladies but now repurposed to convey cuteness in both sexes.

Instead of the “50-50 Love” Teddy Pendergrass crooned about in his album, a “simp” is a man who doesn’t mind five percent or less back for his affection and empathy in exchange for 100 percent. He is if you get my drift, a woman wrapper. 

If you are already “vibing”, millennial-speak for “losing oneself in great music or conversation”, or feeling “shook”, the colloquial noun or verb for “surprise”, then welcome to the evolving vocab world of young adults fostered by the Internet. From activism to fashion, sports and dating, the language topography is changing, leaving older adults in a trail of incomprehensible slang.

Simply steeze

In the slang line-up for 2024, anyways, steeze, lit, rizz, vibing, shook, and simp are in the race. But the stage would be incomplete without “ghost” (to suddenly stop communicating with someone, as in ‘he ghosted me after our last meeting’), “no cap”, (the damn truth, no embellishment), as in ‘petrol prices will never return to N470/litre, no cap, or “snack”, (someone attractive, as in ‘she’s looking like a snack in that outfit’).

While these words have a global resonance, one would undoubtedly be at the top of your final list if you were a Nigerian young adult—at home or in the Diaspora: “E choke!” The harsher, more menacing version is “Hunger dey!” However, this latter expression has a broader application and is quite popular among older adults.

When young Nigerian adults say, “E choke,” they express the country’s severe economic hardship. This hardship has left many of them unable to have that shawarma or pizza, fix the braids they’d love to, or even chat for long without resorting to data mincing.

This ethos was expressed in the streets of many Nigerian states in August, when protesters, mostly angry youths, staged demonstrations captioned #Endbadgovernance, the lightning rod for economic hardship. But the word is used in more than one sense. It also conveys overwhelming pleasure, as in “Give me more, even if it kills me!”

E choke!

My five finalists for the words that most captured younger adults’ moods, feelings, imagination, and ethos in 2024 are e choke, steeze, no cap, vibing, and composure. I struggled to get the language tool on my laptop to accept these words. I had to overwrite them many times to retain them, as I wondered how examination bodies, like the West African Examination Council (WAEC), would cope with this lexical insurgency.

Is it an indication of the distance these words still have to travel in the transition from fad to mainstream? Or is society just too slow to catch up? No matter, as they say in millennia-speak, las, las, culture, language, and tool developers would be alright.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu extends his heartfelt congratulations to Abdulkabir Adisa Aliu, the founder and CEO of Matrix Energy Group, as he marks his 50th birthday on December 5, 2024.

This significant milestone not only commemorates Abdulkabir's personal journey but also highlights his remarkable contributions to the energy sector and his profound impact on fostering economic growth and social development in Nigeria.

President Tinubu commends Abdulkabir for his transformative role in Nigeria’s energy landscape and his unwavering commitment to economic progress.

As an entrepreneur, Abdulkabir has successfully broadened the scope of Matrix Energy Group to encompass logistics, shipping, LPG distribution, and fertiliser blending. His leadership has spurred innovation and excellence across these vital industries.

The President recognizes Abdulkabir’s philanthropic endeavours, which have led to the construction of a state-of-the-art Kidney Complex in Maiduguri and at the Obafemi Awolowo University Teaching Hospitals Complex (OAUTHC), the renovation of healthcare centers, and the provision of essential medical supplies to host communities.

Additionally, he has endowed scholarships for over 4,000 students and empowered women through skills training and financial support.

“Abdulkabir Adisa Aliu exemplifies the spirit of resilience, innovation, and service that elevates communities and strengthens our nation,” President Tinubu stated.

In his capacity as a member of the Presidential Economic Coordination Council (PEEC), Mr. Aliu continues to play a pivotal role in advancing Nigeria’s economic agenda.

The President wishes him continued success, robust health, and personal fulfilment in the coming years.

