On the occasion of this year’s Armed Forces Remembrances Day (January 15), I send my heartfelt commendation and congratulations to the Chief of Defence Staff; officers and troops of our military for their sacrifices and service to the nation. I also salute the Inspector General of Police and all our police officers, together with the other security agencies and paramilitary forces for their good works, dedication and commitment to service. Our military and security forces are not without blemish (nobody is, actually), but on this occasion, I choose to focus on their successes and unflinching sacrifice in defending our fatherland. They’ve fought gallantly against terrorists, bandits, unknown gun men and other criminals in the last 15 years or so, and from all indications, these attackers, by whatever name they are known, have been largely subdued. Not long ago, terrorists were detonating bombs routinely in Abuja and its environs, and bombings and suicide attacks were a regular feature of daily life in Northern Nigeria. But over the last few years, our forces have fought hard to degrade these evil people and thwart a complete disintegration of the country. I therefore pay my tribute to the current and past commanders of the war threatres and the men and women who sleep in the trenches in the bush to keep Nigeria safe.

Our armed forces have faced many challenges since organized violence broke out in 2009, first as insurgencies and religious extremism before morphing into full blown terrorism. We overcame the embargo placed on sale of arms to Nigeria by the Obama administration when Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was the commander-in-chief. The armed forces also had to deal with several cases of internal sabotage and collusion with the enemy. The reluctance or unwillingness of people in the affected communities to provide intelligence to the authorities is a particularly difficult situation to deal with. Many in these communities have been radicalized to serve as suicide bombers and agents for the terrorists. In places like Kaduna, insecurity was also exacerbated by the provocative and insensitive actions of politicians like former governor Nasir el Rufai; while in places like Zamfara State, corrupt acts of previous political leaders led to escalation of violence. There were also cases of low morale amongst the rank and file and diversion and mismanagement of resources by those in charge. It is commendable that the military has emerged stronger from these crises.

In a recent interview with Al Jazeera Cable TV, the Chief of Defence Staff, Lt. Gen. Christopher Musa highlighted the need to trace financial flows and support that has sustained Boko Haram terrorists for 15 years now despite the military’s best efforts in degrading them. ‘’Each time we capture these terrorists, or each time they surrender, we find huge sums of dollars on them. How do they come by these dollars? How funds them?’’, Gen. Musa asked repeatedly, citing the group’s use of drones for surveillance as its new tactics. The CDS hinted at the involvement of international conspiracy in providing funding, training and equipment to the terrorists and bemoaned difficulties the country faces in obtaining necessary military equipment due to international constraints.

I commend Gen. Musa for speaking out, but I note that it is Nigeria’s responsibility to work with the international community to track these illicit flows of funds and tackle them. However, I the authorities should look in-country for the sources of funding for the terrorists. I strongly suspect oil theft and ransom payments as the possible sources of funding for the terrorists. Billions of dollars worth of crude oil is stolen every year from the Niger Delta and over N3 trillion is paid in ransoms to kidnappers every year, according to official statistics from the Nigerian Bureau of Statistics. These are the major sources of funding for Boko Haram. Gen. Musa should not look far when the problems (and perhaps the solution) are within sight!

Overall, our men and women in uniform have fought with bravery; strength; patriotism and dignity in the face of unmitigated difficulties. Just last week, the Defence Headquarters reported that ISWAP terrorist had killed six soldiers during a raid on its military base in Borno State; and in the fight that ensued, 34 terrorists were killed. Our soldiers are currently dealing with a new group of terrorists in the North West known as ‘’Lukarawa’’. I salute their sacrifices and I send my love and gratitude to the military families for their untold losses.

But the job is not yet done. To further enhance our collective fight against terrorism and other crimes, I support the establishment of state police in the country. I am aware of the reservations many people have against state police because of the potential for its abuse by governors, but I think that with adequate legislations and safeguards, we can mitigate against the abuses. The benefits of state police are legion and far outweigh the demerits. It will certainly improve efficiency of the overall policing efforts in the country.

ETIM is a journalist and author

Nigeria’s entertainment industry has become one of the nation’s largest skill exports globally, thanks to its thriving music, film, and fashion sectors.

The entertainment industry comprises Nollywood, the Afrobeat sector, broadcast shows, comedy, digital productions, fashion, and beauty.

These industries have not only captured the attention of international audiences but also established Nigeria as a cultural powerhouse, influencing trends, styles, and sounds worldwide.

Despite challenges like inflation and naira devaluation, the industry remains resilient and has grown to be valued at over $10 billion according to Ben Bruce, Founder of SilverBird Group.

The Nollywood film industry alone is estimated at $6.4 billion, while the music sector generates over $2 billion annually, fueled by the global rise of Afrobeats. The fashion industry also contributes about $1 billion annually, according to Business of Fashion.

Over the years, it has secured major deals with international brands such as Netflix, Amazon, Spotify, Apple Music, YouTube, and Universal Music Group. Additionally, international lifestyle brands have tapped into the market through ambassadorial deals to connect with and expand their target audience.

However, despite its impressive growth, the industry faces challenges, including piracy, intellectual property theft, poor contract enforcement, and weak regulatory frameworks. These gaps leave stakeholders like actors, musicians, and record labels vulnerable to exploitation.

Amid these challenges, skilled entertainment lawyers have emerged over the years to safeguard and support the rights, assets, and interests of key players in the industry. This piece highlights seven powerful female entertainment lawyers who have played pivotal roles in shaping and securing Nigeria’s entertainment landscape, ensuring its continued growth and global relevance.

Isioma Idigbe

Isioma heads the Media & Entertainment Practice Group. She holds a Bachelor of Law (LL.B) from the University of Kent, Canterbury, and graduated from the Nigerian Law School in 2015. She also completed a Certificate Course in Entertainment Law from Osgoode Law School, University of York, Toronto.

• Isioma is a member of the Nigerian Bar Association and the International Association of Entertainment Lawyers (IAEL). She is the founder and first president of the University of Kent Nigerian Law Society and a student mentor in the Kent Law School Professional Mentoring Scheme.
• She serves as the Secretary of the Music Publishers Association of Nigeria (MPAN) and is the Managing Director of Verif Content, a company specializing in due diligence checks on Intellectual Property in Nigeria.

In 2018, she received the Rising Star Award at the Law Digest Awards for her contributions to the Nigerian Media and Entertainment Industry.

Omotayo Queen Inakoju

Omotayo Queen Inakoju has extensive work experience in the legal field. Omotayo Queen currently serves as the Head of Legal at EbonyLife Media, where they negotiate and seal multinational film deals, draft and review complex film agreements, and advise on intellectual property strategy.

