I have no reservations whatsoever in joining many others at home and abroad today, Saturday, April 29, to celebrate the birthday of the man popularly known as Otunba, Dr. Mike Adenuga on the occasion of his attainment of the landmark age of three scores and ten. It is trite knowledge that 70 is the Biblical age. The average time of longevity in Nigeria is 54, a country bedevilled by many existential crises and issues. Living up to the age of 70, in a country where death is cheap, poverty is rife, political leaders are not trusted, the road lies in wait to grab harvests on a daily basis - is in itself an achievement.   It is therefore fit and proper to celebrate Michael Adeniyi Agbolade Ishola Adenuga Jr. on the occasion of his 70^th birthday. Born on April 29, 1935, he is seventy today, and he truly deserves our applause.  

In the past week, I have seen a surfeit of tributes and announcements. One particularly notable one was posted by Aare Dele Momodu, one of Otunba Adenuga’s many proteges and beneficiaries, on his social media pages. Aare Momodu tells us that today, to be precise, there will be no loud parties… Otunba Adenuga has chosen to be at home with his family to reflect on an unprecedented trajectory; thanking God for seventy years of abundant grace, (2) that those who wish to celebrate with him should do so in modesty and simplicity which reflect his own reclusive personality; (3) that he would be delighted to have the younger generation read about his epic battles for success and imbibe some of the extraordinary attributes that catapulted him to being one of the most enigmatic icons on planet earth; (4) Dele Momodu says  Dr Mike Adenuga Jnr has dominated the business space in the last four decades with investments in commodity trading, real estate, banking, oil and gas, telecommunications, manufacturing and construction. … and (5) he adds that Mike Adenuga is a most generous giver and a silent donor to worthy causes…” I concur. Seventy years of achievement. Seventy years of glory. 

The only part of this advisory that I think will not fly is the build-up story that Otunba Mike Adenuga is going to spend his special day, today, ensconced with family, reflecting on his 70 years, in line with the virtues of modesty and simplicity and a reclusive personality. Yes, I know, that Otunba. Mike Adenuga is a self-effacing personality. With all his accomplishments, you won’t find him making noise at social events, throwing money around or trying to prove that he is a big man, as Nigerians say. But come off it, he is 70 today. He deserves to stage a dance, and sing a song. Where I come from, every birthday has what I call implications because birthdays are not for dying, they are for celebrations not monastic ruminations and hibernation. Otunba Adenuga’s aides should be told to urge their boss to celebrate. God has been kind to him. Adenuga at 70 is an occasion for pepper soup and jollof rice, and let no one tell him to restrict the feast to his family. The other day when Tony Elumelu, Chairman of United Bank of Africa (UBA) turned 60, I was quietly in my house when they sent me jollof rice and other gift items which I received and consumed with relish. When, a few years earlier, Nduka Obaigbena, the publisher of this newspaper, turned 60 we all went to Eko Hotel, the rooftop oh, not any small space, where we all had fun and took photographs. I ate and I took something home! 

Can someone please drag out Otunba Mike Adenuga, today and let him have fun, as we all join his friends and family to wish him a happy birthday, because he is indeed a jolly good fellow, an icon, a role model, a man with a good heart and a dependable guy. He is one of those persons that President Muhammadu Buhari referred to the other year when he talked about diamonds that make Nigeria great. Mike Adenuga is indeed a fine representation of the Nigerian dream, one of those who give hope to younger generations that it is possible to achieve, excel in whatever you put your mind and energy to, and surpass your dreams. Michael Adenuga is identified with two major animals as totems of signification: the first is the Bull. The Bull is the second sign of the Zodiac sign: Taurus, an earth sign relating to persons born between April 20 and May 20. Persons born under this sign are cosmic oxens, steadfast, loyal and ready to roll up their sleeves and get results. Apart from Otunba Mike Adenuga, one other Nigerian, in fact the only other one that I know who goes by the epithet “the Bull” is Daniel Amokachi, the ace footballer and legend.  Daniel Amokachi even in retirement is one of the best that ever played football. There are men and there are persons. I submit that our subject in this commentary is a man. It is not for nothing that Otunba Mike Adenuga is portrayed in other representations as a lion. The lion is the king of animals.   In his many expeditions in the course of seven decades, Mike Adenuga has indeed proven himself to be a king. I mean this in the literal sense without prejudice to the fact that he is the son of a princess of Ijebu Ode, who married an Ijebu-Igbo man, whose burial is recorded as one of the most befitting and colourful in contemporary times, nor the fact that Mike Adenuga is a first cousin of the Ogbagba II, paramount ruler of Ijebu Kingdom, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, one of the longest living monarchs in Nigeria having spent more than 60 years on the throne.  My point is that Adenuga had royal blood in him, but he became king not in the palace, but on the streets of struggle and self-realization.  Despite his privileged background with noble connections, he actually sent himself to school in the United States. 

Business schools teach case studies, and the models can be organizational or individual-specific. I once sat in classes where the subject was about CEOs – what makes them tick, how they think, how they are made, and why they do what they do. Mike Adenuga would prove to be a classic case study, and a source of lessons for the younger generation. Some of his critics, and I am sure there would be many out there, are likely to say that he is a lucky guy, who managed or happened to be in the right place at the right time. Afterall, he attended Ibadan Grammar School. Founded in March 1913, Ibadan Grammar School was one of those top elite schools in Ibadan, of Anglican Church extraction.  This was the school that Mike Adenuga attended. The school also had on its alumni list, Justice Franklin O.M. Atake, a distinguished jurist, Chief Ayo Rosij, lawyer, politician, former Minister; Chief Michael Omolewa, the industrialist; my late boss, mentor, benefactor and employer, Mr.Alex Ibru, founder of The Guardian Newspapers and the Sheraton Hotels, Dr Olusegun Agagu, former Governor of Ondo State,  and Chief Bola Ige, lawyer, politicians, author and former Attorney-General and Minister of Justice.. The school also had the reputation of having had as principal and founder, the late Pa Bishop Alexander Babatunde Akinyele who brought much distinguished glory to the school. 

We had a lecturer, Mr. Sonny Samson-Akpan, in Calabar in those days who never failed to remind us that he attended Ibadan Grammar School. If we wanted to prod him, we would point out that Ibadan also had Government College, Ibadan (GCI) which had an even more glowing story. The truth is that once upon a time in this country, alumni and alumna of different schools used to compete for glory. They were proud of their alma mater. But that is another story entirely. After Ibadan Grammar School, Mike Adenuga went to Comprehensive High School Aiyetoro for his A’Levels as it is called. “Compro,” as that school was popularly known was one of the best schools in Nigeria’s Western Region. It had excellent teachers, offering American-styled education. It provided a truly comprehensive education across disciplines and subjects. Products of the school, from that era, even till today, still go about as if they are on stilts, although the school like many others of that glorious season has changed form, content and substance.   

