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Organizers of the planned August 1 to 10, 2024 hardship protest in Nigeria have unveiled details of the protest upon the request of the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun.

The details, including venues and locations, where the intended protests would take place were contained in a letter by Ebun-Olu Adegboruwa, SAN, attorney to the organizers, addressed to the IGP.

Meanwhile, the Adegboruwa asked the IGP to provide the contact details of the Police officers designated to cover the said protest.

“We act as solicitors to the TAKE IT BACK MOVEMENT, and refer to our letter on the above subject matter dated July 26, 2024, and your response thereto dated July 29, 2024, Ref. CJ:2400/IGP.SEC/ABJ/VOL.1/10, which we have passed to our Client with instructions to respond thereto as follows.

“Our Client acknowledges the commitment of the Inspector-General of Police towards complying with extant legislations granting citizens the right to hold public meetings, public rallies and public processions and the lawful discharge of the obligations placed upon the police to provide adequate coverage and protection at the venues.

“We shall be glad to have the contact details of the Deputy Inspectors-General of Police, Assistant Inspectors-General of Police, and the Commissioners of Police designated to cover the said public meetings, public rallies and public processions, to ensure a peaceful and crisis-free outing.

“We shall update you with further details over time, hoping that the above information suffices for planning and strategy. We are delighted to attend the meeting with the Inspector-General of Police as requested. However, to achieve enlarged participation, we request that the said meeting be held virtually, to give room for all stakeholders to attend. Specifically, we will be led in the said meeting by Mr. Femi Falana, SAN, the NBA, other lawyers and civil society organizations. We await the Zoom link for the said virtual meeting”, the letter stated.

Recall that IGP Egbetokun had agreed to provide security for the planned protesters in a letter addressed to Adegboruwa on Monday.

The Police had also invited Adegboruwa for a meeting on Tuesday.

This development comes as last-minute planning to schedule hardship protests amid the rising cost of living in Nigeria.

[DailyPost]

Bank customers have thronged their banks to reactivate their dormant accounts in line with the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) guidelines on the management of dormant accounts and unclaimed balances.

Some of the customers, who spoke to the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN) in Abuja on Tuesday, said they had activated their bank accounts to avoid mop up of their little savings.

Mrs Ugonne Akputa, a business woman, said that she paid in some money into her six year old Access Bank account which she had left for some time to reactivate it.

Akputa said she still needed to operate the account to save some money which she rarely withdrew.

”I went to my bank to make enquiries about my account which I have left for some time now.

”They told me that I should just pay in money into the account to activate it and I did,” she said.

Mr Cyprian Yusuf, another customer at First Bank, said he was at the bank to make enquiries on his late brother’s account.

Yusuf said that although he was not abreast of the amount in the account, he would not forfeit the money.

”When I heard of this dormant account thing, I decided to quickly come to my late brother’s bank to ask them how I can retrieve the money.

”He died three years ago and I don’t think the account has been in operation.

”So, I want to see what I can do so that his wife and children can use the money at least to feed,” he said.

Another bank customer, Mrs Chinny Olaedo, appealed to banks and the CBN to ensure the safety of customers’ monies, especially those abroad.

”I live abroad but I came back to Nigeria for something very important to my family.

”I have a savings account in one of the banks and I have my savings there. I transferred some money into the account recently so that it will still be active but I know that many people abroad might not know about this or do this.

”The CBN and other banks should make things easier for us abroad so that many of us will still be operating our Nigerian accounts,” she said.

A bank official who pleaded anonymity said it would take six months of no activity in an account before it would be declared dormant in their bank.

The official said the bank would notify customers whose accounts were dormant in line with the CBN’s guideline.

The source said the bank was preparing reports to also notify the CBN on the status of their dormant customers’ accounts.

Another bank official who also preferred anonymity, called on customers whose accounts were dormant to pay in monies into them to activate them.

According to CBN, eligible accounts are dormant accounts with balances that have remained with the financial institutions for a period of 10 years and beyond.

The apex bank said eligible dormant accounts/unclaimed balances and other financial assets including current, savings and term deposits in local currency, domiciliary accounts and unclaimed salaries and wages, commissions, and bonuses, among others.

The apex bank said the aim of the guidelines were to identify dormant accounts/unclaimed balances and financial assets with a view to re-uniting them with their beneficial owners, hold the funds in trust for the beneficial owners.

The bank said the objective was also to standardise the management of dormant accounts/unclaimed balances and financial assets and establish a standard procedure for reclaim of warehoused funds.

The CBN said it would open and maintain an account earmarked for the purpose of warehousing unclaimed balances in eligible accounts.

According to the CBN, the account would be called “Unclaimed Balances Trust Fund Pool Account”.

NAN reports that the CBN had also cleared Next-of-Kin (NoK), legal representative, or beneficial owner to make claims on unclaimed balances or funds in dormant accounts.

The bank said the NoK to dormant account owner could now make claims on unclaimed balances or funds in dormant accounts by submitting applications for the reclaims to the financial institutions.

(NAN)

Prominent journalist and publisher Chief Dele Momodu has criticized former Ekiti State Governor Ayo Fayose over his recent comments that poor men having multiple wives and children is a hindrance to Nigeria’s growth.

Fayose in an interview with Channels TV on Monday, claimed that poor men having many wives and children, citing his experiences in the North, is a problem to Nigeria’s growth.

Responding to these comments, Momodu questioned Who is more destructive to the nation, the poor man with plenty of wives and children, or the politician with one wife and many high-maintenance girlfriends, who wastes public resources on extravagant lifestyles.