• Prior to her current role, she worked at Silverbird Group Ng as a Legal Executive, providing legal advice to the board members and handling film exhibition and distribution contracts. Omotayo Queen also served as a Legal Officer/Assistant Legal Manager, where they negotiated, drafted, and reviewed commercial contracts and ensured legal compliance.

• Omotayo Queen Inakoju received a Bachelor of Laws (LLB) degree in Law from Adekunle Ajasin University in Nigeria, graduating in 2012. In 2014, they completed their legal education by obtaining a Certificate of Call to Bar from the Nigerian Law School and was awarded a BL (Bachelor of Law) degree from the Nigerian Council of Legal Education.

Omotayo Queen has also obtained additional certifications, including being an Associate Member of the Institute of Chartered Secretaries and Administrators of Nigeria (ICSAN) and a Graduate Member of ICSAN. In 2018, they became an Associate of the Chartered Institute of Taxation of Nigeria.

Folake Falana

Folake Falana is a highly accomplished international lawyer and educator, renowned for her extensive experience in contracts, commercial law, entertainment law, and more. After earning her Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.) from the University of Buckingham, UK, in 2009, she moved to Nigeria, where she qualified as a barrister and solicitor.

• Throughout her career, Folake has gained invaluable expertise in various legal fields, initially working as a legal advisor at multiple companies before advancing to one of Nigeria’s premier law firms. In 2017, she shifted her focus to entertainment law, founding Folke Consulting and becoming the founding partner at F and F Legal Consulting.
• She is also the head of entertainment law at Falana & Falana Chambers. Her boutique legal consulting firm specializes in representing clients in the music, film, and entertainment industries, as well as supporting entrepreneurs and startups.
• Under her guidance, many clients have achieved tremendous success, gaining millions of streams and views on platforms like Spotify, YouTube, Netflix, and Amazon.

Beyond her legal practice, Folake is a sought-after consultant and expert in entertainment law, regularly appearing on panels, radio shows, and television, including the MTV BASE MUSICOLOGY show. She also dedicates significant time to educating entertainers through her podcast, The Showbiz Compass Podcast, and various training events hosted by her company.

Amanda Uzoagba 

Amanda Uzoagba is an entertainment law professional who has been practicing for over 10 years,  particularly in music licensing and intellectual property law.

Currently the Head of Licensing for West Africa at Mdundo.com, she has managed music licensing deals, distribution agreements, and ensured compliance with regional legal and commercial standards. Her leadership was important in securing music rights from various stakeholders, largely contributing to Mdundo’s growth and sustainability in the West African market.

• Prior to this, as Lead Consultant at GoldWhisk Consult, Uzoagba negotiated and drafted complex contracts in the media and entertainment sector, focusing on high-value music deals, international distribution, and publishing agreements. Her strategic insights helped clients maximize their revenue potential, securing multimillion-dollar deals that expanded the global reach of African artists.

• During her time at EbonyLife Group, she was a Senior Legal Executive, supported her role in managing the company’s legal affairs, contributing her quota to its global expansion strategy, and overseeing licensing renewals. Her expertise helped EbonyLife navigate regulatory challenges and solidify its global presence.

Throughout her career, Amanda also held leadership roles at Zinarts Agency Limited, Kudibar, and The ColorCode Media Group, advising on licensing, trademark protection, and contract negotiations, establishing herself as a key player in entertainment law.

Yemisi Falaye 

Oluyemisi Falaye is a distinguished entertainment lawyer and the Team Lead for Legal, Business Development, and Talent Affairs at The Temple Company Limited, where she provides expert legal advice and representation to some of the biggest names in African entertainment. With a wealth of experience, Oluyemisi has built a reputation as one of Nigeria’s foremost entertainment lawyers, specializing in various facets of law, including intellectual property, immigration, and corporate commercial law.

• Her expertise extends to advising and negotiating deals for creatives, such as musicians, actors, filmmakers, and fashion influencers.
• Falaye who describes herself as “providing Legal advice and representation to the biggest names in African Entertainment”- has worked with high-profile clients like Davido, Zlatan Ibile, Toke Makinwa, Sola Sobowale, Adekunle Gold, and Cuppy (Florence Otedola). She was instrumental in leading the legal team handling contract negotiations and agreements for major projects, including the Afro Pop Vol. 1 album and The Wedding Party 2 movie.

With nearly two decades of experience, Oluyemisi has also held a long tenure as Senior Legal Counsel at Adepetun Caxton-Martins Agbor & Segun (ACAS-LAW), where she gained extensive experience in media, entertainment law, and corporate commercial matters.

Abidemi Opeyemi

Abidemi is the Managing Associate at Pentagon Partners Legal Practitioners, where she plays a pivotal role in leading the Governance, Risk, and Compliance Group, as well as the Transaction Advisory Group.

With over a decade of corporate and transactional experience, her expertise spans corporate restructuring, intellectual property, media and entertainment, compliance, regulatory licensing, antitrust, privacy, executive compensation, and more.

• The Pentagon Partners Legal Practitioners, where Abidemi is managing partner, represented Nigerian actress, Ini Edo in a high-profile intellectual property rights dispute with Netflix over the series- Shanty Town.
• In addition to her work in media and entertainment, she played a key role in formulating the legal structure for the introduction, branding, and marketing of Moet Hennessy in Nigeria.
• Abidemi was also integral in advising on the external restructuring between DSTV (Multichoice Nigeria) and two subsidiaries, where she drafted transaction documentation and ensured compliance across multiple legal areas.
• Her other achievements include acting as Legal Adviser for Venator Media Partners, overseeing media partnerships and due diligence for the acquisition by Trace S.A., and advising Vesta Healthcare Partners on healthcare financing projects.

She also led negotiations for the distribution license of a customized African edition of a popular board game for Bestman Games, managing intellectual property protection and drafting agreements for sponsors, agents, and marketers.

Oyinkansola Fawehinmi 

Oyinkansola Fawehinmi is an accomplished entertainment lawyer with over a decade of expertise in intellectual property, talent management, and rights clearance. She is the Founder and Lead Consultant at Zaeda Oracle Limited, established in 2023, which provides tailored legal and business management services for professionals in music, film, fashion, and other creative industries.

• Her career highlights include handling rights clearance for major Nollywood films such as The Black Book, Brotherhood, and Gangs of Lagos, as well as the Bud Remix Project.
• As the President of Digital Music Commerce and Exchange Ltd (2019-2023), she closed multi-million-dollar licensing deals with leading Digital Service Providers and secured high-profile sync licenses with industry giants like Netflix, NFL, and Coldplay.
• Oyinkansola has also elevated African music by discovering and mentoring renowned producers such as P.Priime and Tempoe.
• She spearheaded the groundbreaking Wawomi Tour, boosting her clients’ visibility by 400%- with audiences spanning 10+ countries.
• She also preserved the legacies of late music icons such as Dagrin and Haruna Ishola, increasing their recurring revenue through strategic catalog administration.