The Adenuga story is that he later went on to the United States for further education, and there, working as a taxi driver, he sent himself through college, getting a first degree from Northwestern Oklahoma State University and a graduate degree from Pace University, New York, majoring in Business Administration. The man we are celebrating today is that taxi driver, I think they call a taxi driver, a cabbie in the US, who is now 70 and is known as one of the most accomplished men on the African continent. He became an entrepreneur quite early, buying and selling. He was already a millionaire by the age of 26. He sold lace and soft drinks. By 1990, he had diversified into many areas of enterprise and industry, banking, oil and gas, entrepreneurship. In 1990, his company, Consolidated Oil and Gas, (CONOIL) had struck oil in commercial quantities in the shallow waters of South Western states of Nigeria. He also founded a bank, now defunct - the Equatorial Trust Bank (ETB). He is also today, the Chairman and Founder of Globacom, the second largest telecom operator in Nigeria, with significant presence in other African countries including Ghana and Benin Republic. Adenuga is regarded by Forbes and other wealth-watching groups as the second richest man in Nigeria. Adenuga is the second richest man in Nigeria and the sixth richest in Africa. To bring that to the level of the common man, each time you make a call on the Globacom network just to say “Hello My Neighbour. How are you today?”. Mike Adenuga makes money. He mints money.  

I have been attending classes in International Political Economy taught by Professor D. K. Ologbenla who has been treating such subjects as the Theories of Capitalism, the definitions, scope and essence of political economy the Tenets of Capitalism, International Aid, Multinational Corporations, IMF/World Bank, and in all this he talks about the capitalist as an agent for wealth production/creation, property acquisition, job creation and value addition. In other words, whether you view capitalism from the laissez faire, neo-liberal perspective or the communist conception, capitalism ultimately adds value, and it is better to have a balanced perspective of the various propositions.  Otunba Mike Adenuga is one of those capitalist agents involved in trade and industry and one of the most impactful in Africa, promoting prosperity and economic growth.  It is instructive that he has been honored by his own country, Nigeria, as a Grand Commander of the Order of the Niger (GCON), the second highest honour in Nigeria. He has also received high honours from Ghana, and France where in 2018, President Emmanuel Macron conferred on him the prestigious Commander of the Legion d’Honneur. In Ijebuland, he is Otunba Apesin. He is also one of the top-most influential Africans alive today. But the key thing is his promotion of welfare capitalism, his commitment to charity and community (the three Cs), philanthropy, and the manner in which he constantly gives back and helps to recreate society. I have read quite a number of tributes in the last week, from persons who have given testimonies of how they have benefitted directly from his generosity. As someone who has known him since I was a young, very angry, activist, journalist, I have been a beneficiary of his many acts of generosity. I don’t intend to tell those stories here today. I would rather reserve my “Adenuga and I stories” till another date. Most of our people are too envious. I don’t want to put anybody under unnecessary pressure as in: hen hen, is it Reuben Abati alone? I don’t want to attract the attention of you people who put eyes and mouths in other people’s matter. This is about Otunba Michael Adenuga: his humanism, his accomplishments, his heroism. 

He has done so much for the land of his birth: creating wealth, prosperity, opportunities and building lives. As he turns 70 today, I urge you to charge your glasses and let’s propose a toast to this great son of Ijebuland, Ogun State, Nigeria, Africa, and a global, bridge builder across the world as he turns 70. Is Bella reading this? Bella Adenuga (now Mrs Disu) is Otunba Adenuga’s daughter, if you are there, please bell me. I will tell you my address, for the onward transportation of my own Birthday mende-mende as they say in Yoruba language. Even the great Michael Adenuga must know that it is not fair for him to hide on his birthday today. Happy birthday sir. Many Happy Returns. Cheers.

This question has become inevitable because of the inexplicable failure of the Presidency to inaugurate the most important instutution of governance the Public Procurement Act 2007 Creates for the purpose of protecting public fund by fighting coruption in the public sector. This presdential fear of Public Prurement Council is now 16 years old. And even so the outgoing President Muhammadu Buhari who campaigned with this weapon of fighting coruption in the public sector in 2015 has failed to institutionalise public procurement council eight years on. This is quite disapponting. And that is why it is pertinent to sensitise the incoming presidential bureaucracy that public procurement council should be part of the first deals in the first 100 days in office. It is in public interest.   

The Public Procurement Act 2007 establishes the Bureau of Public Procurement as the regulatory authority responsible for the monitoring and oversight of public procurement, harmonising the existing government policies and practices by regulating, setting standards and developing the legal framework and professional capacity for public procurement in Nigeria.

And more inportant here, the “National Council on Public Procurement” is the governing body on issues relating to public procurement in Nigeria. It is a high level organ with approval powers on issues relating to the administration and management of public procurement under the Public Procurement Act of 2007.

On May 13, 2018 here I had asked in this column: When will the National Procurement Council be inaugurated? When will the President allow the Federal Executive Council (FEC) to share some powers with the legal Council on Public Procurement generally known as “contracts award” at the federal level?

I had then assured the nation that: “Answers to these 11-year-old questions will no longer blow in the wind, as the Council will be inaugurated sooner than later.” I had then explained the rationale for my optimism then this way: “This is official, thanks to the wind of change subscription to the strategic “Open Government Partnership” is fast bringing to the way corruption is being fought in the country.

In the first week of May 2018, I was an active participant at the “Open Government Week” in Abuja where a reference to the absence of the Public Procurement Council since 2007 as part of some hindrance to an “open government” led to the confirmation of government readiness to inaugurate the long neglected Public Procurement Council. In fact, it was confirmed by the Permanent Secretary in Charge of General Services Office (GSO) in the Office of Secretary to the Government of the Federation on Day Four of the five-day conference.

The Permanent Secretary, General Services Office (GSO), Mr. Olusegun Adekunle then who represented the SGF, Mr. Boss Mustapha was present at the Monday opening ceremony, the Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo declared open.

In response to my observation and a written question by as a participant on when the Procurement Council would indeed be inaugurated since 2007 when the then President Umaru Yar’Adua signed it into law, the Permanent Secretary Adekunle said, “the Council has in fact been constituted and its inauguration will be done very soon.” And a spontaneous applause followed the clear answer to an 11-year-old conundrum and anxiety then – for inauguration of the Council.