He also asked who is more productive, the politicians and the poor in society, challenging the notion that the latter group is less productive.

 

Momodu urged Fayose to acknowledge that they have all failed the country and need an urgent reset, rather than engaging in blame games.

 

He wrote, “My dear Brother AYO FAYOSE, I have just two questions Sir: who is more destructive to the nation, the poor man with plenty wives and children or the politician with one wife and many high maintenance girlfriends, who waste public resources on extravagant lifestyles including private jets?

“Who is more productive, the politician who steals the sweat and resources of the citizens or the poor man who sends his many poor wives and children to the farmlands to grow crops for every one of us!!!

“Your Excellency, my dear Brother, please, let’s all accept that we’ve failed this country and we need an urgent reset. We cannot afford the blame games at this perilous time

“May God forgive our transgressions…
Warmest regards always, CHIEF DELE MOMODU”

[Punch]

TWO days before a planned protest against hardship in the country, a coalition of civil society groups and pro-students’ organizations in Oyo State have declared their total support for a peaceful rally.

Leaders of the organizations including a former Chairman of the Academic Staff Union of Universities, Professor Ademola Aremu decided at a meeting in Ibadan on Tuesday.

After declaring their support for the rally, they asked the Federal Government to look into these demands.
The groups at the meeting included the Joint Action Front (JAF), Socialist Labour, All Workers’ Convergence, Centre for Popular Education (CEPED), Campaign Against Tuition Fees, CSATF Pan African Movement, PAM and others.

In a statement jointly signed by all the groups, they said, “The coalition wholeheartedly supports the protest against hunger and hardship. This is even though none of the constituent organizations in the coalition was involved in the call for the protest.”

“The coalition, therefore, notes that the prevailing condition of mass misery and poverty amidst abundant wealth largely occasioned by various anti-poor capitalist policies of the Nigeria government is more than enough and a sufficient justification for a call for the protest.”

The coalition warned persons or groups with the intention for violence to “stay off the peaceful action as there will be no room for looting, destruction of property or any form of violence in our protest. We hereby inform the general public that this protest is not based on religion, ethnicity or political party affiliations but to demand for a better Nigeria”.

“As much as the coalition is committed to a peaceful protest, it holds that it is not the responsibility of the prospective protesters but that of the Nigerian government and the security agencies to assure the general public that the protest will not degenerate into violence.”

The groups then asked for “immediate reversal of all of the anti-poor policies specifically the pump price of petrol to N197”.

“Immediate repositioning of all of the public refineries and end to importation of petroleum products; reversal of the decision to hike the electricity Tariffs; renationalisation of the power sector under the control and management of the elected representatives of the working people and that political office holders should be placed on the salary and allowances earned by the civil servants”.

Other demands are that “Nigeria Police and Armed forces must be accorded the rights to form and belong to trade unions for adequate defence of their economic rights; Free education at all levels as constitutionally guaranteed and reversal of current regime of fee hike across the Nigeria public tertiary institutions; national minimum living wage which is constitutionally guaranteed, which rises as inflation rises and that the National Leadership of Nigeria Labour Congress ( NLC) and Trade Union Congress ( TUC) should convene a joint National Executive Committee meeting to declare a 48hours nationwide strike and street protest to support the hunger protest.”

[Vanguard]

 

The politics of monopoly and oligarchy are familiar phenomena in Nigeria and beyond. During General Sani Abacha’s military rule in the 1990s, while working at the Federal Ministry of Finance, I witnessed the plight of a retired military officer turned entrepreneur. His product was threatened by a competitor who crashed the price of own goods to make that of the ex-officer uncompetitive. It was suspected that the regime used the competitor to deal with the veteran, who later served in a civilian government.

That experience made me wary of monopolistic tendencies, often leading to concerns about the rise of oligarchies. For instance, Aliko Dangote’s group of companies in Nigeria and Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Industries in India have dominant influence in their respective countries, raising concerns about the long-term effects of monopolistic tendencies.

In 2005, the administration of President Olusegun Obasanjo endorsed the formation of the Transnational Corporation of Nigeria (TCN), later renamed Transcorp. This conglomerate sought to acquire government-owned assets and venture into various sectors of the economy.

The founding owners were private sector operators and billionaires including Dangote, Femi Otedola, Jim Ovia, Tony Elumelu, Festus Odimegwu, Bernard Longe, Jacobs Moyo Ajekigbe, Funsho Lawal, Tony Ezeanna, Adegboyega Olulade, and the late Waziri Mohammed. The then Director General, Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE), Ndi Okereke-Onyiuke, was Board of Directors chairman, while a staff member Nicholas Okoye was the technical secretary and business strategy adviser.

 
 

In July 2005, President Obasanjo launched Transcorp in the Presidential Villa, Abuja. It was, therefore, not surprising that it benefitted immensely from the government’s privatisation policy, as it raised N16 billion through private placement and acquired significant public assets. These included a 71 per cent stake in NITEL, the Nicon-Noga Hilton Hotel, a 400,000-barrel per-day refinery concession, an oil bloc for upstream oil and gas operations, among others.

While the early promoters of the mega-firm later became prominent advocates for Obasanjo’s alleged third-term agenda, there was a controversy surrounding the ex-President acquisition of millions of shares through a blind trust fund financed by a popular bank. For whatever reasons, some years after the acquisition, a number of the company founders appeared to have parted ways.

In an article in June 2005 titled “President Dangote of Nigeria”, I cautioned business moguls about the dangers of retrogressive monopoly, which weakens government regulations and kills healthy competition. Instead, I suggested that private sector players deploy infrastructural facilities and equipment to gain fair market share rather than acquiring public institutions at giveaway prices.

