It is a sort of sinking feeling. Something like an uncontrolled slide into a dungeon down a slippery slope. You seem trapped as you descend into a hellish pit out of which you are powerless to climb out. The descent is often propelled by a force beyond your control. Government. The IMF. The World Bank. Policy makers in Abuja and other bastions of power.

Suddenly, your living standards plummet.  The things that you have long taken for granted slip out of your control and become privileged luxuries instead of casual entitlements.  You begin to learn a life style of subtractions, eliminations and substitutions. Subtract bread and replace with slices of yam; cut out butter for breakfast and do palm oil stew. Demobilize one car out of a fleet of two. Cut back on electricity consumption. Switch to fans instead of air conditioners etc.

It is time to quit cooking with gas and switch to firewood and charcoal. But someone from the government is paid to scream about climate change and deforestation. There is no need to go to the hospital for every little headache. Forget essential drugs. Just pray and hope for the best. It is time for every man to become a doctor in the house: ‘physician, heal thyself!’  Ours is after all a land of miracles. There is no need for man made medicines. Just call in the neighborhood pastor to say a little prayer and ‘ye shall become whole!’ Do not worry about what thou shall eat. Man shall not live by bread alone! Adults do not need three meals a day. That luxury should be reserved for children.

The elimination and substitutions goes on in nearly every aspect of your daily life. Beyond individual life changes, you see whole segments of the society sliding downwards. Government has changed and has introduced new economic policies. A new deity is in town. It is called “the economy”; it feeds on the things that make people happy and lives livable. The things that enabled a better life yesterday have suddenly been pulled off.  Downward mobility suddenly replaces upward mobility as the standard mode of social aspiration.

In nearly all cultures, the desire of citizens to move upwards in their circumstances is universal. We strive to move up in our circumstances. We toil so that our children will live a better life than us. In a sense, the dream of all humanity is that the next generation will, through education and skill acquisition, enjoy a better quality and standard of life than the present. In this sense, all national dreams have a meeting point: upward mobility. Details and cultural paraphernalia may differ but we all meet at the place of a better life for our offspring. The future is always a better place.

Some societies have a constant dream, an ideal that fires the aspirations and hopes of their citizens. The American dream is easily the most famous. It is best captured by ‘the pursuit of happiness’ through positive aspiration and grueling hard work. It is most graphically captured by the 2006 film ‘The Pursuit of Happiness” directed by Gabriel Muccinno starring Will Smith as a homeless salesman in search of a good and meaningful life.

In real life, the American dream remains alive as the powering impetus of the United States as the land of possibility and opportunity for those who seek it through hard work and perseverance. The son or daughter of a pauper can struggle through a life of obstacles and booby traps to emerge on the sunny side of life as a millionaire or something nearly as good. Not too many people, native born or immigrants, achieve the American dream. But they all embrace the spirit and struggle on. Hope eternal drives life’s struggles towards a national dream that fires every life.

This is why people of diverse nationalities keep trooping to America in the hope of realizing the American dream in one lifetime if possible. The material indicators of the attainment of the American dream in the lives of individuals include a good credit card, a house on a viable mortgage, a decent automobile, access to weekend grocery shopping, sausage and egg on the breakfast table and the occasional annual vacation for self and family etc. These appearances decorate a pretension to partaking in the American dream.

No one has yet defined the Nigerian dream in any clear terms. No one knows exactly what the average Nigerian kid struggling through school should look forward to on graduation. It is a blind voyage into the treacherous darkness of chances and uncertainty. To the politically minded elite, the Nigerian dream is the realization of a truly united nation that is home to all Nigerians irrespective of creed, region or tongue. To the common folk, the Nigerian dream is a place to call home, to pursue one’s quest for 3 meals and a future that is better than the present. The Nigerian dream is never an entitlement to material contentment.

The Nigerian dream in terms of social and economic life used to be the pursuit of happiness and fulfillment through education, a career path and an ‘arrival’ at a destination where every child that goes to school and succeeds ends up better than his/her parents in terms of material and socio economic accomplishments. The sun total of the aspiration of every struggling Nigerian is to bring up their children through education so that they can join the elite who possess cars, decent living accommodation, a career etc. In sum, up to the time of the civil war and soon after, it could be said that the Nigerian dream remained a certain upward mobility in which future generations were expected to far better than those before them in material socio economic terms.

The clearest manifestation of the thriving of the Nigerian dream was perhaps the rise of a Nigerian middle class. All over the country in the span between 1972 and 2007, there arose in the urban areas a demographic mass of Nigerians who could afford cars, apartments, weekend shopping, occasional holidays, bank accounts, investment in stocks and indulgence in the trappings of middle class existence. The middle class was an enrollment into a productive role in national development.

Earlier in our history, investment in higher education was the best guarantee of enrollment into the Nigerian middle class. People pursued education as a means of guaranteeing their children a slot in the emergent middle class. Of course there were other not so legitimate routes to this dream. Short cuts emerged: fraud, corruption, robbery, ritual and cybercrimes. They could earn financial and material reward but not a place among the middle class.

The success of the economic policies of successive administrations could mostly be measured by whether the youth were moving upwards or were static or were regressing socio economically. Times changed and different periods redefined upward mobility and the good life.

Easily the most noticeable upward mobility in terms of an increase in the size of the middle class was under the Obasanjo elected government between 1999 and 2007. The banking sector ballooned, access to consumer credit grew phenomenally, employment in new growth sectors- telecom, banking and financial services, oil and gas, public works, the stock market etc. Most importantly, the sudden and phenomenal growth in cell phone ownership and use unlocked hitherto hidden economic powers in the hands of multitudes in both rural and urban Nigeria (and Africa). This coincided with the period when the international slogan about Africa changed from unrelieved doomsday predictions about “the dark continent” to  an upbeat optimistic note about ‘Africa rising’ especially up to the 2010s.

 In sharp contrast to the rev of upward mobility initiated under Mr. Obasanjo as elected president, the economic downturn under Buhari inaugurated a massive downward mobility that has only accelerated in the more recent months. National debt ballooned, inflation jumped, consumer credits dried up, retail and consumption shrank, unemployment grew as businesses struggled etc. From 2015 to 2023, we witnessed a phenomenal rise of downward mobility. The middle class shrank as living costs shot up. Inflation shot up. Retail and construction nosedived as the exchange rate of the Naira to major currencies worsened more than ever before. 

In the fifteen months under Mr. Bola Tinubu as president, Nigeria’s downward mobility has entered a jet speed momentum. It is now an epidemic. On a daily basis , throngs of Nigerians are sliding out of the middle class. Multitudes are drifting into poverty. Even those that used to exist at the fringes are now at the peripheries of bare existence. In some states, schools cannot reopen for the new school year as a result of high fuel prices making busing of children to school impossible. Some former middle class parents have changed the schools of their children and wards to lower class schools because of higher school fees. Even the federal government has increased school fees in the Unity Schools from N30,000 per term to N100,000 a term. In Lagos state, boarding fees have escalated from N30,000 a term to N100,000 per term. No one has said how these higher fees will be paid by parents whose monthly wag is about N70,000!