Bayo Onanuga
Special Adviser
Information & Strategy to the President

Gov. Sanwo-olu presents cheques to 150 beneficiaries as compensation for lands acquired by lagos state govt for public use, held at adeyemi bero auditorium, alausa, ikeja, on tuesday, 3^rd December 2024

See Photo Below:

l-r: Permanent Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mr. Kamal Olowosago; Opeluwa of Lagos, High Chief Yusuf Ajose Aderibigbe; Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, representatives of Ogunsanya and Ogunsanya; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat; Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi and Head of Service, Mr. Olabode Agoro during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December

 l-r: Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Alhaji Muritala Abubakar; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat; Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi and Head of Service, Mr. Olabode Agoro during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

l-r: Member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Estate of Chief Robert Jaiyeola; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat; Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi and Head of Service, Mr. Olabode Agoro during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

l-r: Permanent Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mr. Kamal Olowosago; Opeluwa of Lagos, High Chief Yusuf Ajose Aderibigbe; Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Mr. Olawale Jimoh; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat; Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi and Head of Service, Mr. Olabode Agoro during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

 l-r: Opeluwa of Lagos, High Chief Yusuf Ajose Aderibigbe; Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Mr. Samuel Kalu; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat and Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

l-r: Commissioner for Women Affairs & Poverty Alleviation, Mrs. Cecilia Dada; member, Lagos State House of Assembly, Hon. Gbolahan Yishawu; beneficiary, Mr. Adebayo Adekoya; Governor of Lagos State, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu; his Deputy, Dr. Obafemi Hamzat and Executive Secretary, Lands Bureau, Mrs. Ololade Ajetunmobi during the public presentation of cheques to 150 beneficiaries compensated for lands acquired by the Lagos State government for public use, at the Adeyemi Bero Auditorium, the Secretariat, Alausa, Ikeja, on Tuesday, 03 December 2024

There is something really intriguing and fascinating about having a wonderful friend of yours grow into the septuagenarian circle. And this is even more crucial when that colleague has a history of stubborn ideological inclination that has kept him in shape as a scholar of note within Nigeria’s combustible intellectual firmament. From our mutual commitment to the political science scholarship and different approaches to the understanding of the Nigerian nation-building project, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim—Jibo to all of us—and I have become intellectual partners in progress. Both of us keep investing our intellectual and scholarly resources in the ongoing commitment to the understanding of the task of making the Nigerian state, on the one hand, more meaningful from the perspective of scholarship, and on the other hand, more citizen-friendly in terms of its capacity to leverage advocacy and discourse to achieve good governance. 

Jibo is one academic that one can really say has kept up a coherent ideological trajectory since he emerged in the heydays of the radical Marxist-Leninist revolutionary movement as a key figure in the Nigerian Marxist circle. And yet it would seem that Jibo has made a critical shift away from the Marxist ideological framework that enabled his intellectual stature in the 1970s and 1980s. This shift says a lot about the current ideological state of the postcolonial Nigerian society. Professor Ibrahim was educated at Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and in the virile Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at a time when the university campuses in Nigeria constituted the hotbeds of ideological theorizing and mobilization; when scholars from Bala Usman to Mokwugo Okoye and Eskor Toyo to Molara Ogundipe-Leslie to Patrick Wilmot to Bala Takaya, and from Claude Ake to Edwin Madunagu to Bade Onimode to Akin Oyebode rallied round Marxism as the pathway to radical intellectual traditions. For these intellectuals, Marxism provided the ideological commitments to reflect on the possibility of a progressive framework through which Nigeria could be re-visioned as a postcolonial state. 

I do not know whether there is still any coherence to the concept of the Nigerian Left—a body of progressives that are connected by the collective Marxian ideological framework for rethinking the dynamics of the Nigerian developmental and national manifestations. And my reason is not far-fetched. It would seem that the depth and extent of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament, the reach and strength of the neoliberal capitalist hegemony, and the fluctuating fortunes of Marxism have outstripped the capacity of the Nigerian Left to keep up their intellectual mapping of the relationship between ideology and reality. Indeed, it would seem that the Nigerian Left has become so fragmented as to be incapable of mustering the coherence required to push a progressive front. And this could also be because the fortunes of Marxism keep shifting conservative Marxism to Antonio Gramsci, and from the neo-Marxism of Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and Max Horkheimer of the Frankfurt School to the post-Marxism of Chantal Mouse and Ernesto Laclau, and from Samir Amin to Immanuel Wallerstein. 