Oyinkansola obtained her Bachelor of Laws (LLB) degree from Babcock University in 2013, specializing in entertainment and intellectual property law. She earned her Barrister-at-Law (BL) from the Nigerian Law School in 2014 and later pursued an MBA at the Quantic School of Business and Technology (2022–2023).

[Nairametrics]

“If goat dey chop yam, na who open barn door we go ask.”

In the bustling streets of Nigeria, where the aroma of suya (spiced grilled meat) fills the air, the conversations that take place at these food joints often provide an informal yet powerful reflection of the country’s political climate. In many ways, these “Suya Spot Parliamentarians” embody the collective frustrations, aspirations, and beliefs of the Nigerian populace, offering a candid, if not humorous, lens through which we can better understand political leadership and its complexities.

I am intentional in my suya spot because for some reason Suya is not sold in the mornings in most parts of Nigeria, at best, we start the preparation in the afternoon. Either way, follow me in this conversation…

Suya spots, often informal, unassuming local eateries, have long been meeting ground for the everyday Nigerian, where the latest gossip, political discussions, and societal issues are shared with gusto. Here, amid the sizzling meat and spicy pepper sauce, Nigerians wax philosophical, sharing their views on national matters. These impromptu “parliaments” are a melting pot of ideas, perspectives, and critiques of the leadership in power.

The conversations are typically peppered with sharp wit and fervor, and more often than not, they reveal deep dissatisfaction with the political class. But what’s striking is the ease with which these leaders are vilified, reduced to mere “demons” in the minds of the masses. This is more than just frustration; it is a consequence of the systemic failure of leadership, where promises are broken, resources are mismanaged, and the average citizen feels increasingly disconnected from those they elect to lead them.

In a country like Nigeria, the relationship between the people and their leaders is often characterized by an unspoken yet palpable tension. The notion that “leaders are the demons we create” taps into a deep-seated truth: Nigerian leaders, for all their perceived faults, are not born into power—they are products of a system that allows them to thrive.

The electorate is complicit in this dynamic, too. Voter apathy, electoral malpractices, and corruption perpetuate the cycle of bad leadership. Nigerian leaders often rise to power through a mixture of patronage, promises of change, and the manipulation of public sentiment. Once in power, many fail to meet the expectations of their constituents, and instead of inspiring hope, they reinforce the sense of betrayal.

The reality is that these leaders are not foreign entities imposed upon us—they emerge from our communities, from our collective choices, and from the very system we participate in, whether passively or actively. When corruption flourishes, when politicians break promises, when national resources are looted, the Nigerian populace is often left lamenting the leaders who have failed them. Yet, these leaders are merely the reflection of a society that, in many instances, tolerates or even facilitates their rise.

One of the most significant issues within Nigerian politics is the chronic disconnection between leaders and the people. Over the years, the political class has become increasingly self-serving, creating an environment where national interests take a backseat to personal gain. This has resulted in the emergence of “leaders” who are more interested in amassing wealth and power than in serving the public.

However, the Nigerian electorate is not without fault. In a society where immediate gratification often trumps long-term vision, voters are sometimes swayed by promises of short-term benefits—such as a bag of rice, a token sum of money, or a plate of food. This transactional relationship between leaders and the electorate has become ingrained in the political culture, perpetuating a vicious cycle of electoral manipulation and unaccountable governance.

The result is a leadership class that often behaves like “demons” in the eyes of the people: those who consume the resources that should benefit the masses, those who create policies that serve their interests rather than the public’s, and those who remain disconnected from the everyday struggles of the people they were elected to represent.

While it’s easy to point fingers at politicians and lament the state of Nigerian politics, the responsibility for change doesn’t rest solely on the shoulders of the leaders. It lies with the citizens who must demand better leadership, who must hold politicians accountable, and who must push for systemic reforms that address the root causes of bad governance.

The way forward for Nigeria lies in the collective action of the people—breaking free from the cycle of patronage and transactional politics and embracing a culture of accountability and transparency. The country needs leaders who are not just figureheads, but true servants of the people, willing to sacrifice their own interests for the greater good.

Nigerians must also take the conversations from the suya spots to the voting booths. The “Suya Spot Parliamentarians” may have insightful critiques, but it’s time for these voices to translate into real political power. Civic engagement and active participation in the democratic process are crucial to reshaping Nigeria’s political future. It’s not enough to complain about the “demons” in power without understanding that we, too, play a part in the process of creating them.

I will end with a small story…a man stole a cap and brought it out for sale with notice to any prospective buyer that it was a stolen cap. A Man volunteered to buy at a given price.

On the following Saturday, the new owner wore the Cap to a wedding ceremony. The original owner coincidentally attended the ceremony, saw his cap from afar, and recognized the same.

He moved nearer to the Man wearing the cap, observed and ensured it was his stolen cap, greeted him, and asked where he came across the cap he was wearing.

The Man replied, “I picked it on the bed of my junior wife and I am looking for the owner myself. The Man removed the cap, handed it to the original owner for proper examination. The original owner checked and suddenly handed it back to the Man saying it’s not his cap but rather a look alike. In a couple of minutes, the original owner disappeared from the gathering without notice; hence sacrificing his cap.

The metaphor of “Suya Spot Parliamentarians” captures the essence of Nigerian politics: informal, outspoken, and often frustrated. Yet, this energy and passion for change must be harnessed and directed toward meaningful action. Leaders are indeed the demons we create, but they are also the ones we can choose to replace, reshape, or reform. Same way we need to ask, how intelligent are we in dealing with issues of critical interest to Nigeria, especially when we are addressing the leadership question.

Ultimately, the Nigerian people have the power to transform their country. It is not enough to sit in a corner and lament the state of leadership; it’s time to take action—through voting, advocacy, and participation—to build a leadership that genuinely serves the people, not just its interests. The question is, are we ready to break the cycle and create a Nigeria where leaders are held accountable, where corruption is no longer tolerated, and where the government truly represents the will of the people? Only time will tell, but the choice lies within us all.