Nigerian youth who cannot stand the gravity of spreading downward mobility have opted to flee, swearing that this was not the homeland that they dreamt of growing up in. The more elderly are fleeing also in the hope of finding places where their old age medical costs can be covered by the welfare schemes of better climes. The only jobs they can find range from morgue attendants, care  home attendants to grueling manual labour as factory hands. The favourite destinations of the japa crowd range from Canada to the United States, the United Kingdom, United Arab Emirate, South Africa and even some unlikely African destinations.

Some of the youth have set out with nowhere in particular as destination. Some have found themselves stranded in fatal crossings through the Sahara desert only hoping that their voyage would lead to southern Europe. Many have died of heat and exhaustion. Others have boarded boats on a journey of no return. Many have perished in the Mediterranean, leaving no trace, trail or message. For those who have stubbornly stayed at home, a different life has been defined by minus signs. Exclude one meal. Exclude another half. Exclude hospitals and make do with across- the- counter cheap drugs from Pakistani and India.

 In the last one year, the rate at which Nigerians are being forced out of the middle class is unequalled in our history. Astronomical gasoline prices have chased many off the roads as car owners. Families that owned and operated two or more cars now make do with one. Inflation has reached 43% while unemployment figures among the young highly qualified has exceeded 4.5%. Food inflation has driven many Nigerians into an unplanned hunger republic.

In recent times, parents who manage to send their children to schools and universities are doing so in order to keep the children engaged and out of trouble. There is hardly any expectation that the children would end up better educated or socio economically better off. We are now in a precarious position in our socio-economic evolution.

We used to lament that we the middle class of today are a ‘sandwich’ generation; we served and took care of our parents in old age. We ferried our children to privileged schools now only to have little time and resources for ourselves in retirement. Now, we are paying through our noses to educate children who are condemned to end up worse off than us and our fathers! Those we were expecting to take care of us in old age are themselves likely to remain dependent on us for the foreseeable future.

This is the crux of our present curse of raging downward mobility. Undoubtedly, our epidemic of downward mass migration has unmistakable  political origins. It is inbuilt in a growing endemic culture of bad governance whose origins we know too well and whose duration remains unknown. Those who have descended from the middle class are not likely to return there any time soon. Those driven into poverty may be stuck there for the rest of their lives. The children now being thrust into poverty may be stuck there forever as more children are born into the poverty republic of the world. Everyone knows we are descending downhill but no one knows when the slide will end and whether an economic recovery is possible in our life time. 

Yet, our only hope of recovery lies in the political realm. Democracy holds the key in the hope that the periodic changes of administrations will bring forth leadership that will redefine national progress and reverse our descent into oblivion. No one knows if Nigerian democracy will eve produce leaders of vision and courage that can reverse the curse of this generation.

When in one life time, we see the lives of the majority take a nose dive downwards, something uncanny has happened. Worse still, when in spite of our most strenuous efforts the life expectations of our children is condemned to end up worse than ours, we are in a bad place. No quantum of prayers and supplications is likely to rescue a nation mired in bad governance and misrule.

Time flies. No, I am not talking about the fact that the United Bank for Africa (UBA) is celebrating its 75th anniversary. As a financial institution that was set up during colonial rule, it has every reason to roll out the drums and pop champagne, of course. That is three quarters of a century. Not bad at all for a bank that started in a shop, as it were, on Kakawa Street, Lagos Island, and now operates in 24 countries worldwide, serving around 40 million customers. They deserve their flowers. In an economy where legacies are hard to come by, where businesses tend to die along with their founders, it is rare to find a trans-generational brand. It is often a case of here today, gone tomorrow.

Three decades ago, I used to enjoy the song in the bank’s TV commercial: “Wise men bank with UBA/And women too with UBA/Open a savings account today/At UBA, UBA” (hope I got the lyrics right). That was an early gender-sensitive commercial at a time gender equity was not a thing. But what am I even saying? UBA can claim to have a gender-friendly history. Mrs Bola Kuforiji-Olubi, a UK-trained economist, was appointed chair of the bank in 1984 — the first woman to hold an office of that height in sub Saharan Africa. That was an era when women were hardly at the top of any sector, private or public. It was an unwritten rule that top positions were strictly reserved for men.

Nigerian women were glad that the country had had its first female federal permanent secretary (Mrs Francesca Yetunde Emanuel, 1975) and its first elected female senator (Ms Franca Afegbua, 1983) but the men never hid the fact that they considered women to be backbenchers in politics and business. It was only in entertainment and sports that they enjoyed some prominence in those days. Things have changed significantly today, thanks to amazons like Kuforiji-Olubi who blazed the trail in the private sector as a woman of firsts and an inspiration to Nigerian women. Mrs Eniola Fadayomi, former attorney-general of Lagos, would later expand the rank by chairing the board of Afribank.

Kuforiji-Olubi was the first female president of the Institute of Chartered Accountants of Nigeria (ICAN) and the first woman to be CEO of a multinational company in Nigeria when she headed VYB Industries Ltd, which had UK affiliates. She was the first female chair of a quoted company in Nigeria, Bewac Plc. But being chair of a bank as big as UBA from 1984 to 1990 was a monumental feather in her cap. The year she was appointed UBA chair, the bank began its operations in New York City, US. Kuforiji-Olubi died in December 2016 at 80. Significantly, she was older than UBA, having been born in 1936 — a whole 13 years before it was founded as the French & British Bank Ltd (B&FB).

B&FB metamorphosed into “United Bank for Africa” in 1961 with the end of colonial rule and its incorporation as a limited liability company under Nigerian laws. It has gone through several eras — notably from the time it was privatised by the military government of Gen Sani Abacha in 1998, when Mr Keem Belo-Osagie became its chairman, to its merger with Standard Trust Bank (STB) in 2005. STB, under the leadership of Mr. Tony Elumelu as MD, was a much younger bank, having been established only in 1997. STB, it has to be said, was not the darling of old-generation bankers. They considered the Young Turks in the banking hall as “too smart” and “too fast” for their liking.

The merger effectively launched Elumelu into the top tier of the financial sector. It was a no-brainer that the STB identity would be subsumed — UBA was the much bigger fish, one of the biggest in the Nigerian banking sector and even in Africa. But it was a case of new wine in old bottle: UBA was culturally different from STB. One was conservative and the other was radical. UBA appealed to the older generation in the category of First Bank and Union Bank, while STB was on a fast lane like the new class of GTB and Zenith Bank. How Elumelu reconciled the two contrasting cultures of the old UBA and STB to build the new UBA is worth an academic inquest. I assume it was a rough ride.

The born-again UBA kept expanding — there was clearly an aggressive mission to dominate the landscape. Inevitably, Elumelu became one of the most powerful bankers in Nigeria. Since the banking consolidation exercise of 2005, UBA has been getting bigger. It has grown to become one of the most visible Nigerian banks outside our shores. In fact, UBA prides itself as the only Sub-Saharan African bank “with a truly global presence” — operating in Africa, Europe, the Middle East and North America — and calls itself “Africa’s truly global bank”. At 75, UBA is the fourth oldest bank in the country after First Bank Plc (established in 1894), Union Bank Plc (1917) and Wema Bank Plc (1945).