Maybe the fundamental issue in keeping Marxism relevant to the Nigerian postcolonial predicament would be how theoretically congruent Marxism and postcolonialism are. How, for instance, is Marxism’s Eurocentric foundation to be squared with the anti-Eurocentric stance in that animate postcolonial scholarship? Maybe this significant tension to get the utmost from an ideological position without any intellectual baggage is what led to the subtle shift of Jibo away from Marxism—or specifically activist Marxism—towards a more resilient and contextually malleable paradigm that enables the facilitation of radical politics within a space like Nigeria. For Jibo, the political end should justify the ideological means. He believes there must be a better way than doctrinaire Marxism to achieve radical politics that will reorient democracy and democratic governance on behalf of Nigerians. 

This is where Jibo and I share many seminal platforms. The first critical platform is the political science scholarship in Nigeria. While I was the permanent secretary at the Ministry of Communication Technology in 2015, Professor Jibrin Ibrahim was asked to deliver the keynote paper at the 60th anniversary celebration lecture of the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. I was to be the chairman of the occasion. Jibo regrettably could not make the occasion. And the Department prevailed on me to take his place as the guest lecturer. In that lecture, titled “The Legitimacy of Political Science Scholarship in Nigeria,” I made the pungent argument that Nigeria’s postcolonial predicaments since independence have thrown series of debilitating unresolved challenges to query the relevance of political science scholarship in the country. Insurgency, corruption, youth unemployment, insecurity, dysfunctional federalism cum constitutional order, misgovernance, bad leadership—the list is endless—raise the critical question of the role of the Nigerian political scientists in the articulation of frameworks or paradigms of understanding and resolutions for redressing the Nigerian state and redesigning democratic governance. 

These are not strange questions for me to ask as I have been a theorist and practitioner of public administration scholarship since I became a public servant many years ago. On resuming at the Presidency first in 1988, and much later in 1992, I was nudged by mentors to take on the additional task of studying the civil service as a means of understanding the dynamics of its dysfunction and the possible paths towards its institutional redemption. It was not too long for me to determine that the (mis)fortunes of the civil service system are tied in with those of the Nigerian state. My search for paradigms of institutional reform in Nigeria inevitably took me to expressing concerns for all forms of institutional reformative transformation, including those that affects political science scholarship. In that same lecture, I lamented not just the invisibility of Nigerian political scientists in the critical matters of the state, but also the ailing of the Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA), a reality that has since significantly improved. 

However, one political scientist that constitutes the exception in my lamentation is Professor Ibrahim. He is not just the political scientist par excellence since he completed his doctoral dissertation at the University of Bordeaux in 1990. He has become the lone ranger in the fight to deepen democracy through civil society activism. Civil society for him was the continuation of the struggles for progressive politics by another mean. It was simply the other side of the same coin in the fight to entrench radical politics that put people on the front burner of government’s policy decisions. I would say, on his behalf, that civil society engagement is closer to realizing the objective of democratic reforms than academic Marxism that leans more on the theoretical than the practical. But that is not to say, as most scholars believe, tragically, that theory and practice are disjointed. As a development expert, civil service engagement allows for a cogent involvement with the public policy processes in ways that pushes the boundaries of policy participation and ideological influence. Civil society allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to keep democratic and policy discourses at the level of ideological fundamental, without the baggage of Marxism.

And this brings me to the second seminal platform that connect me with Jibo. When I had to also make the critical decision to continue my reform advocacy by other means; at the point when I had to painfully exit the civil service as a critical insider, the establishment of the Ibadan School of Government and Public Policy (ISGPP) in 2016 was a most viable institutional platform that permits the articulation of my insider’s perspectives from the outside. And that “outside” allows me to deploy the critical significance of kindred intellectual, activist and advocate spirits in the task of making Nigeria work better for democracy and development. One of such is Jibo, of course! At the inauguration of ISGPP and in one defining piece in his celebrated column in the Premium Times, Jibo was enthusiastic about the determination of the School to return the discourse on government back to the table. According to him, “I welcome the idea, after twenty-seven years of discourse on that elusive and nebulous World Bank concept of GOVERNANCE, let’s get back to the essentials and start studying what ‘government’ actually does when it governs.” 