That was part of the highlights of the Open Government Week 2018, which ended at that weekend (May 10, 2018) in Abuja.

The conclusion of the whole matter then was President Muhammadu Buhari would take the glory of inaugurating the first ever Public Procurement Council (as provided by law) to deepen public engagement and involvement in procurement processes, being the starting point of corruption in the public sector. He hasn’t till the present. Specifically, three past presidents have failed to inaugurate the Council.

President Olusegun Obasanjo government actually prepared the executive bill on Public Procurement. The National Assembly then passed it but failed to sign it into law. So it was with Fiscal Responsibility Bill, he also failed to sign into law as submitted too by the Clerk National Assembly then in 2007. But Obasanjo didn’t veto the two Bills. He, however, refused the content of the third legislation, the Freedom of Information Bill. It was a tripartite arrangement to enhance citizens’ access to information and deepen accountability and transparency in public service. 

The brass tacks: On June 4, 2007, the then President Yar’Adua signed the Public Procurement and Fiscal Responsibility Bills into law. But he failed to inaugurate the Council, which would have removed contracts award from the FEC that has been acting as Tenders Board – till date.

Curiously, despite promises made during the 2015 election, President Muhammadu Buhari too has failed to inaugurate the National Council on Public Procurement (NCPP), as required by the Public Procurement Act 2007. Instead, the Federal Executive Council, FEC, under the leadership of the president, continues to usurp the most important function of the NCPP: approval of contracts.

The Public Procurement Act provides for the establishment of the NCPP, and the Bureau of Public Procurement, BPP, as the regulatory authorities responsible for the monitoring and oversight of public procurement as well as harmonising existing government policies and practices.

The Act was put in place to allow transparency and ensure public participation in government procurement. Although President Yar’Adua, who signed the bill into Law, failed to inaugurate the NCPP until his death in office, his successor, Goodluck Jonathan, who stayed in office for six years also failed to inaugurate the Council.

As I had noted here in 2018, in fact, President Jonathan’s spokesperson, Dr. Rueben Abati once asked The Guardian a rhetorical question in a story I did on the thorny issue for the newspaper: “What would you want the FEC to do after inauguration of the Council,” he asked. Which explained why an amendment Bill was sent to the Session of the National Assembly then.

The amendment had sought to remove the power of Tenders approval from the Procurement Council and retain it in FEC. Membership of the Council according to the Act should comprise 12 members to be appointed by the President. While six of the members are government officials, the other six are drawn from relevant professional organisations.

Those from the government side, considered permanent members, include the Minister of Finance, who serves as Chairman, and the Director General of the BPP as Secretary. Others are the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, the Secretary to the Government of the Federation, the Head of Service, and the Economic Adviser to the President. Those representing professional bodies are drawn from the Nigerian Bar Association, the Nigerian Institute of Purchasing and Supply Management, the Nigeria Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Mines and Agriculture, the Nigeria Society of Engineers, a representative of Civil Society Organisations and the media.

The FEC, the constitution provides as Executive Council of the Federation is made up the president, the vice president, all the ministers and some presidential advisers; meaning the president and his political appointees who are all less likely to question his decisions.

THE failure of the government to set up the Council means that the FEC continues to approve contracts to be executed by its members. And that is why procurement processes have become a critical part of why the public sector has become a bane rather than a boon to Nigeria since 1999. Obasanjo began the process and so unfortunately, no government after him has embraced the reform of public sector and that is why the country, the same Obasanjo cleared of debt in 2006 has returned to debt trap, no thanks to ineptitude and unbridled corruption in the outgoing Buhari administration. If the public procurement and fiscal responsibility nurtured by access to information mechanisms have worked we would have been very close to being the African giant and strong tower of the black race we are destined to be.  

It will be recalled that candidate Buhari had in a document circulated during the 2015 campaigns titled: “My covenant with Nigerians” promised to “inaugurate the National Council on Procurement as stipulated in the Procurement Act so that the Federal Executive Council, which has been turned to a weekly session of contract bazaar, will concentrate on its principal function of policy making.”

Although after assuming office, the president disowned the document. A fact check later showed that the procurement-policy document was produced by the policy and research directorate of the APC presidential campaign, headed by the then Minister of Solid Minerals Development and former Governor of Ekiti State, Kayode Fayemi, when the party was trying to convince Nigerians to abandon the then ruling party, PDP.

I had on September 16, 2016 written on the same issue here in an article titled: “Where is the Public Procurement Council? (https://guardian.ng/opinion/where-is-nigerias-public-procurement-council/) Below is an excerpt from the column (article), which addresses the urgency of the public procurement council.

“…But then it is time for the president to overhaul the federal bureaucracy to prevent corruption. And here is the thing, even if the president continues ruthlessly alone as a fundamental objective without involving the civil service of the federation, even by 2019, the result will be that yes, he fought some corrupt people without really fighting corruption. And so the war would have been lost… Therefore, the president should step forward and use an existing law to begin institutionalisation of the anti-graft war at the highest level…The Freedom of Information Bill, which was also ready in Obasanjo’s time was not signed into law until May 28, 2011 by the then President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan….”

The whole process would also have been enhanced in the Buhari administration by the Open Government Partnership (OGP) mechanism, a multi-stakeholder initiative focused on improving transparency, accountability, citizen participation, which also engenders responsiveness to citizens through technology and innovation. The OGP process brings together, government and civil society champions of reforms who recognise that governments are more likely to be more effective and credible when governance is made open to public input and oversight.

The OGP was launched to provide international platform for national activists committed to making their governments more accountable, and more responsive to citizens in their quest for transparency. At the national level, the OGP introduces a domestic policy mechanism where the Government and civil society can have continuous dialogues on effective transparency policies.

At the international level, the OGP provides a global platform to connect, empower and support domestic reformers committed to transforming governments and societies through openness. It is indeed a multilateral initiative aimed at securing solid commitments from Governments to promote transparency, empower citizens, fight corruption, and harness new technologies to strengthen governance.

In 2011, the OGP was formally launched when governments of Brazil, the Philippines, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States endorsed the Open Government Declaration and went further to announce their individual country action plans. The success of the OGP process per country, lies in the implementation of the National Action Plan, as it provides an organising framework for international networking and incentives. In July, 2016, Nigeria joined the Open Government Partnership (OGP) as the 70th country.

Nigeria’s joining of the OGP process demonstrates a strong political will to dismantle existing structures, which have assisted long presence of corruption, including opacity, and ineffective governance caused by lack of accountability in the country’s institutions.