—

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

The stark reality of unavoidable price hikes has woven itself into the fabric of the average Nigeria’s daily existence, a grim hallmark of an unyielding cost-of-living crisis.What began with increases in petrol, gas, transportation, interest rates, food, and power has now extended to telecommunications services. This unrelenting rise in costs has prompted many Nigerians to label the phenomenon the “Hike Economy.” The term encapsulates the frustration and despair of millions as essential services and commodities become increasingly unaffordable. At its core, this crisis is not just an economic challenge but a social one, threatening the very fabric of a society striving for development and stability. Understanding this trend and its implications has never been more critical. The pervasive impact of the “Hike Economy” demands urgent, innovative interventions to alleviate its burden on households and businesses, offering a glimmer of hope in these challenging times.

In 2023/2024, Nigeria recorded one of the highest inflation rates globally, with figures hovering between 25% and 36.4% by November 2024. This marked the highest inflation peak in 30 years, pushing more citizens into poverty. Inflation has permeated every aspect of the economy, making it seem as if Nigerians are destined to face new price increases daily. For example, the price of a 50kg bag of rice—a staple food item—rose from ₦40,000 in early 2023 to over ₦100,000 by late 2024, creating food insecurity for millions of households. The term “Hike Economy” reflects the relentless escalation of costs burdening households and businesses alike.

The latest manifestation of the “Hike Economy” is the impending increase in telecommunications costs. With the active support of the regulator, telecom companies are poised to raise prices, citing rising energy costs and currency devaluation. For instance, a leading telecom provider recently announced a 15% increase in data tariffs. While these reasons seem plausible, they warrant closer scrutiny. Rising energy costs have been exacerbated by Nigeria’s reliance on imported fuel and the lingering effects of subsidy removal. Currency devaluation, a persistent issue in the Nigerian economy, raises operational costs for telecom providers who rely on imported technology and infrastructure. However, these factors do not tell the whole story.

Consumers often question why telecom companies fail to lower prices when such factors stabilise. For example, telecom tariffs remained unchanged during periods of lower global crude oil prices, which typically reduce energy costs. This one-directional trend fuels skepticism and frustration among consumers. A glaring example is the rollout of 5G technology in Nigeria. Touted as a game-changer for connectivity, its implementation has been marred by high costs passed on to consumers despite promises of affordability and accessibility. Such practices underscore the need for regulatory oversight to ensure price adjustments are justified and reflective of market realities. Without mechanisms for fairness and transparency, these hikes erode consumer trust.

The far-reaching effects of these price hikes deepen financial struggles for the average Nigerian. With household budgets already stretched, further increases in telecom costs will push many to the brink. For instance, a family spending ₦30,000 monthly on telephone and internet services may need to adjust to a ₦37,000–₦40,000 expense, forcing cutbacks on other essential needs. This move starkly contrasts the government’s promise to reduce inflation to 15% by 2025, raising questions about policy coherence.

Higher telecom costs threaten Nigeria’s vision of leveraging technology to drive economic revival. Affordable connectivity is a linchpin for progress in critical sectors like digital banking, education, healthcare, agriculture, and e-governance. A price hike risks derailing advancements in these areas, undermining efforts to build a robust, technology-driven economy.

Increasing telecommunications prices will exacerbate poverty and widen existing inequalities, hitting lower-income families the hardest. Informal sector workers who depend on affordable mobile data to access gig work opportunities may find it harder to stay connected. Small businesses, which rely heavily on affordable telecommunications for operations, marketing, and customer engagement, will face additional strain. A local trade group estimates that a 10% increase in telecom costs could reduce small business profitability by up to 7%, potentially leading to closures. Education, increasingly reliant on digital platforms, will also suffer. Higher costs will limit students’ access to online learning resources, putting global competitiveness further out of reach.

Telemedicine and remote healthcare services, which rely heavily on internet connectivity, may become less accessible to rural and underserved populations, widening healthcare disparities. Farmers and rural communities increasingly depend on mobile technology for market access, weather updates, and agricultural extension services. Rising telecom costs could disrupt these advancements, reducing productivity and economic opportunities. For instance, a farmer cooperative in northern Nigeria that uses mobile apps to connect with buyers and monitor crop prices could be cut off from critical market information due to increased data costs.

The telecommunications regulator plays a pivotal role in navigating this crisis. Regulatory bodies must prevent unjustified price increases, push for service quality improvements without adding financial burdens on consumers, and advocate for innovative solutions that balance operator needs with consumer affordability. For example, regulators in South Africa have successfully implemented price caps tied to inflation indexes to protect consumers. Such measures in Nigeria could mitigate the effects of the “Hike Economy” while supporting technological and economic growth. Transparency in telecom operators’ cost structures can also help consumers understand the rationale behind price adjustments, building trust and accountability.

The National Association of Telecoms Subscribers (NATCOMS) has opposed the planned hike, calling it insensitive in an already challenging economic environment. Their argument highlights the undue burden these increases place on consumers and the threat to Nigeria’s digital economy. As more Nigerians embrace digital solutions for education, healthcare, and commerce, higher telecom prices could force many to cut back on usage or disconnect entirely. This would reverse years of progress in digital inclusion, especially in underserved areas where connectivity is vital for accessing government services and economic opportunities.

Addressing the “Hike Economy” requires more than opposition; it calls for actionable strategies. These include encouraging renewable energy use to reduce operators’ power costs, offering tax incentives to telecom providers committed to affordable pricing, promoting public-private partnerships for infrastructure development, and establishing a price review mechanism to ensure fairness and transparency. For example, shared broadband networks in Kenya have reduced costs for telecom operators, resulting in more competitive data pricing for end users. Adopting similar strategies in Nigeria could alleviate the financial strain on both operators and consumers, creating a win-win scenario.

Connectivity is the backbone of Nigeria’s service-based economy. Price hikes in telecommunications risk jeopardising economic recovery, worsening inequalities, and stifling technological progress. Regulatory ingenuity is essential to combating these challenges. The focus must shift towards maintaining affordability, improving service quality, and ensuring telecommunications remain a catalyst for national development rather than a source of financial strain. Addressing the “Hike Economy” with empathy and innovation will be key to securing a prosperous and equitable future for all Nigerians.

“Now to the oba-elect. Whoever sits on the stool of Oyo should never be seen at weedy, seedy joints. He must speak the language of his beginning and clothe his ancestors with velvets of respect and respectability. Shameful journeys he must not make. Strange words and/or gestures that attack the reason for his stool should not be his to say or make. We have seen enough wrong persons ‘shitting’ on ancestral beds. We cannot add Oyo to that rank. There was an Alaafin Abiodun for whose reign the people till tomorrow sing songs of praise. Abiodun’s successor was Aole whose reign made refugees of the people. The choice of who to copy is for the new moon to make.”