The bank has been highlighting and celebrating its landmarks: its bragging rights date back to 1961 when it became the first among international banks to be registered under Nigerian laws; the first Nigerian-headquartered bank to offer an IPO following its listing on the Nigerian Stock Exchange (NSE, now NGX) in 1970; the first Nigerian bank to issue a global depositary receipt (GDR) — a financial instrument that allows investors to buy shares of a foreign company on a local stock exchange; the first Nigeria-headquartered bank to hit N1 trillion in balance sheet size, contingents inclusive; the first to launch cash deposit ATMs in Nigeria; and among many other firsts and feats.

Mr Oliver Alawuba, the UBA GMD, recently spoke about his bank’s thirst for innovation-drive customer satisfaction, pointing out that it was the first to launch mobile banking in Africa. The bank has also been leveraging artificial intelligence; its AI-powered virtual assistant, Leo, enables transactions via social media platforms such as Facebook and WhatsApp, and allows customers to interact with the bank round-the-clock. This was also a first. The bank has been particularly big on small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) and has signed a $6 billion funding agreement with the African Continental Free Trade secretariat to make finance more accessible to them across Africa.

But, as I pointed out when the bank clocked 70, we cannot talk about building strong Nigerian brands without talking about building an enduring structure. Many Nigerian companies begin to decompose as soon as the founders die. That is why it is a rarity to see Nigerian-established companies celebrating 75 years of doing business. Many would say UBA’s European roots may have largely contributed to its durability. That is debatable. But when you realise that many home-grown banks have gone under in the last 40 years, some in their infancy, we should not have to debate the fact that African entrepreneurs need to do more about building legacies that will outlive their founders.

As I also pointed out, I grew up being told the fascinating stories of legendary businessmen such as Alhaji Alhassan Dantata (great grandfather of Alhaji Aliko Dangote), who is believed to be the first Nigerian millionaire, Sir Louis Odumegwu Ojukwu, the Odutola brothers, and several others. What about Bashorun MKO Abiola? You have to wonder what happened to their businesses after they left the scene. Many of today’s pervasive global brands were built to outlive their founders. Some of them, such as Cadbury, Barclays Bank and Quaker Oats, are over a hundred years old and you are sure they would be around for much longer. What are they getting right, what are we getting wrong?

I’ve always been jealous of South African brands. They are stamping their feet all over Africa. Shoprite had planted its footprints in almost every Nigerian state before it was acquired by a Nigerian company. I am silently hoping it will endure. MTN is Africa’s king of telecoms. DStv, owned by Multichoice, sits atop the cable TV market in Africa. The late Dr Raymond Dokpesi set out to rival DStv, but his Daarsat pay TV did not break through. Many moons ago, HiTV attempted to take the Nigerian pay TV market from DStv using the English Premier League and UEFA Champions League, but it didn’t end well. Ethiopian Airlines and Ethiopian coffee are winners on the global stage.

Time flies. I almost forgot why I said that. Exactly 19 years ago, I used my first Nigeria-issued dollar-denominated card outside the country. It was a Mastercard, issued by UBA. I am too shy to admit here that I was as excited as a kid when I faced the wall, inserted my card, punched a few buttons and the machine spat out multiple notes in pound sterling. It was at the University of Sussex in the UK. Until then, you always had to travel with raw cash or use a foreign bank’s card. So, in a sense, I have benefited from UBA’s innovative approach to customer satisfaction. It is, thus, only in order for me to wish them a happy 75th anniversary. Here is to the next 75 years. Time flies, doesn’t it?

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

NIGERIA AT 64

The Federal Republic of Nigeria will mark its 64th independence anniversary on Tuesday, predictably on a “low key” as we have are used to hearing from government officials for many years now. We are usually told it is a day for “sober reflections”. I wouldn’t mind if indeed government officials lived “low key” lives and ruled the country with “sober reflections”. But our reality has been a gross and mindless mismanagement of our resources, worsened by the political manipulation of our ethnic and religious emotions by the ruling elite to keep us from focusing on the real trouble with Nigeria: bad governance. We desperately need to gain independence from the buccaneering elite. Reflections.

POLLS AND PEACE

The Edo state governorship election went fairly well — at least by Nigerian standards. My heart is always in my mouth at election times because of the possibility of destruction and death. Although Senator Monday Okpebholo, candidate of the APC, was declared winner by INEC, PDP’s Asue Ighodalo is preparing evidence to head to the tribunal, insisting that some of the declared results are different from what is on official record. I really love this. Whether or not there is rigging, I always prefer peaceful pursuit of justice to carnage. No politician is worth dying for. Life will go on after lives have been wasted, believe me. Let’s see what Ighodalo has got in stock for the tribunal. Process.

RUTHLESS OR ROOTLESS?

Ms Ruth Ogunleye, a soldier who alleged that she was sexually harassed and raped by a senior army officer, has been discharged (read: dismissed) by the Nigerian Army. The army authorities described her as a psychiatric case. Ogunleye is, however, having none of that. She has gone on air to repeat the allegations and even challenged the army authorities to release the full report of their investigation. She insists she does not have any mental health issue. Who should we believe? I commend the army for investigating the allegations, but I suggest that, in light of her insistence that justice was miscarried, an independent body should look into the root of her claims again. Important.

NO COMMENT

The bill to establish the South West Development Commission, which looked like a joke when it was first mooted by Senator Ibikunle Amosun in March 2020, has been passed by the senate. We will end up having “development” commissions for the Niger Delta (south-south), south-east, south-west, north-east, north-central and north-east. I guess the next move will be for the federal government to establish development commissions for every state of the federation. We know the drill: there will be plenty commissions and little development — but since these things are done basically for political patronage, there will be plenty slush funds. Nigerian politicians know what they are doing. Pathetic.