This is why it is important for the in-coming administration to inaugurate the National Council on Procurement (NCPP) as soon as it is sworn in to begin the process of using public institutions to rebuild our broken system that nurtures our underdevelopment. 

There is a profession today that did not exist in the past. It is an informal, infuriating, and infectious profession known very simply as ‘social media soldier’ or ‘keyboard warrior.’ This profession allows individuals to take up the mantles left behind by gladiators of the past, daring to slight whoever, whenever, and however. Abike Dabiri, the Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of Nigerians in the Diaspora Commission (NiDCOM), has fallen into the traps of these warriors. Having dealt with her, the brave lady of iron and fire is no longer recognizable.

When it comes to diaspora issues, Dabiri has always stood at the forefront of things. This is especially true when these issues involve Nigerians that are struggling outside their motherland or have fallen into the kind of situation that they never would have if they were back here. But Dabiri never fails to show that she has their back. This enviable character has been turned against her, gradually evolving into a distortion of what she represents and how.

Since the Sudan saga started, Nigerians with relatives in that country have been worried to the point of despair. Dabiri, ever the motivator, attempted to encourage Nigerians that efforts are being made to get back our brothers and sisters from Sudan. However, things did not go as planned and that ended up getting Dabiri into the ring with social media soldiers.

Dabiri claimed on Twitter that there are more than three million Nigerians residing in Sudan, and even the wealthiest person in that country has Nigeria’s blood flowing inside him. However, people were quick to point out that Dabiri had exaggerated the figures so far out of proportion that she could have designed 12 new Sudan and her estimated number of Nigerians would not fill up these fictional countries.

The same ridicule was raised against her claim of the wealthiest person in Sudan being a Nigerian, with some social media commentators calling her out for being a fantastic teller of tall tales. Despite knowing that she can make mistakes, these keyboard warriors are not having it.

If social media was a compound, Dabiri would have to remain in her flat for the next three to six months. After all, nobody ever wins against social media soldiers.

The national population and housing census, so central to planning in modern societies, is one of the most politically volatile aspects of the Nigerian nationhood. I can safely predict that no matter the outcome of the next census — formerly scheduled for May 3-5 but now postponed indefinitely — it will be hotly disputed. Although we have excluded basic demographic markers such as religion and ethnicity to minimise controversy, there will still be allegations of manipulation of figures in favour of one state, one geo-political zone, one region or the other. There is no escaping it. The outcome will be attacked based on legitimate as well as ridiculous sentiments. You can take this to the bank.

Why do we always dispute census figures in Nigeria? One, there is a fundamental trigger since the data is partly used in sharing federally collected revenues. It is thought that a state with more population will get a bigger share of the federation allocation. In fact, some of us are still stuck in the past, so we do not stop at the population figure of a state alone but also add the states in a region together to analyse what the northern or southern region gets — as if we were still running regionalism. It made sense when we had regions and allocations went into same pot. But in 2023, what Oyo gets does not go to Ogun, or to the six south-western states, or to the 17 southern states.

Two, population figure is used to delineate certain legislative constituencies, namely the house of representatives and state houses of assembly. The senate is composed on the basis of the equality of states — thus, every state has three senators. The house of reps is based on population. While Lagos and Kano, as the most populous states, have 24 reps each, Bayelsa and Nasarawa states have only five each. Also, based on population distribution, Lagos and Kano each has 40 members of the state houses of assembly — the highest in the federation — while most states have 24 members each. That is why population census is not just about counting for planning. It is also for politics.

Maybe there is also the bragging rights aspect that we should list as the third reason for the sensitivity of census. “My state is bigger than yours” is a very common shoulder-raiser in Nigeria. We often think quantity matters and this is also reflected in our universal boasting of being the “largest black nation in the world”. We know that a state could be smaller in population but bigger in economic well-being. Nigeria, for instance, is Africa’s No 1 in population but the continent’s No 35 in the World Economics Global Wealth rankings — but never mind. As I often say, I would rather my state was less populous and more economically productive, but that is such an impolitic thing to say.

Population census outcomes are bitterly disputed because they always favour “the north”. When it was conducted by colonial governments, the results were rejected by southerners because the north turned out bigger numbers. When it was conducted in a military regime, southerners disputed the results — for the same reason. When it was conducted by a civilian government, the results were also disputed — for the same reason. When a president of southern extraction conducted the census, it was disputed — for the same reason. When a president of northern extraction did it, the figures were savaged as well — for the same reason. Inevitably, the next census will be disputed too.

All censuses have put the north ahead of the south in numbers and they have always been disputed by southerners who often say cows were counted as human beings over there. This would qualify as hate speech these days. The basis of their argument is that globally, coastal areas are always more populous than non-coastal areas. Hence, the south should invariably be more populated. It doesn’t matter if every southern state is not coastal or that the states vary in size. As long as a state is classified as south, it should have more population than any northern state. By this logic, Ekiti state in the south should automatically be more populous than Kogi state in the north. That is their point.

The distance between Ogbomoso, Oyo state, and Ilorin, Kwara state, is about 30 minutes by bus. From Okuku, Osun state, to Erin Ile, Kwara, is about 10 kilometres. You can literally trek from Ekiti LGA in Kwara to Ekiti state. However, because Kwara is north, it is “non-coastal” and should be less populated than any of the “coastal” Osun, Ekiti and Oyo states. Ironically, only eight of the 17 southern states are truly “coastal”, yet the population of the nine non-coastal southern states should be more than that of the 19 non-coastal northern states. This logic ignores the discretionary/artificial marking of boundaries, which is less of physical geography and more of sociology and politics.

In addition to battling with not knowing our history, we are also obviously mixing up our geography. There are 37 entities in Nigeria, out of which 20 are geographically classified as north. But most northern states are far from being arid, even if they are not coastal. The easiest example that some people will accept is Benue state, which is classified as “north” but celebrated as the food basket of the nation. It cannot be classified as arid. Sambisa in the north-east hosts one of the largest forests in Africa. That is not the meaning of arid. I have met southerners who expressed shock when they saw the vegetation in some parts of the north. That is not what they have been told all their lives.

Even on the issue of revenue allocation, as I have pointed out in the past, the role of population is often exaggerated. The “horizontal” sharing of 26.72 percent of the federation account among the 36 states is always the sore point here. The 26.72 percent is shared based on five principles: (1) equality of states, 40 percent (2) population, 30 percent (3) landmass/terrain, 10 percent (4) internal revenue effort, 10 percent (5) social development effort, 10 percent. This is aside the 13 percent derivation which is not part of the 26.72 percent in the federation pot. It is also different from VAT revenue from which the states take 50 percent, councils 35 percent and the federal government 15 percent.