The oba under our law is not a king; he is a chief. That is why the law governing the appointment and removal of the oba and his ìjòyè is called Chiefs Law. The colonial government made it so. The oba was not recognised as king by the law – because the English king/queen was the sovereign here, and there could not be more than one king in a kingdom. They didn’t stop at that. What the oba occupied or vacated was a ‘stool’, not a ‘throne’. Only the English king or queen had a throne. And, one more thing: the oba was allowed to raise revenue but he must not call what he did “collection of taxes”; only His/Her Majesty, the King/Queen of England had that right. The revenue-raising privilege the oba had was known and called “imposition of tributes.”

Sixty four years after the British left, the law is still Chiefs Law; what the oba occupies is still the lowly ‘stool’, not a ‘throne’. Imposition of tributes or collection of taxes? The oba lost that power to the local government council. Ìgbì Aiyé Nyí. No condition is permanent.

‘Ìgbì Aiyé Nyí’ is a Yoruba novel that teaches the impermanence of power and privileges. Authored by T. A. A. Ladele, the title literally means ‘The Tide of Life Ebbs’ – or, in simple words, the cliche: “no condition is permanent.” In chilling details, we read the story of unbridled excesses and a humbling fall. From the mountain top of privileges, we read the Alaafin of Oyo, his palace and his chiefs descending the stairs to abject subjection. It is a book for every new king to read in their period of seclusion. I particularly recommend it to the three high chiefs of Oyo who are currently talking tough against their employers (the government) over the choice of their new oba.

In a contest between egg and stone, the result is easily predictable. No oba should think himself God – or government; and no chief must act like king. The past is in the past. In the past, one vote of the palace trumped sixteen votes. That vote today belongs to the state. This is not just about Oyo State. A new Owa Obokun of Ijesaland was chosen last month. Whose call was that? You have also seen the making of the Emir of Kano by one governor and his unmaking by another. The real chiefly kingmakers lost their scepter the day the British came and took power.

There is a gain in what has just happened: Future contestants now know the abortive result in kingmakers commodifying stools and thrones. Tomorrow, no kingmaker will find intelligent buyers for what belongs to all.

No oba will also think himself God tomorrow. The king was very powerful and divine in the past. But that part is buried in the past.

I once reported this: In the West Africa magazine of March 3, 1945 was a piece in celebration of the memory of Alaafin Siyanbola Ladigbolu I (1911 – 1944) who joined his ancestors a few months earlier. “The highest oath that an Oyo man could take was to swear by the head of the Alaafin,” the magazine wrote, and added that the people believed their oba was God. The oba himself thought himself so and he said so and acted so. How?

Eshugbayi Eleko was deposed as the Oba of Lagos in 1925 by the British. He was subsequently banished to Oyo town but he didn’t go quietly into the night; he went to court. During the ensuing celebrated case, evidence on some historical issues was needed in support of the deposed oba. It was to the Alaafin of Oyo that counsel to Oba Eshugbayi went.

Oba Ladigbolu was asked to swear an oath before his evidence was taken.

Alaafin queried in anger:

“By whose name?”

“By God’s name or by the name of your idol,” the lawyer told him.

“I myself am God!” The oba thundered.

That was hubris; he was too big to know that the horse of his powers had bolted. If you doubt the reality of how the Alaafin perceived himself in the statement above, maybe you should read another case recorded for him in history. It is the account of a visit of Ibadan Councillors I. B. Akinyele and J. Aboderin to Alaafin Ladigbolu on a peace mission on 1 October, 1934. It tells of what an Alaafin thought he was – and capable of doing.

The councilors left Ibadan and reached Oyo at 4:00 p.m. They reported themselves to the Resident. With the Resident, they went to the Aafin in company of the District Officer, Mr. Jones.

They then delivered the message of the Baale of Ibadan and of his council to the Alaafin: “In the olden time, our forefathers and your fathers were friends, and we earnestly wish that this friendship should continue. Your messengers have been treating our messengers with contempt and abusive language whenever we sent them to give you compliments and presents during the time you hold your yearly festivals. We do not like this sort of treatment any longer. If our friendship is to continue, our messengers should be treated with courtesy befitting our dignity. We do not presume that you are responsible for this kind of treatment that our messengers receive from yours. We would like you to take step to warn these messengers to stop this bad habit. We wish that we should maintain the old bond of friendship and live as neighbours in peace and harmony. Wishing you long life and prosperity. When we have delivered the above message, the Resident called upon the Alaafin to reply. The Alaafin then said that this message was not meant for him, and the Resident himself should reply to it. The Resident again reiterated the message, and explained it to the Alaafin. The Alaafin again said that the message was not meant for him. The Resident gave the gist of the message two times more and asked the Alaafin to give his reply to the message.

Then the Alaafin said: “Of all the inhabitants of Ibadan, with the exception of Oluyole, which of you has got a father? And, are you not all my slaves I used to send out on expeditions to fight my enemies?”

The Resident said that the Alaafin should not say that again, because in the Treaty of 1893 between Ibadan and Queen Victoria, his predecessor (the late Alaafin) admitted that the Ibadans are free.

The Alaafin replied:

“He! He! (Fie, Fie) I think all white men are the same. Captain Ross, my friend, had put them under me, and if you wish to take them away, you could please yourself. I know there is no else beside me but God. What shall I do with the Ibadan people? They do not work for me on the farm; they have not helped to construct roads in Oyo. What do they do for me? If any man wanted promotion at Ibadan I used to send my friend, Captain Ross, to elevate him; and if any appeared recalcitrant, I used to send my friend to punish him and remove. When I instructed Situ the Bale to promote one of my friends, and he did not listen, I worked his removal through my friend. I think you white men are the same and I think you adopt my friend’s policy, and if you do not wish to do so, you could please yourself, this means ‘Omi titun dé, eja titun dé’ (New water comes and new fishes come) Ten Kings ten times. You Resident are the new water and you are the new fish. It is your own look out, to manage the business as you like.”

The Alaafin said further:

“You, the two councillors, I want to give you a special message to Okunola who calls himself a Baale. Tell him he should remember that in his father’s family, no one has ever borne a title in Ibadan which is higher than AYINGUN. When he came to beg me here that I should give him a title, I asked my friend, Captain Ross, to go and promote him to the title of Ekerin, although he had not been a Mogaji before. When he wanted to become the ASHIPA, I again sent my friend to tell Situ, the Baale of Ibadan, that if he refused to make him the ASHIPA I would demote him and make the Ekerin Baale in his stead. When he wanted to be made the Balogun, it was the turn of Aminu, the son of Apanpa, to be the Balogun, but I took the turn from Aminu and gave him and promoted him to become the Balogun. When he wanted to become the Baale of Ibadan, I deprived Otun Ayodele who had the right to the post and made him the Baale of Ibadan. Whenever he quarreled with any of his wives, I used to settle the quarrel. If he could follow this Oyinbo (the new Resident) let him hold on to him. He should remember that when he had no horse, I gave him one. If that was the way he could show his gratitude, alright. He should remember that Situ had not done half of what he had done and he should remember how I hated him.”