The first part of this topic, published on Sunday, 15 September, 2024, was the debate between the Marxist scholar at the then University of Ife (now Obafemi Awolowo University), Ile-Ife, Dr. Segun Osoba (as he then was), and another (conservative, foreign) lecturer in the same institution, Professor L. Beverley Halstead over Osoba’s acceptance of the request by the university’s Student Union Government to “give a small talk” to the Great Ife students on the occasion of the third anniversary of the gruesome murder, on February 1, 1971, of a University of Ibadan undergraduate, Adekunle (‘Kunle) Adepeju, during a peaceful student protest on the U. I. campus. Accepting, Osoba intimated the students that he would speak on “Student power in a situation of public moral crisis”. We saw in the first part how Halstead felt it was not part of Osoba’s duties to give what he perceived would be an “inciting” talk to the students and how he said the university authorities were sitting on edge over the matter. Osoba, on the other hand, argued forcefully that it was both his responsibility and patriotic duty to address the students. Today, we are publishing the “small talk” delivered by Osoba. We shall return to make closing remarks:

“Our nation is in the grips of a serious moral crisis and value disorientation. We live in an age when our consciences have become so blunted and de-sensitized by the greed for personal wealth and power that the suffering of millions of our compatriots does not move us. Millions of Nigerians, even in the best of times, are undernourished, are ill without the hope of receiving health care of any description, live in intolerable conditions of squalor and degradation (sometimes sharing the same living room with their goats, chickens, and dogs!) while a handful of us enjoy scandalous opulence and luxury. What is even more pathetic, our highly-remunerated, high-living, well-housed, over-fed, and over-dressed elites are so lacking in modesty and basic human decency that they flaunt their prosperity in an unblushing manner before the masses of our poor compatriots – the Wretched of the Earth – who, ultimately, pay the bills for our elite extravagance and criminal exhibitionism. We sublimate our moral poverty and degeneracy in consumer culture, like a psychologically disturbed person who tries to drown his mental crisis in a sea of alcohol.

“It is against this background of public moral bankruptcy and degeneracy that we must look at the phenomenon which has become famous as “student power”. Student power, crudely put, is the ultimate ability of the student community, being the largest and, perhaps, the most homogenous in the university institution, to paralyse the life of the university in the pursuit of student objectives: the ability to demonstrate that, no matter what the university administrators, professors and lecturers think of their own importance, no university institution can function without the cooperation of students who are willing to learn and be taught. This essential but crude aspect of student power has been repeatedly displayed loud and clear since the fateful episode of 1st February, 1971 when Adekunle Adepeju, one of your illustrious members, was felled by the bullet of police power. He was a victim of the operation of naked power but he is also the hero and indestructible symbol of student power and it is only right that you commemorate his heroism and immortality.

“However, student power, if it is to make a significant impact on the depressing situation of public moral crisis in Nigeria, needs to have more of it than one solitary hero and symbol. It needs to have a clear moral vision with which it can gaze beyond the darkness and confusion in which we are all enveloped to a future characterized by an uncompromising sense of social justice, human concern and comradeship, and a life of dignity and usefulness for all our people.

“It is only when our students refuse to be educated out of a keen awareness of the grinding poverty in which our people live, when they demonstrate at every turn that the suffering of our people is their own suffering and that they are willing to work with other sections of our people to terminate it, that this nation will begin to take student power seriously and embrace it with their heart and mind. Student power cannot have the moral strength to survive and move this nation if the dominant ethos among individual students makes them see their purpose in a university as securing “meal ticket” or “trade union cards”, which alone can qualify them to join the dominant elite group in the elite culture of “ilabeism”. Similarly, student power cannot have credibility even among a majority of students if student leadership is afflicted by the same moral problems pervading our society – the problems of kleptocracy and gutlessness.

“Good as rituals are for cementing group solidarity, the annual ritual of commemorating Adekunle Adepeju by boycotting classes is not enough to establish the reality and effectiveness of student power. A more effective kind of student power is one that is not treated as a museum piece, tucked away for 364 days in the year while the rat-race for “meal tickets” and “miliki” goes on, and is then dusted up and brought out for display for one day, after which it goes back to its hiding place for another 364 days! Effective student power is one that is in operation all the time and whose presence and impact is felt 365 days in a year. It is power informed by knowledge of men and matters, not one based on ignorance. Student power, genuine student power, must be concerned with an ongoing evaluation of the universities’ programmes of instruction with a view to making valuable contributions to the decolonization of our universities mentally and making them relevant and committed to the progressive transformation of the Nigerian society into the land of hope and charity that all our people want. Effective student power should not leave in government hands alone the initiative to organize students for service to our people.

“To this extent, our students, in association with university teachers and workers who are committed to the ideals of elevating the masses of our people, should, the National Youth Service notwithstanding, organize themselves into small groups which will devote some of their free time to working on some community development projects in our depressed rural areas and without expecting any material reward. We can help the poor peasant farmers to make their hovels more habitable by working with them to repair leakages in their roofs, creating basic sanitary conditions in their environments. We can give them the gift of our abundant youthful energy by helping them to prepare their farms for the planting season and to reap their crops at harvest time. We can unobtrusively and with humility bring to their notice and within their reach the benefits of modern science and technology which we know so much about but which we hardly ever put to any creative use.

“in this way, student power can relieve the problem of mass poverty and enhance mass prosperity and well-being in our society while, at the same time, establishing its own legitimacy and moral strength.  Any other course of action by our students can only deepen the crisis of public morality now engulfing our society and lead to cultural decadence and collapse. Considerations of enlightened self-interest alone should enjoin us to commit ourselves more to the essence and reality of student power rather than to its form and symbol because it is only the reality that can lead to a brighter future for us, for our people, and for our nation.

“Long live student power! Long live the people’s power! May our nation achieve its full potential in human decency, social justice and equity!”

After Dr. Osoba’s “small talk” to the Great Ife students, another exchange ensued between him and Professor Halstead; that, however, is a topic for another day! Now consider the following: Does Osoba’s first salvo – the opening paragraph – sound familiar to what is happening today, not minding that his address was delivered 50 years ago? A “nation in the grips of a serious moral crisis and value disorientation”,  even as “we live in an age when our consciences have become so blunted (seared, I want to add) and de-sensitized by the greed for personal wealth and power that the sufferings of millions of our compatriots do not move us”; where “millions of Nigerians… are ill without the hope of receiving health care of any description, live in intolerable conditions of squalor and degradation…while a handful of us enjoy scandalous opulence and luxury” Does this sound familiar? And how about this: “What is even more pathetic, our highly-remunerated, high-living, well-housed, overfed and over-dressed elite are so lacking in modesty and basic human decency that they flaunt their prosperity in an unblushing manner before the masses of our poor compatriots – the wretched of the earth – who ultimately pay the bills for our elite extravagance and criminal exhibitionism”. Does this also resonate with you and isn’t it really pathetic?

But, if I may ask: When were things ever good here if, 50 years ago, they were as Dr. Osoba graphically had painted them? Do things ever get better here or do they keep getting worse? When we complain about the present, does the bard not appeal to us to wait until we behold what comes up next? The past only appears good when compared with the present. Yet, a popular prayer says may we not know better yesterday!

Comrade, as we fondly called Osoba during my own days at Ife (1978 – 1982) when he taught me History, ended his address to the students with a prayer – or was this unpretentious Marxist only expressing a wish and hope? – that “this our nation achieve its full potential in human decency, social justice and equity”. That was 50 years ago. Such prayer, hope or wish had been expressed since the country got its independence from Britain in 1960. Sixty-four years later, we still talk of Nigeria as a “potentially great country” When shall its greatness unfurl before our very eyes or shall it forever remain in the realm of conjecture, wishful thinking and hallucination?

When biblical Daniel asked how long it shall take for the prophecies he heard to come to pass (Daniel 12: 6 -7), he was told: “… it shall be for time, times, and an half” Figure out the arithmetics for Nigeria!

TO BE CONTINUED.