This fundamental discursive element connects with, say, Jibo’s presence in journalism. The fight to raise the bar of fundamental issues that impacts the issues of political emancipation and democratic liberation cannot be limited to the pages of books and monographs. It must be delivered in digestible soundbites that an average Nigerian can understand and relate with. Indeed, the journalistic space further allows Professor Jibrin Ibrahim to bring the challenges of fixing the Nigerian state right into the context of the Nigerian masses and the need for them to also weigh into the determination of their destiny. And this speaks critically to the emergence of the post-truth social media. If democracy must be deepened through civil society vigilance, then Nigerian scholars, intellectuals and advocates need to mediate the tight rope between traditional journalism and the new media, plus the dangers of challenging social facts. 

Professor Jibrin Ibrahim is a critical septuagenarian, the type of intellectual who never stops fighting, who is never slowed down by age, who keeps pushing the boundaries of what they believe. We can only pray that your dream for the Nigerian masses may be realize just in time.                     

A major policy of the Tinubu administration designed to overhaul the nation’s inefficient tax codes and enhance fiscal performance of the government has run into unexpected opposition from key members of the President’s party and important stakeholders. I’m convinced that the reason some governors and lawmakers do not seem to understand or appreciate the intentions and objectives of the tax reform bills is because there was no adequate consultations and communication to sensitize and educate them. As we know, the Tinubu administration is not good at engaging with the citizens before it announces any policy decision. The fuel subsidy removal and the return of the old National Anthem are just two instances in which the administration rushed through decisions without deep thinking, planning and consultations. That most of the governors and lawmakers who are against this legislation are members of the President’s party is a pointer to its internal weakness as a political platform.

For a policy initiative to succeed, it must have the support of a cross section of citizens, particularly those for whom the policy is designed, and to gain such a support, there should be a well designed and implemented package of strategic communication strategy and engagements with the relevant stakeholders. From what we now know from the government, the tax bills are meant to eliminate double taxation; remove low income earners from the tax bracket, reduce the federal government’s share of VAT income and change the sharing formula for VAT to achieve equitability. Had the government mounted an effective communication and stakeholders’ engagement, some of the misunderstandings about the bills’ objectives, benefits, impacts on the revenues of the Northern States and the fates of some agencies like TETFUND would have been addressed. It’s a shame that there was no public hearing on the Tax Reform Bill before it was rushed to the National Assembly. It speaks to the hubris of the administration which is obsessed with overwhelming sense of self importance

In the absence of effective communication strategy, the bills became a subject of rumours, misleading information and wrong interpretations of its provisions. For an administration that has 17 spokespersons and is headed by a man who owns a TV station and a newspaper house, it is a surprise that citizens’ engagement is lacking in its staple. It’s an unspeakable mediocrity in a democracy to treat the people with so much disdain.

In 1988, the IBB military government rolled out a massive privatization programme which led to the sale of over 300 government’s assets to private and institutional investors. Before the programme kicked off, the agency that managed the massive sale, a massive sensitization programme was launched to educate Nigerians on why privatization was inevitable and that helped to blunt some of the criticisms. The communication team was headed by Emeka Maduegbunam, a seasoned TV anchor and PR professional. The messages were lucid, vivid, logical and convincing. I give kudos to Dr. Hamza Zayyad and Dr. Shamsuddeed Usman for the competencies with which they ran the privatization and commercialization programme. In March 2010, President Barrack Obama signed the Affordable Care Act (ACA) into law, making it one of the landmark legislations of his Presidency. Commonly known as the ObamaCare, ACA is the comprehensive health care reform law that addresses health insurance, health care costs and preventive care. The bill was widely opposed by the Republicans, but through a combination of masterly political skills, exceptional communication strategies and advocacy, the law was passed by both houses. I will advise the Tinubu team to read the relevant chapter of President Obama’s memoir, A Promised Land, on details of how he secured the vote at Congress and the support of Americans for this important legislation. Leadership is a serious business.