The Alaafin then gave the councilors one turkey and one pound and sent them away.

The account above is as it is carefully set out on pages 933 and 934 of Toyin Falola’s ‘Ibadan: Foundation, Growth and Change, 1830-1960.’

The Alaafin who said all the above was the same Alaafin who died and was denied the customary company of courtiers on his journey back to his ancestors. You remember Wole Soyinka’s ‘Death and The King’s Horseman’? The historical incident that birthed that play happened at the exit of Oba Ladigbolu. His predecessors enjoyed the privilege of the company of their Olokunesin, the king’s horseman who must commit suicide and follow his late lord to the world of the dead. The white man said no to Ladigbolu’s Olokunesin; the king who said he was God went home alone, and lonely.

We hope the new Alaafin knows that he is appointed king and not God. We hope he learns from the tide that washed away his ancestors’ privileges. I hope he knows he is not coming in to become rich, become a pastor or an Imam. His coming is to retie the snapped rope of life of his land.

The people saw other trees in the forest before they settled on this òmò trunk for making the newest Gbèdu drum. The choice must always remember that fact and beat the right beat, sing the right song. When a prince is crowned king, he must never be seen again making good-luck charms – except he wants to become Olódùmarè. The one who did that was presumed seeking to be God. He should ask his predecessors for guidance.

Fifty years is a good age to enter the ancestral grove. When a child is invested with the Egungún costume, he has become an elder and must, therefore, be found with elderly conduct. Courage lives with leaders. A key wisdom the new king will hear in Ìpèbí is that one does not become an elder and yet lacks courage. Cowardice has consequences. He should ask Alaafin Ajaka.

The Alaafin institution is bigger than Oyo town, bigger than the oba and bigger than the chiefs. It cannot be abandoned as hostage to principals and principalities. What do you do when a calabash buries its face in the ground and won’t look up? The answer happened on Thursday and Friday last week. The chiefs are not the town.

Now to the oba-elect. Whoever sits on the stool of Oyo should never be seen at weedy, seedy joints. He must speak the language of his beginning and clothe his ancestors with velvets of respect and respectability. Shameful journeys he must not make. Strange words and/or gestures that attack the reason for his stool should not be his to say or make. We have seen enough wrong persons ‘shitting’ on ancestral beds. We cannot add Oyo to that rank. There was an Alaafin Abiodun for whose reign the people till tomorrow sing songs of praise. Abiodun’s successor was Aole whose reign made refugees of the people. The choice of who to copy is for the new moon to make.

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) is planning to rebase Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and the Consumer Price Index (CPI).

There are expectations that the economy will be bigger while inflation will be lower.

This was the situation in 2014 when Nigeria became Africa’s largest economy, with its GDP surging by 89 percent to $510 billion and inflation averaging 8.05 percent compared to 8.50 percent in the previous year.

But the NBS at the rebasing sensitisation workshop it organised in collaboration with the Nigerian Economic Summit Group in Lagos, last Thursday, emphasised that the exercise does not necessarily mean that the GDP will become more robust or shrink, rather it would give an accurate assessment of the economy.

“Rebasing is a very vital exercise that ensures our economic indicators are accurate, reflecting the updated structure of our economy,” Adeyemi Adeniran, the statistician general and CEO of the NBS, said.

“It’s done to absorb the new ministries that the new government just created, upgrade the CPI basket and change the methodology of CPI and GDP,” he added.

Why does rebasing the economy matter?

Most governments overhaul GDP calculations every three to five years to reflect changes in output and consumption. Prior to 2014, Nigeria had not done so since 1990.

According to the NBS, rebasing is a process of updating an old base year with a recent one to reflect changes in the prices of goods and services produced within the economy. The agency explained that constant price estimates are recalculated using the new base year’s prices.

It stated that the rebasing will cover new areas of the economy, including digital economy, modular refineries, pension fund administration, national health insurance scheme, mining, among others.

Beyond potentially increasing the size of the economy, tax-to-GDP and debt-to-GDP ratios are expected to decline, allowing for more fiscal balance. Similarly, per capita income, which is about $877, will rise.

Will Nigeria become the largest economy once again?

Nigeria became Africa’s biggest economy following the 2014’s rebasing, but analysts point that while the country’s GDP would rise in dollar terms, the results might not be as impressive as what was obtainable over 10 years ago.

Amaka Anku, Africa director at Eurasia Group, said the rebasing will likely increase the size of Nigeria’s economy in dollar terms despite its entry to a second recession in five years and a weakened naira.

“They will be adding new components to the GDP, so it would likely result in a larger economy but, definitely, not as big a bump as in 2010,” Anku said.

Similarly, CardinalStone analysts said that the proposed rebasing will drive improved capturing of economic activities and support planning initiatives. However, it is likely to shrink the size of the informal economy.

It further explained that the rebasing is also likely to result in a significant increase in the reported size of the economy.

How does it affect rising prices?

The NBS said the rebasing exercise may not directly lead to a reduction or upward trajectory of consumer prices, rather it aims to capture price changes over time

However, Ayo Andrew, head of price statistics at the NBS, revealed that four ‘special indexes’ will be added to the CPI computation as part of the rebasing exercise.

“Services index, both national and states; energy index, both national and states; farm produce index, both national and states; and goods index, both national and states, will be added,” Andrew said.

This update will, no doubt, result in more accurate inflation data, potentially altering Nigeria’s inflation outlook compared to previous measures. It is expected to provide better information on business strategies, moving forward.

Structural changes between old, new numbers

The NBS revealed that the base year adopted for the GDP was 2019 while 2024 was used for the CPI.

For the CPI, the year was proposed to capture the structural changes that have taken place over time. It is driven by the removal of subsidies on foreign exchange and petrol.

For the GDP, 2019 was chosen as a preferred base year because economic activities were relatively stable within the period, compared to subsequent years disrupted by the impact of COVID-19 and policy shifts.

The constituents of the inflation basket are expected to expand from 740 to 960.

The contributions of items on the divisional level to the headline index has been increased to 13 from 12, with the addition of insurance and financial services.

Likewise, there will be adjustments to weightings of the previous 12 division level weights.

However, analysts at CardinalStone, in a report last week, said that the re-weighting of the CPI basket may result in a reduction in the impact of food and non-alcoholic beverage price changes on the overall headline inflation reading.