May our birthday not double as our death-day. I make that invocation in respect of my country, Nigeria, even though we are perennially stalked by death in the form of floods, Boko Haram, bandits and sundry agents of death. Annually, on October 1, I insist that the world pauses to take a deep breath and acknowledge that an entity named Nigeria impinges on its consciousness. That’s the least I can ask for.

Wasted Generation

When, in 1984, the Nobel Laureate Wole Soyinka wrote off his generation as “wasted”, quite a number of public commentators felt that he was being too harsh on his generation and that there were so many things to celebrate about the first set of high flying post-Independence Nigerian graduates and freshly minted members of the social elite. At that time, the entity called Nigeria was only 24 years old as an independent African nation.

His reasons were quite understandable: “I compare today with dreams and aspirations we had when we all rushed home after studies abroad. We considered ourselves the renaissance people that were going to lift the continent to world standards, competitors anywhere. It hasn’t happened.”

Soyinka’s frustration with how the achievements of his generation had fallen short of their dreams for Nigeria was further underlined as he elucidated: “After a quarter of a century of witnessing and occasionally participating in varied aspects of social struggle in all their shifting tempi, dimensions, pragmatic and sometimes even ideologically oriented goals, I feel at this moment that I can only describe my generation as the wasted generation, frustrated by forces which are readily recognisable, which can be understood and analysed but which nevertheless have succeeded in defying whatever weapons such ‘understanding’ has been able to muster towards their defeats.”

In the inexorable slide of Nigeria’s First Republic into the abyss of military autocracy and internecine war, politicians on all sides of the divide were casting lots as to what the future held for them. Those in government swore that Nigeria had never had it so good, even as the Western Region was in flames; and opposition elements averred that Nigeria had become a synonym for hell on earth. It was left to the Soyinkas of the time to be the conscience of the nation. And what a price they paid!

Sad to say, my own generation feels exactly the same way. In fact, we consider Soyinka’s generation as accomplished. The standards the older generation set for itself were so high and the opportunities available to it so many that when we came along, we could only scramble for what the older generation would have felt was infra dig, in terms of socio-political struggle and intellectual attainment.

Many of us grew up under the tutelage of the Soyinkas whom we adored and whose exploits helped to fire our imagination. Those of us who were student activists dedicated our youth to the struggle believing that we were part of a movement dedicated to helping Nigeria and the African continent to realise their twin destinies as the giant of Africa and the most resource-blessed continent in the world, respectively.

Dreams

At great risk, we spat in the fact of jackboot idiocy in the form of military dictators and their acolytes. We dreamt dreams, hoping that those aspirations would come to fruition sometime in the future to the glory of the fatherland. With hindsight now, those were our years of innocence. We were naive. We truly believed that if you worked for the good of the society and did good things based on good plans, the end result would be goodness and happiness all round.

We were wrong. Even the society on whose behalf we were supposed to be exerting ourselves was not as innocent as we imagined. For many of us, it hurt when we discovered that the society was not as innocent as we had thought.

The military had the yam and the knife; they sliced as they wished. They ate up the years that our generation would have held the reins of power. They stained the polity with their warped definitions of propriety, spreading their poison through a generous democratisation of corruption. Now, the whole society was tainted. The erstwhile “corrective” regime which came to set things right and reform the polity had itself become the problem, forming a coalition with the old political guards and luring new entrants into the politics of sleaze and self-aggrandisement.

The new political order being operated is fashioned after the image and likeness of its regimented inventors. It waddles like a duck, quacks like a duck and looks like a duck. No prize for guessing what it is.

Every four years, we pretend to choose new leaders or renew the tenancy of old ones. It’s a game of self-deceit in which we have all become adept. We demand a bribe from a candidate and then proceed to permit him to rig the ballot in our neck of the woods. Nothing goes for nothing. It’s an unspoken agreement. The politician knows he doesn’t owe the people anything. He had paid his dues during the campaigns.

The idealistic student activist of yore is a bundle of frustration. Viewed with suspicion by the political class and shunned by the younger generation for his “old school ideas”, he is angry that he can’t seem to fit into any grouping and may as well not be in existence as far as any kind of influence was concerned. He is alive but invisible. In a way, he’s relieved that he doesn’t have to live a lie. He can go to bed with a clean conscience. But then, so what!

Because time waits for no one, the principled Turk of yesteryear suddenly finds that he is not immortal. Tick says the clock; what you have to do, do quick! He can’t help noticing that many of the people he had looked up to in the past were fading away and that his own generation was fast racing towards the exit door of both irrelevance and death. He tries not to panic, but he knows that statistically, his generation is on its way out. It is not given to every man to live up to the 90s like the Soyinkas and the Anyaokus. He had better infuse whatever good he wanted to impart in the younger generation quickly through whatever means before he became a memory.

Time Running Out

And that is the challenge. Old age creeps in on him while he still has so many tasks undone. From the corner of his eye he notices that his country, Nigeria, is also greying at the temples. Sixty-four is a respectable, grandfatherly age. But Naija is still taking tentative steps and not yet living up to its billing as an adult.

Nations become strong and influential based on the sacrifices made by their citizens to position them for greatness. There is no international gold medal for graft. Those who drowned in River Tiber in order to save Rome can look back today from the heavens at the ancient city they saved from capture and beat their chests in self-congratulation.

Nigeria, socially dislocated and economically prostrate, is marking her 64th birthday in doleful circumstances. It can be truthfully said that Nigerians have never had it so rough, as far as the hard times are concerned. But we all live on a diet of hope, a promise that there is light at the end of this dark tunnel. As Robert Green Ingersoll declares, “Hope is the only bee that makes honey without flowers.”

It is that promise of hope that I hold aloft today as the only worthwhile gift to compatriots of all generations, wasted and yet-to-be-wasted, whether true nationalists or treasonous patriots; unwavering ‘abobakus’ or loyalist Judases. May your generations witness better days soaked in prosperity in the many decades ahead. May your reality be more glorious than ours.

Happy birthday, Nigeria!

HOW DOES IT WORK?

COMPETITION

The first time I saw the Pixel Fold and held it in my hands—almost a year ago in New York—I was impressed though not fully convinced. Earlier this year, I used the Pixel Fold again, this time at a Google store in Mountain View. While I spent more time with the device and liked what I saw, it still left many questions unanswered. Over the past year, I’ve tried and experienced foldables of all shapes and sizes, including concept and prototype devices, and my impressions of the Pixel Fold too have continued to evolve every time I used it.

Now, Google is back with the Pixel 9 Pro Fold (they aren’t calling it the Pixel Fold 2), another attempt to break into the foldable market with a much more mature product. I would say the second-generation Pixel Fold is still a work in progress, despite an improved design and a heavy dose of AI features. It shows the direction Google and others want to take with foldable smartphones, but they aren’t there yet—at least, not for now.

I have used the Pixel 9 Pro Fold for over two weeks, and here’s what impressed me about the foldable phone and what didn’t. 