 

Dangote expanded his businesses into manufacturing like Mukesh Ambani, the wealthiest man in India, who is reputed to have lavished over $800 million on the wedding of his son, Anant Ambani, to Radhika Merchant, the daughter of Indian pharma tycoons, Viren and Shaila Merchant. While Dangote has a flour milling company that produces wheat flour, pasta, noodles, etc, Ambani’s investments include retail outlets that operate supermarkets and online trading platforms.

Similarly, besides his telecommunications company offering 4G and 5G services, comprising data and other digital products, Ambani also produces films, television shows, and digital content through his media and entertainment company. He equally operates large power generation plants and distribution companies.

Dangote additionally operates fertilizer and cement corporations in Nigeria and other African countries. He has also heavily invested in agriculture, focusing on producing rice, sugarcane, and tomato paste. In addition, Dangote refines salt and sugar for domestic consumption and export.

As nonpartisan and detribalised businesspeople, both Dangote and Ambani are generous to different political parties, religious groups, and cultural institutions. They also employ elite graduates from various ethnic backgrounds and engage youths in multiple roles in their enterprises.

 

The giant cash cow of Ambani is his Reliance Industry’s Jamnagar oil refinery, commissioned in 1999, with the capacity to produce 668,000 barrels of crude daily, which has since been upgraded to 1,240,000 barrels per day. The refinery has enhanced India’s energy security by providing a reliable source of petroleum products, contributing to the country’s GDP growth, and becoming a key player in India’s energy sector.

When Dangote mooted the idea of building an oil refinery, as the Nigerian government failed to revive the existing ones or create new ones, many believed he was on the trajectory of receiving the usual incentives he gets from the government as one of Nigeria’s most prominent private sector players.

The success story of Ambani’s refinery is attributed to the active support of the Indian government in encouraging investments in the energy sector through support that includes tax incentives, subsidies for importing crude oil, enabling the exportation of refined products, and relaxation of regulations to allow efficient operations. The government’s monetary policies enabled banks and financial institutions to provide loans and credit facilities for indigenous projects.

With the government’s magnanimity to the industry, India’s economy benefits from Ambani’s refinery, with thousands of jobs created, infrastructure development in the host communities, and foreign exchange earnings from exporting refined products. The company’s operation also reduces dependence on imported refined products while generating significant revenue for the government through taxes, duties, and royalties. 

Meanwhile, within just a few months of its operation this year, the multibillion-dollar Dangote refinery has created thousands of jobs, directly and indirectly, while stimulating economic growth. Whilst there was excitement that the refinery would increase the domestic refining capacity and reduce reliance on fuel importation, thus decreasing inflationary pressures, the regulator recently publicly demarketed the company’s petroleum products.

Speaking on behalf of the government, Managing Director of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA), Engineer Farouk Ahmed claimed that the quality of products from the Dangote Refinery was inferior, citing a purported higher sulphur content of the diesel produced.

 

Claiming that the refinery had not yet been issued an operational license, and concern over monopoly and energy security, the NMDPRA pushed an argument for the continued importation of petroleum products from outside the country. The management of the refinery has denied the allegations of either producing high sulphur content diesel and an attempt at becoming a monopoly.

The painful irony is the seeming demarketing of the Dangote brand by his brethren from the North, after Southerners had provided him with an enabling environment for the business that would generate foreign exchange earnings, contribute to Nigeria’s economic diversification, and ultimately stabilise the naira. The Northerners need rethinking.

 

Examples abound of how great nations implement policies to support indigenous industries through protectionist measures that give them a competitive edge in relation to foreign businesses. This is done through legitimate preferential concessions, financial incentives, creation of pathways for market access, regulatory backing, and offers of equity participation. If the Nigerian system cannot support indigenous enterprises, it shouldn’t be seen as demarketing them.

Yushau A. Shuaib is Editor-in-Chief at PRNigeria, and Economic Confidential
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The federal government has declared all its 256 correctional centres across the country as “red zones” ahead of the planned nationwide protests.

In a statement on Tuesday, Haliru Nababa, controller general of the Nigeria Correctional Service (NCoS), said any person or group who has no business at the prisons should stay away. 

He said attacking the correctional centres may lead to the breakdown of law and order and may exacerbate insecurity in the country.

“In view of the purported national protest scheduled to be held on August 1, the service wishes to inform the public that the Custodial Centres have been designated as red zones,” the statement reads.

 
 

“Furthermore, the service wishes to enjoin the public that custodial and non-custodial centres are critical national assets which are germane to public safety as well as national security.”

Nababa added that adequate security arrangements have been put in place to ensure that no correctional facility is attacked.

He enjoined the public to align with the service to protect correctional facilities.

 

He added that the ministry of interior joint taskforce (MOIJTF) has been activated to provide extra security in and around custodial facilities. 

[TheCable]

Till date, I have not still been able to finish reading this enigma’s epic, “The Man Died”, since I picked it up in 1979 (45 whole years ago). It is a 1972 non-fiction book exploring his experiences in prison during his 22 months imprisonment by federal authorities for hobnobbing with the Biafran successionist leader, Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu. I just pity literary Lilliputians like me. I am referring to Professor Akinwade Oluwole Soyinka, an unusual homo sapien. The likes of him – such as Gani Fawehinmi, Chinua Achebe, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, Ayodele Awojobi, Bala Usman, Adaka Boro, Chike Obi, Martin Luther King Jnr, Albert Einstein, Willian Shakespeare, et al- come like a comet, only once in a generation. He is Africa’s first Nobel Laureate in any field. His was in literature in 1986, a mere 52 years old. The joke of his acquiring this Olympian heights states that some prospective Nobel laureate candidates had been invited for interview for the rare diadem. It was said that when Kongi engaged in his staccato linguistic masturbation and literary calisthenics, the mesmerized interviewing white panel which had become soaked in his phonetic stupor simply told him to take a bow and go. They told him he had already won. Yes. He had got the white interviewers so inebriated by his virtually incomprehensible “oyinbo” grammar that they preferred to let him go quietly and have their peace.