The first horizontal principle treats all states as equal, so they equally share 40 percent of the 26.72 percent. If this comes to N100, for instance, states will share N40 equally: N1.11 per state, no matter the size. The 30 percent “population principle” means N30 of the N100 will be shared by the states using the population of each of them. In fact, 70 percent of federation allocation is not shared on the basis of population, contrary to the popular imagination. But since the north is more populous according to census data, the population principle is often criticised by southerners who think that the 19 northern states get disproportionate more than the 17 southern states, just by having babies.

In real life, though, Nigeria’s population is not as lopsided as portrayed in the media. It is often because we don’t pay attention to details: we listen to the agenda setters too much. If we take the 10 most populous states using the official census figures, six are from the north and four from the south. If we pick the top 20, we will see 10 are from the north and 10 from the south. If we take the bottom 10, five are from the north and five from the south. If we take the bottom 16, eight are from the north and eight from the south. With the current population ratio of 53:47, northern states will take N16 and southern states N14 of the N30 shared on the population principle. Is this a disaster?

It is a lost cause trying to persuade some people to accept that our census figures are not as central to our nationhood as we think. It has also become pointless arguing that it shouldn’t matter what state has the most population — what should really matter is the economic productivity of the federating units. The way we debate in Nigeria, everything revolves around federation allocation. We are overly obsessed with who should get more and who should get less. There is little or no attention to the need for each state to develop its own potential so that what is shared in Abuja every month amounts to peanuts compared to the proceeds of internal productivity. This is none of our business.

We are so divided over this census thing that we cannot even ask questions of ethnicity and religion. I was counted in 1991. I was asked my ethnicity but not my religion. We were still reeling from the religious tensions that gripped the country in the wake of the OIC controversy of 1986. If the data said there were more Muslims than Christians, or vice-versa, all hell would be let loose. We are just a unique breed of human beings! So, the Ibrahim Babangida administration removed religion from the questionnaire. We are left with saying the populations of Muslims and Christians are at par so that nobody would be unhappy. Regardless, southerners still disputed the 1991 figures. You know why.

I wasn’t counted in 2006 (I was studying abroad) but I was told ethnicity had disappeared from the questionnaire. So, not only couldn’t we know the religious composition of our population, we also wouldn’t know the ethnic configuration. Therefore, we will keep saying Nigeria is built on a tripod of ethnic groups with equal populations, even when we know it is impossible for all ethnic groups to be numerically equal. I agree that excluding the politically explosive ethnicity and religion bits from the questionnaire can help avoid some controversies especially as they may have no bearing on the actual goal of the census, but it just shows the level of distrust in the country. We need to grow up.

I would have argued that the census is not worth the $1.8 billion to be spent on it and should not be priority for now, more so because of the predictable controversies that will result from the outcome, but I would not be doing justice to the science behind headcounts. The data generated will be useful for planning purposes — and this is not just for the government but for the private sector as well. We cannot continue to rely on population estimates. More so, a lot has changed since we did the last one in 2006. For instance, we have always assumed Nigeria’s population is concentrated in rural areas but trends appear to show a reversal. Getting the actual data can be very useful for all.

It appears we do not take census seriously in Nigeria. The UN recommends that it should be carried out every 10 years. The last one we did was 17 years ago. Before then, there was also a gap of 15 years. Going forward, we need to take census more seriously and plan for it properly. It is not just about today but also about tomorrow. The postponement of the 2023 census, as announced yesterday by the federal government, was coming all along. There was clear evidence that the National Population Commission (NPC) was not ready. There were issues around funding and logistics. It looked like it was going to be a mess. Whatever is worth doing at all is worth doing well. 

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

TINUBU’S TASK

To detox the system, the incoming Bola Tinubu administration needs a large dose of sagacity to keep the different ethnic and religious tendencies onside in the sharing of political offices. President Goodluck Jonathan never recovered from being accused of violating power rotation in 2011. President Muhammadu Buhari was eternally framed as a religious fundamentalist and accused of using the sentiments to chase Jonathan out in 2015. Tinubu’s victory is being questioned by the opposition parties. There is a way these things shape narratives and attitudes and define tenures. Tinubu must use wisdom to calm frayed nerves in order to have some stability and focus. Critical.

FOOL’S SUBSIDY

Surprise! The federal government is dilly-dallying on the deregulation of petrol pricing. It was not as if all of us believed it when it was announced in December 2022 that the multi-trillion naira subsidy would be abolished by mid-year 2023. It was all politics. The irony, though, is that if you ask Nigerians to choose between buying petrol at N300/litre and spending the N6 trillion subsidy on improving education, healthcare and road infrastructure, most would choose the subsidy. There is also this belief that Nigeria is rich enough to pay for the subsidy and still fund education, healthcare and roads. This argument plays into the hands of those benefiting from the subsidy scam. Doomed.

BY CHOICE

One shock that greeted Nigerians who emigrated to the UK was the cost of watching football on TV. A complete sports package (Sky and BT) costs £50, roughly N47,000, a month. Basic subscriptions, without sports, cost about £30 monthly. Pay per view is usually £20 for a single event lasting for a few hours. Pay as you go doesn’t exist. Yet, MultiChoice Nigeria always comes under attack for adjusting its rates, like other businesses, to address rising operational costs. Its most expensive package under the new tariff is N24,500 monthly, covering all channels. But Nigerians have turned cable TV into a fundamental human right. Students are threatening hell over a pure luxury. Absurd.

OBY’S ODYSSEY

Happy birthday to Mrs Obiageli Ezekwesili (“Oby” to most of us) who clocked 60 on Friday. Tributes poured in from everywhere for the chartered accountant who made her mark as the no-nonsense pioneer head of the Due Process Office, officially known as the Budget Monitoring and Price Intelligence Unit — the precursor to the Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP). She was one of the shining stars of the Obasanjo administration from 1999 to 2007. As minister of solid minerals and later education, she stood out as a woman of vision and passion, even if her ideas got suffocated by the pushback associated with reforms. She is also a champion of good governance. Felicitations.

City FM is inviting you to a scheduled Zoom meeting.

Late Karl Augustus Menninger an American psychiatrist once said and l quote

" What the teacher is, ls more than what he teaches."

Oxford learners dictionaries define significance as The importance of something, especially when this has an effect on what happens in the future.

The significance role of a teacher in a nation building can never be Overemphasised.