Google Pixel 9 Pro Fold price in India (as reviewed): Rs 1,72,999

 

The 8-inch display is a massive amount of real estate. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Thinner and comfortable to use

By now, I have used foldable smartphones countless times, and each time, I get a strange feeling that makes me switch back to “normal” phones. I never felt that I could use them as my primary device because they can be uncomfortable to handle. However, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold felt different. I think its shape and size made it a little more comfortable to use—and that one change made a significant difference in how I view foldable phones.

I would say the Pixel 9 Pro Fold sits between the Samsung Galaxy Z Fold 6 and the OnePlus Open, among the two most popular foldables. In fact, the original Pixel Fold was short and wide like an actual passport. The new model, however, matches the size of the Pixel 9 Pro XL, making it closer to a regular smartphone that you and I are familiar with and accustomed to. However, that doesn’t mean the Pixel 9 Pro Fold feels like a “normal” phone—it clearly isn’t. After all, this is a foldable phone, and that’s a fundamental difference between the Pixel 9 Pro XL and the Pixel 9 Pro Fold. The two phones aren’t going to be the same, and you will definitely feel it once you start using the Pixel Fold.

Sure, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold is extremely thin and has the same 6.3-inch exterior screen as the Pixel 9 Pro, but it is also heavy. Still, the phone never feels awkward to hold—and by the way, I like devices that have a little heft and feel solid, which reminds me of the Nokia Communicator. The phone’s frame is made of aluminium, while the hinge has an aerospace-grade, high-strength aluminium alloy cover. The exterior display features a Corning Gorilla Glass Victus 2 cover. The rear panel is also Gorilla Glass; however, it’s matte instead of glossy. The rear-mounted camera sensors jut out in a rectangular module with rounded corners. You have the power and volume buttons on the right, the USB-C port, and the nano SIM slot at the bottom.

 

The Pixel 9 Pro Fold gives off the impression of two smartphones glued together. (Image Credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Unfortunately, which is also true for other high-end smartphones, the Pro Fold doesn’t come in fun colours, as it’s only available in Obsidian and Porcelain. I wonder why brands assume that ultra-premium smartphones shouldn’t come in bold colours and why only a luxurious foldable device like the Pixel 9 Pro Fold is deemed fit for an executive. Not cool, Google.

The Fold has a durability rating of IPX8 for water resistance, which is on par with other foldables, but it lacks a dust ingress rating due to the hinge. You can take the Pixel Fold to a swimming pool, but be careful, as the device’s internal screen is delicate and needs extra care if you want the phone to last longer.

The entire device sits flat when opened, which is commendable—kudos to the design team. There’s something blissful about a phone you can grip with one hand without worrying about dropping it, though I should mention getting a case as soon as you start using it. Nonetheless, it’s very satisfying to open the device and fold it shut. In fact, every time I close the Fold, it reminds me of the Nintendo 3DS XL. There’s something magical about the physicality of the device—the touch and feel, and the grip when the screen folds.

I spent most of my time using the phone’s exterior display. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Google takes a book-style approach with the Pixel 9 Pro Fold, similar to other foldables in the market. This is a popular form factor; like a book, you open the Pixel Fold to reveal a large, flexible 8-inch ultra-thin glossy piece of glass for the display. However, most of the time I used the device, my interactions were mainly with the 6.3-inch screen on the outside. In a way, this is a good thing, as I don’t have to open the tablet-like display all the time. I can actually use the cover display for WhatsApp, sending a text message or replying to Gmail. The cover display works perfectly in all of those scenarios and, if you need more room – well, you open the device.

 

Both displays are good for everyday tasks, but the 8-inch display OLED adds a significant amount of screen real estate. It is bright and sharp, as is the front display. The peak brightness of 2,700 nits allows users to read news articles and eBooks in bright sunlight. The interior display isn’t crease-free, though. The crease is definitely visible in the middle of the foldable, but it has never bothered me; it’s there, but it doesn’t impact daily usage.

The entire device sits completely flat when it’s open. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

The inner display opens many new possibilities

I have been asked many times how a foldable phone is different from a regular smartphone, and I would always say that it all comes down to a different form factor and the extra things you can do with a phone that has a foldable screen versus a device that doesn’t. By “different,” I don’t mean that a foldable will offer something completely new that your existing phone can’t do. However, a device like the Pixel 9 Pro Fold shines in three specific aspects—at least, those are what I found compelling enough.

First and foremost, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold feels superior as a tablet. I mean, just look at the 8-inch screen; it becomes an effortless tablet to carry around. During a trip to San Francisco last week, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold was the only tablet I packed in my bag. I watched the second season of Heartstopper on the device, and not for a second did I miss my iPad mini. I felt burden-free not having to carry an extra device on the trip. In the first few hours of the flight, I watched the show, and in the latter part, I listened to music on the Pixel 9 Pro Fold. It serves a dual purpose, which I think offers a compelling benefit of using a foldable phone.

The split-screen experience shines on this device. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Secondly, the Pixel 9 Pro Fold is a great eBook reader. Reading on the Kindle app is enjoyable for long hours. Third, certain apps — especially Google ones — take advantage of the larger screen on the Pixel 9 Pro Fold, resulting in a different experience. Google Calendar, for example, utilises the extra screen real estate, and you can actually feel the difference immensely. Another example is Google Meet, which lets you use all the cameras and screens, allowing the person you’re talking to to appear on the external screen so that others around you can see them too, instead of crowding around your phone. Some games also take advantage of the extra real estate and can customise your gaming experience accordingly.

 

The downside is that the list of games that support this feature is still very small.

I also liked how you can run two apps simultaneously on the inner screen. Sure, you can do the same on any smartphone, but the implementation is better on a foldable screen. Think of running a YouTube video on one side and Google News on the other, for example.

These are smartphone features, the things we all do on a phone. The difference is that on a foldable phone like the Pixel 9 Pro Fold, the experience is optimised for a large inner screen. However, not every app takes advantage of this. Just because the inner screen is considerably large doesn’t mean I would ditch my laptop or iPad Pro and start using the Pixel 9 Pro Fold as a replacement. Not really. It won’t surpass those devices, even though you can use a Bluetooth mouse and keyboard to get some work done. All I’m saying is that I would still prefer a laptop for writing long-form articles and get the real work done.

The Pixel 9 Pro Fold is great for reading news articles and e-books. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

But not everything about the Pixel 9 Pro Fold is perfect, especially on the software side. For instance, there’s an option that allows you to continue what you were doing in an app on the inner screen when you close the phone by swiping up on the outer screen. It works well, yes, but overall, Google hasn’t moved leaps and bounds with the software. I would say it’s an Android problem.

 

At times, I feel that the interface doesn’t adapt well to a foldable screen, resulting in an experience that feels more in tune for tablets. For instance, on a regular smartphone, there is no right or wrong way to hold the device and watch a YouTube video when screen autorotation is enabled. However, on the Pixel 9 Pro Fold, when I was watching a YouTube video on the inner screen, I had to be careful about holding the device correctly, as there was a high chance I might hold it incorrectly and break the screen. There should be a warning sign, but there isn’t.