It said that housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels are likely to have a lesser impact on future core inflation readings due to the re-weightings.

“The likes of transport and restaurants & accommodation services are likely to have a more pronounced impact on future inflation readings due to the re-weightings,” it said.

While the rebasing exercise will no doubt raise Nigeria’s economic profile, with over 129 million Nigerians living below the national poverty line, analysts hold the view that the effects would be felt more in statistics than in everyday life.

As the race for 2027 elections begins to shape up, strong rumours of defection are swirling around no fewer than five first term opposition governors, LEADERSHIP checks have revealed.

Investigations by LEADERSHIP showed that governors of Abia (Alex Otti) Enugu (Peter Mbah), Delta (Sheriff Oborevwori), Rivers (Siminalayi Fubara) and Akwa Ibom (Umoh Eno) have had to address concerns surrounding talks about their plans to dump their parties for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

While Mbah, Fubara, Eno, Oborevwori belong to the major opposition PDP, Otti belongs to the Labour Party. Interestingly, both parties have been locked in post-2023 election crises which seems to have defied interventions so far.

While some sources confided in LEADERSHIP that some of the governors are being subtly pressured to join the ruling APC, others noted that others, mindful of the instability in their party, are open to joining a platform that would enhance their chances of securing a second term.

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, over 20 sitting governors have dumped their political parties for another. The top states with the highest number of sitting governors jumping ship are Sokoto, Imo, Abia and Adamawa.

In Sokoto, three governors have dumped their parties for another, while two sitting governors in Imo, Abia, Zamfara and Adamawa have done the same.

While some first term governors were able to win a second term, others were not so lucky.

In Abia State, concerns about Governor Otti’s loyalty to his party arose when he resorted to the Zenith Labour Party as a special purpose vehicle for the local government election in the state last year.

However, talks about dumping his party heightened when after the groundbreaking ceremony for the Abia airport, the minister of Aviation, Festus Keyamo, declared that the Abia governor would return to the APC.

Also, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, had mounted pressure on Otti to join the APC.

LEADERSHIP Friday reports that no fewer than five Labour Party House of Representatives members have joined APC so far.

In Rivers State, Governor Fubara’s use of APP for the local government election, following his inability to wrest the PDP structure from the minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Nyesom Wike, has sustained talks that he may dump the PDP ahead of the 2027 election.

The closeness of the Akwa Ibom State governor, Eno, to Senate President Godswill Akpabio, one of the national leaders of APC, has sustained suspicions that he might join the party at the centre.

In Enugu, there are insinuations that the disruptive politics within the PDP at the national level might make the governor, who isn’t disposed to be distracted by party intrigues, seek another platform.

PDP leaders in Delta, under the aegis of Concerned Leaders of PDP, blew the whistle about Oborevwori’s romance with APC leaders. The party leaders, namely Mr Theophilus Ekiyor; Mr. Ochuko Oghenekome, and Mr. Ezekiel Chukwudi, in an open letter accused the governor of secretly romancing President Bola Tinubu’s chief of staff, Hon Femi Gbajabiamila and the Lagos State Governor, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu, in order to secure a second term as Delta governor.

Recall that Hon. Erhiatake Ibori-Suenu, a federal lawmaker and daughter of former Delta State governor, James Ibori, had dumped PDP for APC last year. Ibori is a Tinubu contemporary as governor in 1999 and a close ally.

But the governors have pushed back on the rumours, declaring, albeit through their aides, that they will not dump their parties for the ruling APC.

Also their parties have declared such claims as the handiwork of the ruling party, seeking to sow confusion within their parties and suspicion against the governors.

Mbah has no plan of leaving us – PDP

The spokesman of Enugu State Chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Uchenna Obute Udi has described as falsehood allegations that many members of the party are planning to defect to APC.

He dismissed the allegations in an exclusive interview with LEADERSHIP Friday in Enugu.

He described Enugu State Governor, Peter Mbah, as the leader of the PDP in Enugu State and the Southeast and wondered why such allegations would be made against the PDP members including the governor.

The PDP spokesman stated that in less than two years in office, the governor has transformed the state through massive infrastructural development.

He noted that the governor has endeared himself to the people of the state irrespective of their party affiliations through his numerous projects.

On the recent visit of President Almed Bola Tinubu to the state, Udi stated that he came to Enugu State as president of the country and not for party politics.

He noted that the president knew Mbah before the latter became governor, and that the governor was a key actor in the private sector.

Udi added that the speech of the President during his visit clearly showed that he came to see what the governor had been doing irrespective of his party affiliation.

Otti not under pressure to dump LP

As at press time, efforts to get clarification on the report from either his adviser on Media and Publicity, Ferdinand Ekeoma,  or the chief press secretary, Ukoha Njoku on their mobile phones failed.

However, a top member of the administration, who pleaded anonymity said he was not aware of such pressure even as he argued that by his performance in office, Otti had become a brand.

“Like a beautiful bride, it is possible that some opposition parties might be wooing him to join them. Such moves are not out of place in our clime,” he asserted.

But the story is different in the Labour Party where most of the members feel the governor sidelined them “in all ramifications after climbing on our back to victory”.

According to a reliable source in the party, securing the party’s ticket for 2027 might be an uphill task for Otti “so, the earlier he starts looking elsewhere perhaps the better for him.”

“I’m not aware whether he has indicated interest to participate in the ongoing membership revalidation in the party,” the source added.

Oborevwori’s defection rumours sponsored by opposition

The chief press secretary to the Delta Governor, Sir Festus Ahon, said there is no iota of truth in the claim by PDP leaders in the state that Oborevwori’s plans to defect to the ruling APC.

“It’s a lie being pushed by opposition elements” he told LEADERSHIP Friday.

Similarly the PDP in the state has dismissed rumours as mischievous and unfounded.

In a statement issued by the party’s chairman in the state, Chief Solomon Arenyenka, the PDP described the reports as the work of unemployed political hirelings and their unscrupulous sponsors, who are failed agents of destabilisation and betrayal.

The statement read in part:  “We assert unequivocally that the faceless group of individuals spreading these rumours and presenting themselves as concerned leaders of the PDP are impostors and not members of our esteemed party.

“We strongly condemn, in the strongest terms, the vile and malicious propaganda of these depraved perpetrators, particularly the key peddler—a notorious serial blackmailer and dishonest individual who will be remembered infamously for concocting lies as a means of survival.”

Why Gov Eno Won’t Defect To APC – PDP

PDP in Akwa Ibom has also dismissed the claim about Eno’s surreptitious moves to join APC, calling it a ruse.