Soyinka is many things rolled into one. Like amoeba, he is shapeless. Like an onion, he has many layers. Foremost nobel laureate; literary icon; playwright; humanist; poet; essayist; teacher; political activist; dramatist, singer; rights activist; hunter; crusader; cultural ambassador; Seadog founder; globally revered; cerebral intellectual; wine connoisseur; fecundity personified; archaist and more. This man is undoubtedly a tiger and lion merged together, even though he once famously defied this belief by many to declare that “a tiger does not proclaim its tigritude; he pounces”.
Though some faceless people that the literary icon himself once described as “internet crawlers” once attempted, most vainly, to diminish the towering stature of this hero, he remains peerless; in comparable. The truth remains that the great Kongi is far way ahead and shoulders higher than those in the Nigerian pantheon of literary icons and deities that he belongs to.
Wole Soyinka has taught a whole generation of literary giants. At the University of Ife (now OAU) in the 70s, where he was a professor of comparative literature, we rookies in the then part 1 (they call it 100 level now) would gather at the University theatre to listen to the words of wisdom of this literary icon and intellectual prodigy. Even the great Ola Rotimi, Femi Osofisan and other literary giants deferred to his intimidating credentials. He was also a great singer and a rebel of some sort. Was that not why he was detained for 22 months? You can now imagine me having the honour of passing through such fire eaters like Soyinka, including invited lecturers to give us pep talks. The likes of Gani Fawehinmi, Dr Tai Solarin, Prof Bade Onimode, Com. Ola Oni, Chris Okolie, Omafume Onoge, Sam Aluko, Eskor Toyo, Toye Olorode, Claude Ake, Niyi Oniroro, Edwin Madunagu, Ikenna Nzimiro, et al. I read English for three years before switching over to law. I was forced to lose one academic session because of my love for law (climbing down from Part 3 English to Part 2 Law).
Permit me to share my insights into two of his plays as it is impossible to plough through his trailer-load of literary writings.
I once read the nobel laureate’s “JERO’S METAMORPHOSIS”, a play staged in 1960 (I was barely 2 years old then); and published in 1963. I also read Soyinka’s “THE TRIALS OF BROTHER JERO”.

In the former play, Jero was in possession of a confidential file which revealed government’s plans to transform the beach into a public prosecution ground and tourists’ centre. The satirical play was about the willy ways Jero tried to unite all the church leaders operating at the beach and make them form one church, with him as the sole leader. Soyinka was satirically decrying the hypocritical way Nigerians practised the Christian religion.
He was shocked at the obsequious and unquestioning devotion that converts and adherents displayed towards their manipulative spiritual leaders. In “The Trials of Brother Jero” first published in 1964, Soyinka mocked the proselytizing Church preachers, who did not even have churches (as did brother Jero) and so preached in public places. He highlighted the transformation of these leaders with religious titles of Bishop, Pastor and Prophet, to military titles such as General, Colonel, Sergeant, etc.
Soyinka depicted church leaders as deceptive, corrupt, fraudulent, politically ambitious and abandoning their flock in pursuit of mercantilist and mundane cravings. Thus, Like Karl Marx, Soyinka satirised these crafty preachers who deceived their somnambulistic followers.
The play exposed the contradictions in blind faith and slavish following, and satired the too many social and political imbalances in Nigeria of the 60s. The ills Soyinka kicked against in the early 60s are even worse today. Have you not seen viral videos where so-called Pastors urinated in the mouths of their hypnotised worshippers, or farted on their faces, or sat on their heads, with yet some other members washing his legs on their heads?

They are told that is the only way to get rich or experience paradise. Religion had been termed opium of the people by Karl Marx, used as an instrument to fight wars as beast in Europe, instead of using it to give solace to the soul of man. Soyinka had theorised along that line.
Soyinka’s works may have humour; but he deploys his lyricism and poetry to entertain, enlighten and throw up topical issues, steeped in European mythology and the Yoruba spiritual and cultural traditions. To have won the Anisfield Wolf Lifetime Achievement Award as Soyinka did 2013 is a testament to his global essence.
Perhaps, Soyinka’s most famous quote is “I don’t know any other way to live than to wake up everyday armed with my convictions, not yielding them to the threat of danger and to the power and force of people who might despise me” (September 2, 2021). He believes in standing up to what is right even in the face of adversity and danger. Wole Soyinka wrote 52 books in 64 years. The books consist of plays, novels, poetry collections, essays, memoirs and translated works. Soyinka has written virtually on every topic – corruption, racism, religion, tradition, colonialism, identity crisis, neo-colonialism, greed, societal decay, empathy, rituals; fate, freewill, African traditional religion, evil, good, parenting skills, material exploitation, birth and death, social justice, survival; perseverance and so on. Surely, this man in Wole Soyinka has not died. This is because he does not “keep silent in the face of tyranny”.
As you hit your nonegenerian year (90), here is wishing this unusual human being many more years on mother earth in good health and peace that passeth all understanding. Yours sir, is Genesis 6:3. Happy birthday, sir.