I agree this is Google’s second foldable smartphone, and the company is still learning how to optimise the experience for new types of form factors. However, the bigger problem that remains unresolved is how to adapt the interface for foldable phones. If Google can’t solve it, I don’t think any other company will be able to.

The phone feels expensive in the hand, which matters when you spend this kind of money. (Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

AI overload is here

The Pixel 9 Pro Fold has all the AI features that Google is heavily marketing lately, but I feel we have reached a point where they might be overloading the smartphone experience. At least, that’s how I feel. You might not want to use all the AI features but Google keeps reminding you it has made the best AI smartphone.

Anyway, the AI features that the Pixel 9 Pro Fold comes with are similar to those available across the entire Pixel 9 series. These range from generating images in the Pixel Studio app and searching screenshots in the AI Screenshots app to using Magic Editor, which can “reimagine” a photo or insert objects using text prompts. Then there’s the new Gemini Live experience, which allows for fully conversational, flowing back-and-forth discussions. It used to be available as part of a $20/month Gemini Advanced subscription, which also included 2TB of cloud storage and Gemini features in Google Docs, Sheets, and Slides. When you buy any Pixel 9 Pro or 9 Pro XL (including the Fold), you get a one-year free trial of Gemini Advanced. However, Google recently announced that Gemini Live would be included for free going forward. Look, Gemini Live is fun, but it needs a bit of work. I feel that it’s too slow to truly qualify as a real back-and-forth conversation, for now.

 

The Pixel 9 Pro Fold launches with Android 14, but Google will upgrade the device to Android 15. ( Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Pretty powerful but the battery life could have been better

The device has Google’s proprietary Tensor G4 chip, 16GB of RAM, and 256GB of storage. I’m not into benchmarking and really don’t make too much fuss about the processor type or who made it; all I care about is how the phone feels on a day-to-day basis. The Pixel Fold performs similarly to the Pixel 9 Pro XL; it’s snappy and handles two apps on screen simultaneously. I feel that every smartphone I’ve reviewed this year is fast, and frankly, we have reached peak smartphone performance some time ago.

As for battery life, Google has squeezed in a 4,650 mAh cell. Despite having two screens, the Fold’s battery lasts a day, but don’t expect it to stretch beyond that. That’s for sure. A full charge takes about 96 minutes using a 45W USB-C charger (which is not included in the box).

There’s a lot to love about the Pixel 9 Pro Fold. The fun factor can’t be overlooked. ( Image credit: Anuj Bhatia/The Indian Express)

Great cameras

The Pixel Fold’s camera houses three sensors and a flash. The primary sensor offers 48 megapixels with optical image stabilisation; the wide-angle lens delivers 10.5 MP outputs, while the 5x telephoto lens has 10.8 MP on offer. During the trip to San Francisco, I spent a lot of time with the camera, and I can confirm that the device produces amazing snaps. As I always say, the camera aspect is subjective, but yes, I am a huge fan of Pixel photography. You can expect a great ultra-wide lens, 5x optical zoom, and a brilliant night mode. The Pixel Fold’s camera stands out on its own; however, I felt the Pixel 9 Pro XL has a Midas touch when it comes to cameras. Nevertheless, the Pixel Fold has a versatile camera, and the results speak for themselves.

[indianexpress]

There was a time when former Edo State Governor, Adams Oshiomhole, and his successor, Governor Godwin Obaseki, were united in a show of political companionship. For instance in 2016, for both political figures were the talk of the town when alongside Godwin Obaseki, his successor, he patronized a roadside corn seller. The camaraderie displayed by both, 8 years down the line, remains spectacularas men chewed roasted corn publicly and smiled for the cameras.

Against the foregoing backdrop, a Facebook user, OshiokeAudu, ostensibly in the mood of reminiscence recently posted the picture on a Facebook Page, and captioned it thus: “Be careful who you eat Corn with, Corn today fit turn Corn-flict tomorrow!”

Without a doubt, the memorable image from Benin City captured them eating roasted corn on the streets, a humble act that resonated with the people. In that moment, they symbolized unity, shared goals, and connection to the grassroots, what could be described as true “corn-panionship.”

But that unity has since unraveled. The street snack that once bound them now stands as a bitter reminder of their fractured relationship. Today, Oshiomhole and Obaseki find themselves at odds, caught in a fierce political “corn-flict.” What began as a close bond has soured into rivalry, and their once shared vision for Edo State has been overshadowed by personal and political differences.

In fact, in politics, alliances are often fragile, and what seems like a solid partnership can quickly disintegrate. Oshiomhole and Obaseki were once tightly aligned, much like the kernels of corn they ate together. Their “corn-panionship” was built on mutual respect, trust, and the desire to govern Edo State effectively. Oshiomhole, a political godfather figure, had backed Obaseki’s rise to power, ensuring that his successor would carry forward his legacy.

But as time passed, the bond between them began to weaken. Political ambitions and the desire for control led to tensions beneath the surface. Just like the kernels on a cob can be separated, so too did their political relationship fall apart. Their “corn-flict” emerged, and what was once a display of unity turned into a public feud. The rift between Oshiomhole and Obaseki is now one of the most prominent examples of how political friendships can quickly dissolve into bitter rivalries.

The transition from “cornpanions” to opponents was swift. Oshiomhole, who had once championed Obaseki’s gubernatorial bid, became one of his most vocal critics. The fallout seemed inevitable, as both men pursued different paths and their interests began to clash. Oshiomhole, with his strongman approach to politics, clashed with Obaseki’s growing desire for independence as governor.

The political rift escalated, leading to Oshiomhole’s ousting as National Chairman of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and Obaseki’s departure from the party altogether. What was once a harmonious relationship became a fierce political battleground, with both men vying for control and influence over Edo’s political landscape. The “corn-flict” became symbolic of the larger power struggle between a godfather and his estranged protégé.

While the political elite engages in these personal battles, it is the people of Edo State who feel the brunt of the conflict. The energy once channeled towards governance has been redirected into maintaining political supremacy. Projects and policies that could improve the lives of ordinary citizens are often stalled or overshadowed by the drama of political infighting. In the end, it is the people who suffer when leaders allow their personal grievances to take center stage.

This “corn-flict” serves as a cautionary tale of how power can corrupt even the most seemingly solid alliances. The focus of governance shifts from serving the public to settling scores. The image of Oshiomhole and Obaseki once eating corn together now stands in stark contrast to the divided leadership that has ensued in the wake of their fallout.

The story of Oshiomhole and Obaseki is a warning to other political leaders. What began as camaraderie and a shared sense of purpose soon devolved into animosity and division. Their once strong bond disintegrated not only because of personal ambitions but also due to a failure to prioritize the greater good. When politicians allow personal interests to overshadow the needs of the people, governance suffers, and so does the public trust.

There is an important caution here for those who hold public office: Political alliances should never be taken for granted. As fragile as kernels of corn bound together on a cob, these relationships require constant nurturing, transparency, and humility. Leaders must be careful not to let the intoxicating nature of power blind them to the promises they made to the people. Failure to do so, as seen in the Oshiomhole-Obaseki fallout, can lead to betrayal and a collapse in governance.