The party hierarchy in the state led by Elder Aniekan Akpan had at various fora dismissed such report as mere speculations within the imaginations of the purveyors.”

Akpan, noted that “PDP is like a religion in Akwa Ibom,” stressing that, “PDP is Akwa Ibom and Akwa Ibom is PDP.”

In the vein, the PDP publicity secretary, Mr. Edwin Ebiese, urged the people of the state not to believe in rumour as propagated by some opposition forces in the media,

However, a PDP leader in the state, who pleaded anonymity, admitted that the rumour shouldn’t be dismissed wholly.

He said, “Tinubu is not like Buhari, who appeared apolitical throughout his presidential stint.

“Tinubu is an ardent, suave and alluring politician with massive Machevellian attributes of the end justifying the means. So he will not spare anything to capture Akwa Ibom.

“Surviving to emerge the winner of the 2023 presidential election against all odds, the President would want to dismantle all perceived obstacles by wooing some of the remaining opposition states, especially Akwa Ibom, that they had over the years longed for, into the APC.

“They had done it in Edo and Ondo states, so the complimentary dispositions by Governor Umo Eno, and the Senate President could be a pointer to the likely defection of the governor to crumble and further weaken the opposition structure in Nigeria ahead of the 2027 general elections”, the PDP stalwart in Uyo told LEADERSHIP Friday.

Fubara Has No Plan To Leave

PDP – Rivers Information Commissioner

The Rivers State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Warisenibo Joe Johnson, has said Governor Siminalayi Fubara has no plans to dump the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for any other political party.

Speaking with LEADERSHIP Friday in Port Harcourt, Johnson said: “Rumour is rumour and will remain in the realms of rumour. I am not aware of such a move.”

[Leadership]

Governor Abdullahi Sule of Nasarawa State has explained why he reversed his stance on the controversial tax reforms bill, stating that his concerns regarding the bill have been addressed.

Governor Sule, who was one of the vocal northern political leaders initially opposed to the bill, made this disclosure during an appearance on Channels TV’s Politics Today programme.

He highlighted that the opposition was not to the idea of tax reforms but to the bill’s contents in its original form. According to him, the key objective was to ensure that the bill was thoroughly discussed before any decision was made.

“We have achieved our goal, and that is the reason today I talk differently. I talk differently because the goal we wanted to achieve has been achieved.

“We wanted the bill to be further discussed and not passed in its original form. Now, there are opportunities for further review, and I commend the House of Representatives, particularly the speaker, for the way they have handled the issue,” Sule stated.

The governor also expressed satisfaction with the current handling of the bill by the lawmakers, especially the House of Representatives and its speaker, adding that the concerns raised by him and others had led to a more thorough scrutiny of the bill.

[DailyTrust]

Boavista have rejected Trabzonspor’s €2.5m bid for Super Eagles defender, Bruno Onyemaechi, DAILY POST reports.

According to Turkish news outlet, Fotomac, Trabzonspor’s offer is below Boavista’s valuation of the left-back.

Boavista will only consider offers in the region of €3m for Onyemaechi.

The 25-year-old has been one of the Portuguese side’s top performers this season.

DAILY POST recalls that Onyemaechi was recently voted Boavista’s December Player of the Month.

He arrived Boavista on loan from Feirense in the 2022/23 season.

The move was made permanent the following campaign.

[DailyPost]

• AG-F to begin direct disbursement
• Committee begins two-day meeting
• Edun to brief President

The Federal Government is taking a step forward today in the implementation of the Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy.

An Inter-Ministerial Committee set up to enforce the verdict would begin a two-day meeting in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

Members of the panel will be discussing the modalities for the enforcement of the apex court verdict that mandates direct disbursements of funds to the 774 local government areas from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC).

The committee, chaired by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume, has as members Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun; Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN); Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Atiku Bagudu and the Accountant-General of the Federation (AG-F).

Others are: Central Bank of Nigeria (NGF) Governor Yemi Cardoso; Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Finance; Chairman, Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC); representative of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) and representative of the local governments.

The AG-F has concluded plans for the disbursement of funds to democratically elected councils this week, a government source told The Nation.

A member of the committee, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the panel’s focus is to finalise measures for achieving financial and administrative independence for the 774 councils, despite resistance by governors.

He said the committee is expected to evolve counter-actions against some governors seeking to undermine the autonomy by maintaining direct access to funds from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC).

The source also disclosed that the panel would proceed with the assignment after receiving “guidelines and guidance” from the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice.

He acknowledged the need for specific clarifications on how best to handle resistance by some state governments ahead of the commencement of direct payments to local governments this week.

“We are waiting for the pronouncement of the Attorney-General first. We will take a position before Wednesday,” the source said.

The two-day meeting is expected to evaluate the Committee’s progress and finalise operational frameworks for direct payments.

According to the source, the meetings aim to address the moves by some governors to coerce elected local government leaders into truncating the objectives of the autonony.

“The meetings will address the actions of governors attempting to undermine the autonomy of democratically elected LGA chairmen, deputies, and councilors, ensuring they are not coerced into serving state interests,” he added.

Despite the Supreme Court’s ruling, some governors are maneuvering to maintain their hold on council funds by influencing Houses of Assembly to pass laws empowering state governments to have access and retain oversight on the FAAC allocations.

Shedding light on the challenges before the committee, he said: “There are a lot of discussions going on, but for now, honestly, we are waiting to see. While all the states have conducted local government elections, some governors are determined to maintain financial control over local government areas.”

In preparation for the Supreme Court judgment’s implementation, the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation (OAGF) confirmed its readiness to commence direct FAAC disbursements to councils.

A senior OAGF official disclosed that structures are already in place to ensure a seamless transition.

The official said: “It won’t be a challenge to carry out the approval from the minister to start making the disbursements to the LGAs. The structure has been on the ground.”

He pointed out that a dedicated department within the OAGF would oversees the processes, assuring that the transition will proceed smoothly.

“A whole department is in charge of it. So, it’s not going to be a challenge. I can confirm that,” he stressed.

The source hinted that Finance minister might consult with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu upon his return to the country this week to finalise strategies for dealing with governors.

“The minister of Finance might have discussions with President Bola Tinubu and others on how to address the issue of governors. But we are paying local government areas directly.

“We don’t want to presume anything. Everyone knows the judgment has been made, and we are waiting for the government to start implementing.”

The enforcement of direct FAAC allocations to local governments marks a significant shift in local government administration. It is aimed at curbing undue interference by governors.

Historically, funds meant for grassroots development were disbursed through joint accounts controlled by governors, often leading to delays and diversions.

[TheNation]