Believe me or not teaching is the one profession that creates and gave birth to other professions. Teaching is one of the most powerful professions across the universe. The role of a teacher goes beyond classroom, they have power in shaping and changing life of students through teaching. Additional they ignite dream what teachers do matters even if no one recognised it.

The current state of the teaching profession is not encouraging due to the poor remuneration receive. The Government at all level needs to look inward all hands must be on deck the stakeholders and professionals that this noble profession has given birth to should salvage teaching profession. In a civilized country around the globe a country like Finland, Germany, Singapore, Dubai, Japan, etc. Teaching has a statue the aforesaid countries believes that teaching profession is the bedrock of their country.

Teaching profession in Nigeria are not getting sufficient support therefore, l asked Who will speak for this noble profession? Where are the friends of this profession? The innumerable impact of teachers in the society should be rewarded. John Dewey said in one of his quotes The teacher is not in the school to impose certain ideas or to form certain habits in the child, but is there as a member of the community to select the influences which shall affect the child and to assist him (her) in properly responding to these. Thus, the teacher becomes a partner in the learning process, guiding students today independently discover meaning within the subject area". The role of a teacher is not only to teach, but to mould and change a national through teaching. Teaching is the hardest work around the globe, Teacher are like a mirror and role model, leader, mentor to student. In conclusion, one of the significance role of a teacher is to prepare student for a world that doesn't exist yet.

Shosanya Babatunde Oluwaseyi a prolific writer, Historian, Scholar Researcher Educationist par excellence and activist.

City FM is inviting you to a scheduled Zoom meeting.

Programme: CITY TALKS WITH REUBEN ABATI

Time: 12:00pm

Guest: Dr. Michael Aderohunmu (President, Nigeria-Malaysia Business Council)

Topic: The Proposed Suspension of Subsidy Removal

Date: April 29th, 2023
                         
Join Zoom Meeting: https://zoom.us/j/92877141732?pwd=VEJWb29OL2VVekZUTHRpdWYxK0xxZz09

Meeting ID: 928 7714 1732

Passcode: 600206

What sort of man is Mike Adenuga Jr (MAJr)? Does it sound like a million-dollar question? Don’t worry, let’s get down to it. In answering the question, a biographical account would be appropriate. Indeed, some great story tellers have produced inspiring pen-portraits on him. In 2011, Mike Awoyinfa and Dimgba Igwe wrote a book on Adenuga who was born 70 years ago on April 29, 1953.

For a man who is very private and publicity-shy, there’s little he can do in the age of digital technology because information on his family, wealth and fame are available with just a touch of the digital button. A simple Google search will reveal that MAJr is Michael Adeniyi Agbolade Ishola Adenuga Jr., CSG, GCON; a Nigerian billionaire businessman and the sixth richest person in Africa. He is also a husband and father.

No matter how much he tries to hide himself, MAJr knows he is a gold fish and he loves everything golden. He has the Midas touch, and his entire life’s history and success story are matters of public scrutiny. Today, he stands tall at 70 years and he must be feeling truly fulfilled and thankful to God because of his long list of accomplishments.

MAJr is an exceptional human being and he means different things to different people. He hardly socialises but he loves the good life. However, he believes in the humanity that thrives which explains why the story is often told of his immense generosity. Givers never lack and the hand of the giver is always on top, according to the popular clichés.

Sometimes, you can become rich when you are fortunate to be blessed with a family inheritance or when you win a lottery. In MAJr’s case, he did not win any lottery; he built his wealth from the ground floor up through hardwork. Rich and successful people will remind you that when preparation meets luck and opportunity, you can be sure of making your way to the top.

Long before MAJr made his fortune in telecoms and oil (he was the first Nigerian to strike oil in commercial quantities), he was already into real estate and merchandising (import and export business) and he had warehouses all over Nigeria. He would forever be grateful and loyal to former military president, General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida (IBB), his close confidant, mentor and benefactor.

For some strange reasons, Mike Adenuga was caught in a needless political crossfire between former president Olusegun Obasanjo and IBB. What Obasanjo did was to test Mike Adenuga’s loyalty to IBB and he passed the test graciously.

I don’t know what IBB will write this time, but 10 years ago when MAJr marked his Diamond Jubilee, IBB congratulated the Globacom chairman and his message was instructive: “The fact that you treasure the virtue of true friendship and loyalty to any cause you believe in gives you the cutting edge. I am eternally grateful for all the troubles you had to go through because of me in the hands of a regime that tried to derail our friendship and relationship.

“Even when you came under severe pressure by the same regime which I helped to nurture to blackmail me in order to hang me, you remained eternally loyal and steadfast. Only a businessman of character, sound upbringing and virtue could choose friendship instead of his economic empire.”

IBB did not mince words in the message because he felt grateful to MAJr, his loyal friend of so many seasons. Obasanjo actually wanted to use MAJr to frame IBB for “economic crimes” that did not exist and on that occasion, Baba Iyabo failed spectacularly.

On the instruction of Nuhu Ribadu, chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and at Obasanjo’s behest, the home and offices of the Globacom chairman were invaded; they searched in vain for documents linking IBB as the “owner” of Globacom.

MAJr was in Paris at the time and returned to Nigeria only when it was safe to do so. For those who know IBB, he is very loyal to his friends and he has so many of them – in and outside the military circle.

About 17 years ago, our company was invited to make a presentation on Glo Football Academy. I recall that Segun Odegbami, the popular Nigerian footballer and writer and Modele Sarafa-Yusuf, former sports presenter at the Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), were in the presentation room at the Victoria Island head office of Glo. Odegbami and Sarafa-Yusuf worked for Globacom at the time.

Who else was there? It was Mike Adenuga, the chairman himself; he sat and listened to the entire presentation which he described as “good music to his ears.” It was the first time I was meeting the chairman of Glo but remarkably, he mentioned my name in full before introductions were made. I was surprised because we had never met face-to-face before that day.

Building a formidable network that comes with goodwill is another reason most people succeed in life. If there’s one man that I know is close to Mike Adenuga, he is Otunba Dele Momodu, the publisher of Ovation magazine, who is also my friend and brother.

Many years ago, Momodu gave me a note addressed to MAJr’s secretary. They had spoken and he wanted me to meet her so that she could link me up to work in communications department of Equitorial Trust Bank (ETB) and Devcom Merchant Bank.

Mike Adenuga was the owner of both banks and he was in his 30s when he floated them. In 2006, ETB successfully merged with Devcom Bank while on August 11, 2011, ETB merged with Sterling Bank. It meant I would have met Adenuga to discuss my possible employment. I knew a long time ago that letters cannot be hand-delivered at any of his offices; no staff will sign for them.