Leaders across Nigeria should reflect on this “corn-flict” and take heed of the dangers of letting political strife get in the way of effective leadership. It serves as a reminder that politics is not a game of personal vendettas but a commitment to public service. Leaders should prioritize unity, collaboration, and the well-being of their constituents over ego-driven battles that only serve to divide.

Though divided by conflict today, there remains the possibility of reconciliation. Just as corn is replanted each season, alliances can be mended. For the good of Edo State, both Oshiomhole and Obaseki could choose to set aside their differences and return to the sense of public service that first united them. The corn they once shared could serve as a symbol of healing, rather than division, if they choose to refocus on their responsibilities to the people they govern.

This caution should also extend beyond Edo State. As Nigeria navigates its complex political landscape, the leaders of today should remember that public office is not a personal fiefdom but a sacred trust. Leaders must learn to rise above petty squabbles and deliver on the promises they made to the people.

The journey of Oshiomhole and Obaseki from “corn-panions” to adversaries is one that should serve as a lesson to others. Political friendships, like kernels on a cob, may seem closely aligned but can quickly fall apart under pressure. The “corn-flict” that has now defined their relationship should remind leaders everywhere that power and ambition, if not checked, can lead to unnecessary divisions that ultimately harm the people they are meant to serve.

At the end of the day, the humble corn they ate on the streets of Benin symbolized unity and service to the people. That spirit of “corn-panionship” should guide them now, if they can recognize that the conflicts of today need not define the legacies of tomorrow.

Leaders must tread carefully, for the seeds of division are easily sown. It is only by nurturing the bonds of “cornpanionship” that they can avoid the kind of “corn-flict” that erodes both leadership and trust.

Britain's competition regulator said on Friday Amazon's artificial intelligence partnership with startup Anthropic will not be referred for a deeper probe as it did not raise competition concerns.

The Competition and Markets Authority said the partnership, which includes a $4 billion investment by Amazon in Anthropic, did not qualify for investigation under Britain's merger regulations.

"We welcome the UK's Competition and Markets Authority (CMA) decision acknowledging its lack of jurisdiction regarding this collaboration," an Amazon spokesperson said in response to the regulator's decision.

The regulator has also cleared a similar collaboration between

Microsoft and Inflection AI.

However, Alphabet's partnership with Anthropic is still under scrutiny.

"Anthropic is an independent company and our strategic partnerships and investor relationships do not diminish our corporate governance independence or freedom to partner with others," an Anthropic spokesperson told Reuters on Friday.

Anthropic, which was co-founded by former OpenAI executives and siblings Dario and Daniela Amodei, has received billions of dollars in investments from several tech giants.

Antitrust regulators around the world have increasingly raised concerns over multiple deals struck between smaller industry startups and big tech companies.

[economictimes]

China is re-enforcing efforts to encourage domestic companies to favour homegrown artificial intelligence (AI) chips over Jensen Huang’s Nvidia advanced semiconductors.

This is to bolster its semiconductor industry and counteract the effects of US-imposed sanctions, according sources who spoke to Bloomberg.

In recent months, Beijing has issued informal directives, advising Chinese companies to reduce their reliance on Nvidia’s H20 chips, which are widely used in AI development.

Although the guidance stops short of an outright ban, it forms part of China’s broader objective to strengthen its technological self-reliance, while cautiously navigating ongoing tensions with the United States, insiders report.

The pressure reflects Beijing’s ambition to accelerate the market share growth of domestic chipmakers such as Cambricon Technologies and Huawei, positioning them as viable alternatives to foreign suppliers. This comes amid heightened concerns over potential further restrictions on US technology exports to China.

What we know 

The move follows similar measures earlier this year, where Chinese electric vehicle manufacturers were encouraged to source more components from domestic producers, as the country seeks to reduce its dependence on foreign technologies.

Shares of Nvidia, the world’s most valuable chipmaker, fell by up to 3.9% on Friday following the reports. Nvidia has seen its stock surge over 100% this year, driven by booming demand for its AI processors globally, despite ongoing trade restrictions.

Beijing’s guidance, while non-binding, aligns with a broader industrial policy aimed at safeguarding China’s access to critical technologies. The US government has already banned Nvidia from selling its most advanced AI chips to Chinese customers, forcing the company to modify its products to comply with export control regulations. Nvidia’s H20 line, designed to meet these requirements, remains a key product in China’s AI sector.

What you should know 

Despite the growing push to use local chips, Beijing is still prepared to allow companies to purchase foreign semiconductors if necessary to remain competitive in the global AI race, sources added.

Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang, addressing the ongoing situation, said that the company is committed to supporting its Chinese customers within the confines of US regulations. “We have a lot of customers in China who depend on us, and we’ll do our best to support them,” Huang said in an interview with Bloomberg.

China remains a significant market for Nvidia, contributing 12% of its total revenue in the July quarter, amounting to approximately $3.7 billion. However, the company’s CFO Colette Kress acknowledged that trade restrictions have impacted Nvidia’s market share in China, although demand remains robust.

While Chinese chipmakers are making progress, their AI processors still lag behind Nvidia’s offerings. Beijing has committed billions of dollars in subsidies to accelerate domestic semiconductor development, but the technology gap remains a challenge.

Nevertheless, China’s AI sector continues to flourish. Tech giants like ByteDance and Alibaba, along with a wave of emerging startups, are investing heavily in AI innovation.

Despite the regulatory push, some Chinese companies are discreetly purchasing Nvidia chips, anticipating further US sanctions by year-end, while simultaneously increasing their procurement of domestic alternatives to align with Beijing’s directives.

[Nairametrics]

Operatives of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) have carried out a midnight raid on private hostels of Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto (UDUS), leading to the arrest of several students in the early hours of Saturday.

The raid reportedly occurred in the Kwakwalawa and Gidan Yaro communities, areas predominantly populated by university students in Sokoto. According to eyewitness accounts, the EFCC operatives stormed the hostels around 4am, indiscriminately arresting multiple students.

One student recounted, “They came at dawn, entered our rooms, and began arresting us without any explanation.” The EFCC was yet to issue a statement regarding the raid or provide reasons for the arrests.

The incident mirrored a similar raid that took place in February at the Federal University of Technology, Akure (FUTA) in Ondo State, where EFCC officials arrested students in a midnight operation targeting hostels outside the campus. During that operation, students’ lodges in the Orita Obele and Road Block areas were raided around 2am, with operatives breaking into rooms and arresting occupants.

Several FUTA students initially mistook the EFCC operatives for kidnappers due to the aggressive nature of the raid. According to reports, the officials—who were from the Benin Zonal office of the commission—allegedly destroyed property and subjected many students to physical assault, including female students.

LEADERSHIP also recalls that following the incident, the executive chairman of EFCC, Ola Olukoyede, issued a directive barring operatives of the anti-graft Commission from midnight raids.

[Leadership]