But what do we get from the Tinubu media team? A constant barrage of lengthy insulting and abusive press releases targeted at Peter Obi, Olusegun Obasanjo and just about anybody who tends to hold a different view from the government. Uncouth, abrasive and full of hubris, the team is obsessed with constant power struggle and jostling for power which has sapped it of energy and creativity. It lacks overall strategic focus and coherence in message and messaging. I do not know any member of the team that has impressive credentials in strategic communications and PR.

In terms of discipline, APC has not done well either; otherwise the party would have addressed the concerns of its vocal members like Prof. Zulum ; Senator Ali Ndume and a few others who have been constantly attacking the legislation and the perceived intentions government. It’s unusual for party luminaries to disagree so openly with their President and his policy. It is telling that Prof. Zulum is the successor to Vice President Shetima as Borno State Governor. While the governor is huffing and puffing, the VP has been quiet. Does it mean that the VP has not been able to convince Zulum on the good intentions and benefits of the bills, or is the VP himself not well briefed on them? If this were a parliamentary government, the lawmakers would probably be going for a No Confidence vote as we saw in France this week.

Effective communication and stakeholder engagement is an integral part of modern governance. Unfortunately, this administration has been very weak at it. This President has not held a news conference; press interview or town hall since he took office. He has only been to one or two states on a condolence visit. But we have seen harassments of many journalists and read so many derogatory press statements. It is just as well that President Tinubu has instructed the Ministry of Justice to work closely with the National Assembly to review the contentious portions of the draft legislation and the Senate, ever so compliant to to the Presidency, has suspended deliberations on it. While the review proceeds, the government should develop strategic communications and engagement plans to explain the bills better to stakeholders. They should keep in mind the seven Cs of communication (Clear; Correct; Complete; Concise; Concrete; Considerate and Courteous) as the engagements proceed.

As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration embarks on its ambitious economic reforms, one of the most contentious and consequential initiatives is the proposed overhaul of Nigeria’s tax system. Not only been touted to be a critical measure to revitalize the nation’s finances when fully implemented, the reform aims to address chronic revenue shortfalls, curb tax evasion, and expand the tax base. Yet, as with any transformative agenda, the tax reform has sparked a wave of apprehension across different sectors of the economy. 

The proposal to expand the country’s revenue streams, including through a harmonized Value Added Tax (VAT) system, has drawn criticism from various quarters. Notably, governors in the northern region of Nigeria have raised objections to certain aspects of the reform. Their resistance, combined with a broader cultural and socio-political debate, underscores the complexity of implementing such a sweeping policy.

Despite the baseless apprehension which the move has sparked across the nation, there is no denying the fact that there is an urgent need for tax reform.  As gathered, Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio, which stands at about 6.1%, is one of the lowest globally, far below the average of 16.5% for sub-Saharan Africa. This anomaly has long hindered the nation’s capacity to fund essential services and infrastructure. Given the foregoing statistical backdrop, which is no doubt appalling, Tinubu’s tax reform seeks to correct this by improving compliance, plugging revenue leakages, and promoting equity in tax collection.  

The proposed reforms include measures to simplify the tax code, introduce digital tax systems, and ensure progressive taxation where wealthier individuals and corporations contribute a fairer share. While these changes promise to boost government revenues, they have also unearthed deep-seated fears among key stakeholders.

Governors from northern Nigeria, who are no doubt largely guided by Islamic principles, have expressed reservations about elements of the tax reform, particularly those relating to VAT. A significant portion of VAT revenue in Nigeria comes from alcohol sales, a product prohibited in many northern states under Sharia law.  

Despite their objections to alcohol and their enforcement of bans on its sale and consumption, northern states have consistently benefited from the federal allocation of VAT, including revenue generated from alcohol sales. This paradox has fueled widespread criticism, with observers pointing out the inherent contradiction: how can states destroy beer trucks on one hand and still partake in the sharing of revenues from alcohol taxes on the other?  