Nine times out of ten (some would say 10 out of 10), MAJr sits at the interview sessions of mostly senior and junior management staff. It shows the extent of his micro-management ability which some people regard as a weakness but he does not care. His micro-management trait comes from not being able to sufficiently trust people around him.

MAJr puts his money where his mouth is. Once he gives you an assignment, according to insiders, he will be on your case 24/7 to deliver and failure is definitely not an option. Some former employees confessed to resigning because the “pressure from chairman to perform was always too much.”

These are pressures that may affect your health but it does not mean MAJr is heartless. He works round the clock himself; he leads by example and he is not called “The Guru” for nothing. He praises his own his brilliance which is evident in his business decisions and like a good chess player, he calculates his moves very well.

Mike Adenuga is a risk taker and he is blessed with the ability to craft a vision and get the brightest people in the world to buy into that vision. He also has the skill and network to mobilise resources to back the vision and make it work.

The billionaire entrepreneur and second richest man in Nigeria after Alhaji Aliko Dangote reads voraciously. Apart from being a marketing strategist, he is also a researcher and he equips himself with relevant information and knowledge on his businesses and projects all the time.

When Adenuga launched Glo, he positioned it as the authentic Nigerian telecoms brand. Clearly, he had the financial ability to make Glo successful and he will, as usual, fly over every obstacle, no matter what it takes.

The Glo per second billing was his launch strategy. On top of that, he was able to convince three eminent Nigerians representing the three major tribes – Prof Wole Soyinka, Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu and Alhaji Maitama Sule – to serve as the faces of the Glo brand. It was not easy convincing the pioneer “Glo Brand Ambassadors” but you can ask The Guru how he pulled it off. That was truly a masterstroke by a genius.

If MAJr has to wake you up in the middle of the night to attend a business meeting outside Nigeria, be ready to head to the airport and jump into the plane. He will tell you that’s what you signed for; you cannot complain.

Our birthday celebrant, “Baba 70”, has a sharp memory and he relies heavily on his instincts. People like him do not forget things easily. It is difficult to reach him as would be expected of rich people; they ring-fence themselves with numerous aides but Adenuga would see you when he wants to. He would simply send for you, or he could even surprise you with a phone call.

MAJr is loyal to his friends just like his mentor, IBB, and he does not forget them. Constant feedback is important to Mike Adenuga. If he turns his back on you, it means something terrible – perhaps unforgiveable – has happened. He dislikes people who take his goodwill and generosity for granted; he will rebuke his own children for a similar transgression.

When you are self-driven and result-oriented, Adenuga will be fond of you and it will be obvious to everyone in the organisation. You will receive gifts that may include a brand new car, cash or even a house. His mood is also important when he makes those decisions.

He is often accused of having an “extreme and dual nature” and “love-hate relationships.” It is another way of saying that he can be ruthless and you cannot place him. Those expressions also mean he uses and dump his friends and employees. I cannot prove these allegations but one thing I know for sure that MAJr can keep you waiting for long hours before you can see him – even for a confirmed appointment. Sometimes, you could wait for the whole day and maybe into the night. This behaviour is described by some people as “weird, wicked and mysterious.” But remember that he is a “lion” and you cannot dare him in his den.

There are also allegations that Adenuga arm-twists his suppliers to their disadvantage and would go as far as re-negotiating contracts already signed or even outrightly refusing to honour such agreements. The suppliers hardly complain because of reprisal attacks due to Adenuga’s brand power, influence and connections.

When dealing with Baba 70, you have to be extremely patient. What more can I say? Mike Adenuga is also human after all; he has his own fair share of mistakes. With his investment in some sectors of the economy, you can be sure that the Spirit of Africa is not about to retire as any time soon he clocks 70 years.

He has supported sports – especially football – and entertainment events around Africa. Most Nigerian musicians who are now highly sought after and Nollywood celebrities will always remember his Glo endorsements that gave them fame and fortune.

CNN’s long-running series, African Voices Change Makers, is sponsored by Glo in a long-term partnership. He had also provided sponsorship support for Nigerian football and the national teams, as well as CAF Awards – recognising football stars and administrators on the African stage.

There was a time a rival telecoms company was ready to go into a lucrative sponsorship deal with the Nigeria Football Federation (NFF) but the deal was turned down because of MAJr. I knew at the time that NFF officials wanted the deal badly but their hands were tied.

Now, here’s my Billionaire Challenge Nigeria (BCN) to him: come up with a solution model to fix at least one basic social or economic problem in his home state. The concept of BCN is that every state has at least one successful billionaire who should be able to “pull resources together” and drive the initiative of solving basic social and economic problems in their respective states.

One more thing, Mike Adenuga should consider writing his memoirs as soon as possible. His success secrets will inspire millions of African youth and they will be glad to drink from his fountain of wisdom and learn from a genius and great mind like him.

Here’s wishing Mile Adenuga Jr more grace and impactful accomplishments in the years ahead. Happy birthday sir!

Braimah is a public relations strategist and publisher/editor-in-chief of Naija Times (https://ntm.ng)

Exactly a month from today, Bola Ahmed Tinubu will be inaugurated as president of Nigeria—unless something seismically dramatic happens before then. There are literally hundreds of suggestions I can offer for the success of his administration, but I have chosen to isolate only six.

1. Refrain from avoidable delays in decision making. It is better to take a bad decision and correct it after seeing its effects than to wait until eternity to make one. That’s why it’s customary to say that indecision is the graveyard of good intentions. Muhammadu Buhari’s spectacular and lamentable failure as a president was built on the fundament of indecision.

Buhari couldn’t make up his mind about anything and took half-hearted, ineffective decisions only after the urgency of moments had passed. He couldn’t come up with his cabinet members months after he was declared winner of the 2015 election. 

Governing boards of government agencies, which are the engines of everyday governance, were unfilled years after Buhari was inaugurated as president. That was one of the reasons the economy took a tailspin into predictable chaos from which it hasn’t recovered.

To avoid Buhari’s fate, Tinubu should assemble his cabinet members while he is awaiting his inauguration and announce them within the first week following his inauguration. He should also fill all vacancies in governing boards of government agencies within the first few months of his administration. 

More than 2000 years ago, Roman statesman Marcus Tullius Cicero memorably said, “More is lost by indecision than [by] wrong decision. Indecision is the thief of opportunity. It will steal you blind.” Buhari’s indecision didn’t steal him blind; it stole Nigeria blind. Tinubu shouldn’t replicate it.