Starting from the 1st of August, which falls on next Thursday, disgruntled Nigerians are planning to initiate a ten-day street protest under the hashtags #EndBadGovernance2024, TinubuMustGo, and others.

In response to the fear instilled in many Nigerians by the threats from the protest organizers—who have warned of severe consequences (which, to be fair, is a lawful action in a democracy if conducted peacefully)—those who can afford it are stocking up on groceries and other essentials to last at least ten days, should the protests actually take place.

While people have prepared for potential food shortages, concerns remain about the safety of individuals and property, which are common issues during street protests. Despite the organizers' promises of a peaceful demonstration, the various reasons behind the protest—#EndBadGovernance, HungerProtest, TinubuMustGo, etc.—raise concerns.

These worries are amplified by the disastrous outcomes of the 2020 #EndSARS protests. The youth organized these protests to voice their dissatisfaction and anger towards the Nigerian Police unit, SARS (Special Anti-Robbery Squad), known for its brutality and extortion. Although the protests started with good intentions, they were derailed by individuals with malicious agendas, which has left the nation's leaders feeling uneasy.

The authorities are justifiably concerned because it's been less than five years since the #EndSARS incident, from which the country has yet to fully recover due to the massive loss of life and property caused by likely criminal elements who infiltrated the initially peaceful protest and caused chaos.

The current anxiety among those in power is exacerbated by the fact that the levels of hunger and anger in the country, spurred by the recent removal of subsidies on petrol, naira, and electricity, are much higher than during the 2019/2020 period when the COVID-19 pandemic led to a national lockdown and economic shutdown, making life extremely challenging, particularly for those who live hand-to-mouth.

This bleak outlook on the coming days prompted the title of my piece this week, which may seem unusual to readers. I ask for their understanding as the odd title is meant to reflect the dire situation described in the opening paragraphs, and it represents my contemplation of the potential consequences we might face if the planned street protests materialize on August 1.

As I pondered the upcoming protest, which I believe is almost certain to escalate into riots—as was the case in Kenya on June 25/26, where 40 people tragically lost their lives and a vast amount of property was destroyed—the thought that came to mind was: "Should I kill myself or have a cup of coffee? In the end, it takes more courage to live than to take one's own life."

Before proceeding further, I want to clarify that the quote used in the title is not my own. It is attributed to the French philosopher Albert Camus, who was also a novelist, playwright, and journalist. Camus is best known for his concept of "absurdism," which suggests that humanity's search for meaning and purpose is fundamentally at odds with the indifferent nature of the universe.

The absurdity of the current crisis our country has been facing over the past year, and the potential crisis we may face starting Thursday, August 1, if the planned protests occur, led me to ponder the stark choices reflected in the title, “Should I Kill Myself Or Have A Cup Of Coffee?”. Personally, I know I will choose coffee, but there are valid reasons why our frustrated compatriots might feel compelled to protest the tangible hardships they are experiencing.

Hence the question posed in the title is not just about me; but it is directed towards our young population, who may be driven to join the protests out of hunger and anger. This emotional state could lead them to act impulsively, potentially putting themselves at risk.

Given this context, I urge everyone to approach the situation with caution if the protests go ahead as planned. My appeal is grounded in the philosophical insights of Albert Camus, who was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1957 "for his significant literary work, which with clear-sighted earnestness illuminates the problems of the human conscience in our times." Camus's ideas continue to influence contemporary thought and culture, making him one of the most important and thought-provoking figures of the 20th century. This piece is intended to raise awareness among potential protesters by reflecting on some of Camus's thought-provoking quotes, which are interpreted below in the context of our current situation, in the hope that they may resonate with Nigerians considering protest.

1. "In the depth of winter, I finally learned that within me there lay an invincible summer."

   This means that despite the hardships we are currently facing, there is a potential for a brighter future, which we need to remain hopeful about.

2. "You will never be happy if you continue to search for what happiness consists of. You will never live if you are looking for the meaning of life."

   This suggests that instead of constantly seeking happiness, we should focus on making the best of our current situations, embodying the resilient 'Nigerian Spirit.'

3. "The only way to deal with an unfree world is to become so absolutely free that your very existence is an act of rebellion."

   To me, this means that we can resist and overcome challenges that threaten to derail us by embodying a spirit of resilience and determination.

4. "You can't create experience; you must undergo it."

   This implies that by enduring the current difficulties, we will gain valuable experience that will help us handle even tougher situations in the future.

5. "Life is very long when you're angry, and very short when you're happy."

   This is straightforward: when we are angry, time seems to drag, but when we are happy, it seems to fly by.

6. "The only real progress lies in learning to be wrong."

   This suggests the importance of recognizing and admitting when we are mistaken and choosing to refrain from actions if the timing isn't right.

7. "I would rather live my life as if there is a God and die to find out there isn't than live as if there isn't and die to find out there is."

   This encourages us to live with faith and put God/Allah at the center of our actions.

As an eternal optimist, and a trained diplomat I hope my appeal resonates with the protesters and helps calm their anger. For the government, my advice is twofold. First, it needs to strengthen the relationship between the leadership and the citizens. Currently, there is a noticeable disconnect between the government and the people it governs. Communication between the administration and many Nigerians, especially those active on social media, has been too confrontational. Regardless of whether these individuals—who are likely supporters of the opposition—voted for President Tinubu or not, the current administration should make efforts to engage and win them over.