The issue raises fundamental questions about equity and consistency. If northern states wish to remain beneficiaries of national VAT revenues, they must adopt a fairer stance towards products and industries contributing to the tax pool. Alternatively, they might need to advocate for a regional or state-specific VAT system where revenue generation and allocation align more closely with local practices and laws.

While the political pushback from northern governors garners significant attention, the business community has also voiced apprehension. Many private-sector players worry that increased tax obligations could exacerbate the financial strain on businesses already grappling with inflation, high energy costs, and foreign exchange volatility. Small and medium enterprises (SMEs), in particular, fear that stricter compliance measures might disproportionately affect their operations, pushing some to the brink of closure.  

Corporate executives argue that implementing new tax measures during an economically turbulent period could stifle investment and innovation. They call for a phased approach that allows businesses time to adapt to the changes while safeguarding their profitability.

For ordinary Nigerians, the fear is more visceral. With rising living costs and dwindling purchasing power, any hint of increased taxes feels like a dagger to the heart of survival. Tinubu’s administration has repeatedly assured citizens that the reforms are designed to target high-income earners and large corporations rather than the poor. However, skepticism remains widespread, fueled by a history of mistrust in government initiatives.  

The question lingers: “Will these reforms truly avoid cascading effects on consumer prices, or will Nigerians find themselves paying more for basic goods and services?” For many in the northern region, where poverty levels are disproportionately high, the fear is even more pronounced.

At the heart of the controversy surrounding the VAT allocation is the question of alcohol taxes. In northern states where Sharia law is enforced, alcohol is often treated as contraband. This has led to frequent raids and destruction of alcohol products being transported to markets.  

While these actions reflect the cultural and religious sentiments of the region, they also create an ethical dilemma. Should states that actively prohibit and destroy a taxable product be entitled to share in the revenues derived from its sale? This question has ignited debates across the country, with many southern stakeholders calling for a reevaluation of the VAT-sharing formula.  

Critics argue that it is unjust for northern states to reject the production and consumption of alcohol while benefiting financially from its taxation. This situation, they contend, highlights the need for a more transparent and equitable revenue allocation framework that respects regional differences without fostering dependency or contradiction.

In fact, Tinubu’s tax reform has also faced resistance within political circles. Critics argue that the administration should focus more on cutting government waste and improving expenditure efficiency before increasing taxes. Some elites, accustomed to exploiting loopholes to avoid paying their fair share, are predictably unsettled by the prospect of tighter enforcement.  

Political analysts suggest that these opponents may deploy their influence to stymie the reform’s progress, framing it as anti-business or punitive. This opposition underscores the high stakes of the reform agenda and the entrenched interests it threatens to disrupt.

Without any iota of exaggeration, it is not a misnomer to opine that the success of Tinubu’s tax reform will hinge on the administration’s ability to address these regional and sectoral concerns transparently and inclusively. This is as public engagement is crucial to dispel fears and garner support. The government must also demonstrate fiscal discipline by addressing corruption and ensuring that revenues generated through the reform are channeled into tangible improvements in infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social services.  

For the northern states, this may require a difficult but necessary reckoning. If they wish to continue benefiting from national tax revenues, they must adopt a more equitable stance on industries contributing to the tax pool. Alternatively, Nigeria may need to explore a federal VAT system that allows states to keep revenues generated locally, incentivizing them to adopt policies that encourage economic activity.

Without a doubt, Tinubu’s tax reform is a litmus test for his administration’s resolve to address Nigeria’s fiscal challenges. While fears abound, they should not overshadow the reform’s potential to catalyze a more sustainable and equitable economy.  

The controversy over northern states’ stance on alcohol taxes encapsulates the broader challenge: balancing cultural, religious, and economic considerations in a diverse nation. The question is not just “Who is afraid of Tinubu’s tax reform?” but also, “Who is willing to embrace it for the greater good of Nigeria?”  

In navigating this delicate terrain, the government must remember that meaningful reform requires not just bold ideas but also empathy, fairness, and inclusivity. If managed correctly, these reforms could lay the foundation for a stronger, more unified Nigeria where all states contribute equitably and benefit proportionately.