2. The choice of cabinet members should lean toward savvy and competent people. I am aware that in presidential democracies cabinet positions are often given as rewards to politicians who supported a presidential candidate during electioneering. I don’t expect Tinubu to not reward people who supported his electoral victory.

Nevertheless, in light of the multiple burdens of heightened insecurity, economic stagnation, progressively dysfunctional infrastructure, etc. that he is inheriting from Buhari, not to mention the deteriorating crisis of confidence that the APC has engendered in the last eight years, Tinubu will earn the confidence of the nation if he appoints apolitical, clear-eyed, and demonstrably experienced and capable people to supervise the economic, security, power, and other consequential sectors of the nation. 

Most previous administrations have a history of inviting politically neutral experts into cabinet and other significant positions in government. The Buhari regime departed from this norm. Tinubu should return to it. If Tinubu goes beyond having just a smattering of so-called technocrats in his cabinet—like Obasanjo, Yar’Adua, and Jonathan did—to actually ensuring that they set the tone for his administration, he will inspire confidence.

Of course, being a non-political subject-matter expert isn’t always a guarantee of success at assigned tasks. There are intimidatingly credentialed know-nothings.  Tinubu should, because of this, set up achievable and measurable metrics to evaluate the performance of ministers, and fire non-performing ministers irrespective of their credentials. Buhari kept the same cast of lusterless, non-performing ministers, except for the few that resigned on their own, for the entirety of his administration.

3. Forgiveness and inclusivity. Presidential electoral contests are inherently divisive and toxic, and their aftersensations can linger longer than is normal. Nigeria’s primordial fissures particularly aggrandize the noxiousness of electoral contests. Revenge and exclusion are the easiest emotions to crowd the mind of a victor in such contests, but the easy path isn’t always the right path.

Tinubu should work to earn the trust of people who didn’t vote for him, including people who don’t believe he legitimately won his election. I am the first to admit that it’s hard to embrace people who perpetually malign, belittle, and vilify you, but purposeful leadership entails responsibility, self-denial, forgiveness, and a large heart.

In appointments and location of projects, he should reflect Nigeria’s intricate diversity. He also should not, in words and in deeds, marginalize parts of Nigeria that resent him and unfairly elevate his natal constituency. It’s easier to win over opponents by repaying their hostility with kindness than to fight them back. That was one thing Buhari never learned. 

In any case, after becoming president, there will automatically be power asymmetry between Tinubu and his traducers. The fact of being president dwarfs any vilification he may receive from his opponents and critics. Success, they say, is the best revenge. How he treats opponents will define him more than how he treats people who support him. 

4. Take religion out of governance. Exhibitionistic preening of religiosity by high-profile government officials is the sole reason religion has become intolerably contentious in Nigeria’s polity. It engenders feelings of symbolic exclusion in people whose co-religionists are not in power. 

Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida made the germinal error of centralizing religion in the business of governance when he built a mosque at the Presidential Villa and glamorized Islamic worship there on Fridays. 

Olusegun Obasanjo replicated a Christian, retaliatory version of what Babangida started. He built a Christian chapel at the Presidential Villa and ordered live television broadcasts of his worship. Oby Ezekwezili, a minister in the Obasanjo regime, said in a 2006 interview with the Guardian on Sunday that the Presidential Villa chapel encapsulated the defeat of Satan.

 “Satan had been sitting pretty before,” she said. “Now God has dislodged Satan, but we needed to clear all the debris that Satan had put in place in what was his former territory.” 

This sort of inflammatory rhetoric from mindless religious bigots like Ezekwezili, the kind of which animated the last election, was possible because of the Muslim bigotry that Babangida inaugurated and enthroned, which his successors did nothing to tamp down. 

Tinubu has an opportunity to reverse this. He and his vice president should not show off the performance of their faith. There should be no live broadcasts of his Juma’t prayers or umrah. 

5. Don’t increase petrol prices by other names. I know that there is now an artfully manufactured consent, particularly among the gilded classes in Nigeria, about the undesirability of “fuel subsidy.” I don’t care what it’s called, but any policy (call it deregulation, subsidy removal, appropriate pricing, etc.) that results in an arbitrary and unbearable hike in the price of petrol without a corresponding increase in the salaries of workers and an improvement in the living conditions of everyday people will sink Tinubu.

Resuscitating existing refineries and creating conditions for robust private sector investment in building new ones are obvious, well-worn solutions to the existing order, which have been floating around for years. Any serious government would make this happen.

No responsible government shies away from subsidizing the production and consumption of essential commodities for its people. I have lived in the United States, the belly of the capitalist beast, for nearly two decades, and I can tell you that governments at both federal and state levels heavily subsidize petrol consumption—in addition to agriculture.

When gas prices increased dramatically a few months ago here, both Joe Biden and state governors granted tax holidays to oil companies so they could lower the cost of petrol. Biden tweeted daily about the reduction in gas prices that his policies enabled. Americans call high petrol prices “pain at the pump” for a reason.

The surest way for a government to lose legitimacy here is to allow petrol prices to go up without doing anything about it. That’s why America’s 50 states collectively spend $10 billion a year to subsidize petrol consumption.

I know Tinubu, Atiku Abubakar, and Peter Obi said they would “remove fuel subsidy”—a code for they’ll increase petrol prices— if they’re elected president, but I can assure Tinubu that if petrol price hikes deepen people’s misery, he’ll have a tough time governing.

6. Communication is key to success in a modern presidency, and Tinubu can’t afford to duplicate Buhari’s template of an uncommunicative presidency.  Tinubu obviously now struggles with his speech, stumbles on some words, and occasionally blanks out. It’s understandable that his minders will want to continue to shield him from news interviews, which could provide materials for disparaging comic skits.

But he and his minders can learn from Joe Biden who is a natural stutterer and who has been known as a “gaffe machine” since his younger days. He doesn’t grant many media interviews, but he delivers remarks on camera. A president whose communication is always delivered by aides will lack political, social, and symbolic presence. And that’s a disaster.

In writing his speeches for periodic broadcasts on major policies, Tinubu’s speech writers should take care to avoid writing words he struggles to pronounce. Instead of writing “administration,” for instance, which he apparently has a hard time pronouncing, they should prefer “government.” That’s Speech Writing 101 that his speech writers fail all the time. That was why they wrote “ballyhoo” and “hullabaloo” for him that, in a state of momentary mental confusion, he mispronounced as “balablu” and “bulaba.”

Finally, he should never for any reason ban social media, especially Twitter, where he is, for now, hugely unpopular. In a democracy, people have a right to not like the president.