It is recommended that the government actively engage in dialogue with the youth, who are yet to see many proposed interventions come to fruition. Failing to communicate effectively with them can be compared to the public relations cliché of winking at a pretty lady in a dark room—you know what you're doing, but nobody does,which means you're not actually communicating. Without engaging with disillusioned, possibly frustrated, and angry youths, how can they understand and support the government's programs and agenda? This is where the role of the youth minister becomes crucial. However, the youth minister appears to be conspicuously absent or ineffective.

If the current government can negotiate with the Nigerian Labor Congress (NLC) and agree to increase the minimum wage from N30,000 to N70,000—a 125% raise—then there is no reason why our hungry and angry compatriots cannot be persuaded to hold back from protesting. According to media reports, President Bola Tinubu is currently consulting with various stakeholders, including faith leaders, traditional rulers, and others, which is a positive step. However, the youth seem to be missing from these discussions.

Remarkably, President Tinubu’s approach contrasts with the administration of Goodluck Jonathan, which failed to engage in consultations, leading to his failure to prevent the protests that forced him to reverse the decision to remove the petrol subsidy in 2012. The open consultations by President Tinubu's administration suggest that Jonathan's administration lacked the strategic skills to manage the situation, which contributed to his being labeled as clueless by opposition parties and ultimately losing power.

The reality is that every Nigerian leader in the past four decades has understood the potential unsavory fallout from removing subsidies on petrol, the naira, and electricity. Even military leaders like Olusegun Obasanjo, Muhammadu Buhari, Ibrahim Babangida, and Sani Abacha did not eliminate subsidies. However,there was a consensus among the major presidential candidates in the 2023 elections that subsidies needed to be removed due to the corruption associated with them. Unlike previous leaders, Tinubu has shown the boldness to remove these subsidies and is standing firm in his decision, believing it is in the best interest of the country to eliminate a system that has nearly suffocated the nation.

As a skilled political strategist, he has been using all the tools at his disposal to navigate the challenges facing his presidency. His adept handling of the upcoming street protests, expected to begin on August 1, has been commendable so far. However, the President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Nigeria needs to communicate directly with the Nigerian public through a live media session where anyone can call in and share their views with him. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as our President, should not avoid this important responsibility.

We have also not seen legislators and members of the president’s cabinet reaching out to their constituents via video or direct engagements enlightening them about the programs and policies of government and the need for them to eschew bitterness and should not engage in violent activities if they must protest.

There are valid concerns that some organizers of the protests might have plans to escalate them into riots with the intention of forcibly removing the President, who was elected by the people.

Nevertheless, he should reassure those who feel marginalized that he is the President of all Nigerians, open to their ideas and support. Those who disagree with him should follow the appropriate process, which is to wait for the 2027 election cycle if they believe he is unpopular. By then, hopefully his policies, which seem harsh now, are expected to have started showing positive results for the masses, who may then vote for him in large numbers. Apparently he introduced these tough policies early in his term, starting on May 29 last year, in order to have sufficient time to implement them and improve the economy before the next national elections. Based on my analysis, if President Tinubu takes these steps, he will overcome any efforts to remove him from office.

With time running out, the need for action is urgent.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta state government, sent this piece from Lagos, Nigeria.  

To continue this conversation and more, please visit www.magnum.ng

Story Highlights 

  • WhatsApp and Meta Platforms Incorporated argue that the FCCPC’s $220 million penalty should be overturned, citing 22 reasons including vague directives, unjustifiable data-sharing orders, and procedural errors. 
  • They claim the FCCPC’s demands are vague, technically impossible to implement within the given timeframe, and not supported by Nigerian law.  
  • The fine follows an investigation into alleged violations of data protection and consumer rights by Meta, with similar large fines imposed on tech giants by European regulators. 

WhatsApp and its parent company, Meta Platforms Incorporated, have cited 22 reasons why the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) order imposing a $220 million penalty should be set aside by the Competition and Consumer Protection Tribunal, among others. 

This is detailed in their notice of appeal against the FCCPC, which was exclusively seen by Nairametrics. 

Nairametrics previously reported that the FCCPC, an agency under the Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade and Investment (FMITI), had imposed a $220,000,000 penalty on Meta Platforms Incorporated over alleged discriminatory practices against Nigerian data and consumers. 

 

Why FCCPC penalized Meta platforms, WhatsApp 

In a statement signed by Dr. Adamu Abdullahi, Acting Chief Executive Officer of the FCCPC on July 26, 2024,the penalty followed a joint investigation by the Commission and the Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC) into Meta Platforms’ conduct, privacy policies, and practices between May 2021 and December 2023, a period of 38 months. 

According to the statement, in May 2021, the Commission had directed WhatsApp LLC and Meta Platforms, Inc. (formerly called Facebook Inc.) to defend themselves regarding its investigative report, which detailed how their conduct allegedly violated relevant data laws. 

Meta was said to have provided some information in response to the requests and summons under the joint investigation. 

However, the Commission disclosed that the investigation concluded that Meta Platforms had engaged in conduct constituting continuing infringements of Nigeria’s consumer protection and data laws over an extended period. 

It expressed concerns about Meta’s allegedly abusive and invasive practices affecting data subjects and consumers in Nigeria.  

These included unauthorized use of personal data, discriminatory treatment compared to other regions with similar regulations, and the exploitation of market dominance to enforce privacy policies that collect personal information without giving consumers the option to consent or refuse. 

The Final Order of the Commission mandates steps and actions Meta Parties must take to comply with prevailing laws and cease the exploitation of Nigerian consumers and market abuse, as well as desist from future similar or other conduct/practices that do not meet nationally applicable standards and undermine the rights of consumers,” the FCCPC statement partly reads. 

WhatsApp, Meta platforms grounds of appeal 

In the social media giants’ 22 reasons listed in their notice of appeal seen by Nairametrics, their legal team argued that the FCCPC erred in all the findings, directions, and decisions contained in its orders.  

They are leveraging their appeal to ask the tribunal to quash the FCCPC’s orders in their entirety. 

Here are the reasons listed by WhatsApp and Meta Platforms: 

Vague Rights of Nigerian Users 

 Meta Platforms insisted that the FCCPC’s directive to “immediately reinstate the rights of Nigerian users to self-determine and control the use, processing, sharing, or transfer of their data” is unreasonably vague, creating excessive uncertainty. 

  According to Meta, the obligation requested by the FCCPC does not consider the operational complexities inherent in the WhatsApp service, thereby imposing an impossible burden on the appellants. 

Ambiguous privacy policy order 

 Meta insisted that Nigerian users are fully at liberty to reject its privacy policy by declining to accept WhatsApp’s Terms of Service and not using the WhatsApp service. 

 Furthermore, it argued that the privacy policy order by FCCPC is ambiguous because WhatsApp had updated its privacy policy in a format that allows Nigerian users to fully express their legitimate rights prior to the initiation of the FCCPC’s investigation. 

Unjustifiable order on data sharing between platforms 

 Meta insisted that it is unjustifiable for the FCCPC to order it to immediately halt sharing WhatsApp user information with other Facebook companies and third parties until users have voluntarily consented to each aspect of how their data will be used. 

 It submitted that forcing WhatsApp to rely on consent for its data sharing is discriminatory, contrary to the express provisions of the law, and disregards industry-standard practices. 

Meta privacy policy not subject to FCCPC approval 

 WhatsApp and Meta insisted that Nigerian law does not require that the privacy policy of a data controller be approved in advance by either the Commission or the Nigeria Data Protection Commission (NDPC), nor does the law authorize any of the agencies to insist on such prior approval. 

Meta can’t revert to its data sharing practices of 2016 

 Meta insisted that there is no legal basis for the Commission to direct the appellants to revert to the “data sharing practices adopted in 2016” (which allowed users to consent or withhold consent). 

It maintained that the companies’ data practices do not violate Nigerian law and, therefore, do not warrant such a directive from the Commission. 

Unclear blockage of WhatsApp data transfer to Facebook 

 The appellants submitted that the instruction to stop transferring data from WhatsApp to Facebook and other third parties without explicit consent from users is unclear, as one can make full use of the WhatsApp messaging service without signing up for a Facebook account or any other Meta product. 

No need for written assurance to FCCPC 

The appellants stated that they had not taken any steps detrimental to the interests of their Nigerian users and that there was no need for the FCCPC to mandate them to submit a “written assurance” assuring it would not infringe on consumers’ rights. 

Erroneous proposed remedy package for consumers 

The appellants argued that they have no remedy “package” to comply with. 

 Furthermore, they contended that the 15-day timeframe stipulated by the order for the execution of the “Proposed Remedy Package” for consumers is inadequate and does not provide an adequate period for implementation. 

Meta can’t pay FCCPC $35,000 as investigation cost 

 The appellants submitted that the Commission erred in law when it ordered that the “Meta Parties shall reimburse the Commission the cost of the investigation in the sum of Thirty-Five Thousand U.S. Dollars only ($35,000.00) (at prevailing exchange rate where applicable) under Section 23(2)(f) of the FCCPA.” 

They argued that there is no legal basis for the Commission to direct the appellants to reimburse the costs of conducting its investigation, as they are not obligated by or liable in law to pay these costs. 

$220 million penalty is hefty 

The appellants also argued that the FCCPC denied them a fair hearing by imposing a hefty penalty without giving them an opportunity to understand the means by which the penalty would be calculated and to respond to the calculation of the proposed amount. 

Impossible to build Data Consent Mechanisms 

 The appellants argued that contrary to the FCCPC’s order on compliance, it would be impossible to identify and build a consent mechanism for each data point processed by Nigerian consumers. They added that doing so would be “extremely expensive.“ 

FCCPC can investigate Meta without requiring the presence of Its personnel 

The appellants argued that FCCPC experts can always conduct data handling compliance audits of Meta, without needing its personnel.  

Further, the appellants have no physical presence in Nigeria, thus negating any need for, or point in having, an audit from the Commission,” they stated. 

Meta Can’t be compelled to obtain FCCPC prior approval 

 The appellants stated that the Commission has no powers to compel them to obtain the approval of the Commission or the NDPC prior to the publication of its privacy policy within ten days. 

 They further argued that updates to its privacy policy require extensive engagement with stakeholders across WhatsApp, and substantial amendments can take months to implement. 

Proposed remedy package will take time to implement 

 The appellants argued that it is not technically possible to implement any proposed remedy package for Nigerian consumers (whose rights have been allegedly infringed upon) within 15 days, as directed by the FCCPC. 

WhatsApp, Meta does not coerce Nigerian consumers 

The appellants argued that if FCCPC’s Order Number 5 of the Final Order is intended to reference “tying in the sense of coercion by an allegedly dominant party of a consumer to accept a tied product as a condition of receiving a tying product, leading to the foreclosure of competition,” no such thing exists in WhatsApp or Meta. 

Meta wasn’t formally probed by FCCPC 

 The appellants argued that the Commission erred when it ordered Meta to produce information in the investigation of WhatsApp without formally initiating an investigation of Meta. 

They argued that WhatsApp is a distinct legal entity from Meta. 

No need to penalize Meta 

The appellants further argued that there was no evidence before the Commission showing that WhatsApp was acting on behalf of Meta, and therefore no evidence to warrant treating Meta as a target of the Commission’s orders. 

Fair hearing 

WhatsApp and Meta argued that the Commission erred in issuing the Final Order because it failed to consider the submissions made by the appellants before issuing the final order, thereby violating their right to a fair hearing. 

 WhatsApp, Meta was not allowed to query the calculation of the penalty 

 The appellants urged the tribunal to hold that the Commission was in error because it did not afford them an opportunity to make representations on the feasible period required for compliance with its decisions, the amount of the penalty imposed, or the methodology employed in calculating the penalty. 

FCCPC made no findings against WhatsApp, Meta 

The appellants’ legal team also argued that the Final Order issued by the Commission is fundamentally flawed due to its failure to disclose any findings of fact or law or to provide reasons for the decisions or penalties. 

FCCPC fined WhatsApp and Meta without the signature of its Executive Chairman or Vice Chairman 

The appellants argued that the position of the Executive Vice-Chairman of the FCCPC was allegedly vacant at the time the Final Order was signed. 

It stated: 

“To be clear, while President Bola Tinubu appointed Mr. Olatunji Bello on June 24, 2024, as the Executive Vice-Chairman of the Commission, his appointment had, at all material times, not been confirmed by the Senate in accordance with Section 5 of the FCCPA. 

“Thus, it effectively means that the position of the Executive Vice-Chairman was vacant on the date shown on the face of the Final Order.” 

Unreasonable orders 

WhatsApp and Meta believe that the Final Order of the FCCPC “is unreasonable and against the weight of evidence.” 

They urged the Tribunal to allow their appeal and set aside all of the decisions reached in the Final Order of the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission. 

What you should know 

Per data from Statista, there were nearly 41.6 million Facebook users in Nigeria as of May 2023, which is 18.5% of the country’s population. 

Following the FCCPC’s orders, WhatsApp reacted, saying, “In 2021, we went to users globally to explain how talking to businesses, among other things, would work. While there was a lot of confusion then, it has actually proven quite popular.” 

Meanwhile, fines such as the ones imposed against Meta are not uncommon. Last year, the European Data Protection Agency fined the tech giant Facebook a record €1.2 billion for not complying with the EU’s privacy regulations. 

The Irish Data Protection Commission stated that Meta, the parent company of Facebook, violated the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) by transferring large amounts of European Facebook users’ personal data to the United States without adequately protecting it from U.S. data surveillance practices. 

Amazon had previously been fined €746 million by Luxembourg, and the Irish regulator imposed four fines on Meta’s platforms—Facebook, Instagram, and WhatsApp—ranging from €225 million to €405 million between 2021 and 2023. 

Over the past five years, Big Tech companies Amazon, Meta, and Google have faced some of the largest fines imposed under the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) privacy laws. 

The legality or illegality of the recent penalties and orders against WhatsApp and Meta Platforms is now a matter for the courts to determine. 

[Nairametrics]

Fuel scarcity has continued to plague Nigeria, with many filling stations shut down in several states, including Abuja, Niger, and Nasarawa.

Naija News understands that the few stations that are open have long queues of motorists waiting to buy petrol, leading to frustration and gridlock in major cities.

 

In Abuja, several NNPC and Conoil filling stations had long queues, with some motorists waiting for hours to buy fuel. Others, such as Salbas, Gegu Oil, and Eterna, were closed due to lack of product.

The situation was similar in Niger State, where many filling stations, including NNPC retail outlets, were shut, leading to massive queues at the few stations that were open.

In Lagos and Ogun states, only filling stations owned by major marketers were dispensing fuel, with long queues reported at many outlets. Independent marketers were unable to get fuel supply, leading to closures and a rise in transport fares.

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited retail outlet in Iyana-Woro had a long queue of vehicles waiting to buy petrol. The NNPC Retail outlets usually sell PMS at prices below N600/litre in Lagos, but dispense it at N617/litre in Abuja and environs.

Also, the Heyden filling station along Iyana-Woro, MRS at Alapere, Conoil, TotalEnergies, and Mobil along Alahusa Secretariat all had long queues as they sold a litre of PMS between N617 and N650.

Drivers who could not wait in the queues said they had to patronise the independent marketers who sell between N700 and N900/litre.

The scarcity has also led to an increase in black market activities, with petrol being sold at exorbitant prices, up to N1,500 per liter.

Depot operators confirmed that they were rationing petrol due to low supply, and it may take up to a week to restore normalcy.

“Nothing has changed as of Monday. The depot owners have started rationing the little they have. Depots are loading, but at snail speed, and this was occasioned by the paucity of product,” a depot operator told The PUNCH.

Another source hinted that the planned hunger protest might worsen the situation.

“This scarcity will be with us till the weekend because supply dislocation takes a minimum of one week to get to normalcy. If the movement of trucks during protest is affected, it will get worse,” he added.

The NNPC has attributed the fuel scarcity to a hitch in the discharge operations of a couple of vessels.

However, despite assurances, the situation has continued to deteriorate. The company said it was “working round the clock with all stakeholders to resolve the situation and restore normalcy in the operations.”

Many Nigerians are skeptical about the NNPC’s assurances, given the persistent fuel scarcity.

We have heard this before, and nothing has changed. The NNPC needs to do more to address this scarcity,” said a motorist waiting in line to buy fuel.

The fuel scarcity has also had an impact on businesses, with many shutting down due to lack of fuel. “We can’t operate without fuel, and it’s affecting our business,” said a business owner.

[NaijaNews]