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“The man who goes the furthest is generally the one who is willing to do and dare.” – Dale Carnegie  

Whether Dr Mike Adeniyi Adenuga Jnr chose the Bull as his business moniker or the nickname was given to him, there can be no more fitting sobriquet for a man who is never afraid to dare. No matter the odds and regardless of how daunting the challenges may be. It is perhaps also not a coincidence that Taurus, the second astrological sign of the zodiac, governs the period of the year between April 20 and May 20 on which Adenuga’s birthday falls. Taurus is symbolized by the bull, ordained by ancient civilizations and cultures with the sacred role of divinity.   

In the world of politics and business, the bull is also a familiar symbol. “We grab it by the horns to demonstrate our authority… and we use the bull as a symbol in the stock market to represent a rise in prices”, according to Matt Sullivan, a former editor at New York Times and The Atlantic, who argues that the bull has, since prehistoric times, epitomized determination, strength, practicality, stoicism, ambition, and virility.  

Those rare attributes separating the bull from other animals also distinguish Adenuga from other Nigerian businesspeople. Adenuga is that man who, if he sets his mind on something, gets it accomplished no matter the obstacles. He is not just successful in oil and banking, but he has also built one of the largest telecommunication companies in Africa. So, as he joins the elite Septuagenarian Club today, Adenuga can look back with fulfilment on the countless battles he has fought and won.   

Much has been written about Adenuga’s philanthropy and generosity of spirit. His legions of honours include the unusual investiture as Grand Commander of the Order of Niger (GCON) by President Goodluck Jonathan, decoration with the insignia of Commander of the Legion of Honour by President Emmanuel Macron of France and conferment of the highest civil national award of the Companion of the Star of Ghana (CSG) by President John Mahama of Ghana. Adenuga has also played pioneering roles across business sectors, including leading the first indigenous company in the country to strike oil in commercial quantity. But the enduring value of Adenuga is that he has built a formidable business institution that is spreading the Nigerian brand across the globe. And having lived by the business ethos of high risk, high reward, Adenuga has recorded remarkable feats that have put him and Nigeria in good stead.

In the world of business, especially in a country like ours, there are just too many risks and uncertainties. Yet, Adenuga has seized every moment in the past four decades to break barriers, surmount obstacles and create records. His ability to withstand or recover from setbacks is legendary. From surviving gunshots to losing his father in an auto crash, to having his GSM licence revoked, Adenuga has withstood things that would make peers buckle or crumble. While others dream and wait for the ‘right moment’ to act, risktakers like Adenuga are already investing their time, energy, and resources to reach new heights, even amid storms.   

There is a story that illustrates the doggedness and never-say-die spirit of Adenuga. Before his company, Consolidated Oil, eventually struck the liquid gold on 24th December 1991, family members, including his late mother, and associates reportedly felt concerned about the risk he was taking. A make-or-break oil exploration in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean off the coast of Ondo State for a man still in his thirties was considered too daring. Adenuga reportedly listened to all the concerns expressed by people he knew genuinely cared about him. Yet, at the end, he decided to go by his instincts. Against all odds, he succeeded, and today he is one of the biggest players in the oil and gas sector.  

Adenuga is a man who believes in setting milestones. This has continued to stand him out as a real treasure of a man amongst men. And he has a compelling story. As a young businessperson, Adenuga never depended on his father’s wealth. In his early foray in the world of business, he borrowed money from his mother and sister to execute a contract. He rose to the pinnacle through hard work, determination, and dedication to duty.   

To confront our economic challenges in Nigeria, we need the patriotic zeal and courage of men like Adenuga who will not only invest their money but also empower our people in diverse ways. For instance, the contribution of Globacom to the entertainment industry goes beyond sponsorships and endorsements to Corporate Social Investment (CSI) initiatives that have helped to resurrect and nurture the career of many veteran artistes who may have ended up in penury in a society that places little premium on art. By using local musicians, actors, actresses as well as global stars with Nigerian ancestry for endorsement, Adenuga has deployed his network to project Nigeria’s image beyond the call of business.  Besides, from putting a lie to the claim that per second billing was impossible in Nigeria to crashing the prohibitive cost of acquiring a GSM line to bringing down the cost of airtime, Adenuga has positioned Globacom to play a disruptive role in the telecoms sector to the benefit of Nigerians.  

That Adenuga’s bullish mindset serves us in Nigeria is not in doubt. We need risk takers who will work for growth opportunities and invest with a positive attitude. Today, his contributions have helped to improve the living standards of millions of people, particularly those in rural areas. The same goes for Africa where Adenuga has demonstrated that creating sustainable businesses is key to driving job creation and economic development. He has invested a significant amount of money in different projects across the continent, including agricultural development programmes, health research, and technology advancement initiatives.  

Considering Adenuga’s extraordinary wealth and the government licensed sectors in which he operates (oil and gas, banking, telecoms), there are some who may want to downplay his achievements. I believe the best illustration of the Adenuga story is the Biblical parable of talents, a most profound teaching by the Lord Jesus Christ set within the context of investments and productivity (Matthew 25: 14-30). As the parable goes, shortly before embarking on a journey, a rich man delegated the management of his wealth to three servants by giving five talents to one, two talents to another and one talent to a third. Upon his return, he found that the first two earned him a hundred percent profit on his investments, while the third servant, who had buried his talent in the ground, returned it without profit.

The Bible makes it clear that the master understood the capacity of each servant, which explains the disparity in the number of talents he gave them. The Nigerian state might have given either five or two ‘talents’ to a few, but there are thousands of other Nigerian businessmen who have been handed a ‘talent’ each. If only ten percent of them had been faithful, Nigeria would be a better country today. Therefore, the proposition that we need more Adenugas in Nigeria is not about the quantum of ‘talents’ given but rather in the effort they put into deploying those ‘talents’ for the advancement of our society.  

Meanwhile, Adenuga’s aversion to media and publicity is well known, avoiding the grandstanding that we see with many wealthy Nigerians. But in a rare public engagement to mark his 40th birthday in April 1993, Adenuga released a disquisition on ‘Achieving’ that provides a peep into his mind in a way that confirms his bullish disposition to business. An “achiever” according to Adenuga, “is a leader, a winner, all the time, not just once” while dismissing the notion that anybody should approach worthwhile ventures with the spirit of the Olympics which places emphasis simply on participation. “Leading the pack is the only worthwhile resolve for the achiever. There is no room for second place…to be the first, and always the first; to be the one who holds the aces that determine the pace of play. You match your wits against others, with your entire constitution springing to action.” 

Three decades later, that remains the operating principle of ‘The Bull’. 

Adenuga is a visionary who has done well for himself but has also produced enormous public value for his country and continent. And as he clocks 70 today, I join millions of people across the world in wishing him happy birthday, long life, and good health.  

This week (29 April) marks the 30th anniversary of the Abuja Proclamation agreed during the First Pan-African Conference on Reparations in Abuja in April 1993. The meeting was organised by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) under its Nigerian chair.

 
 

The proclamation noted that “the damage sustained by the African peoples is not a ‘thing of the past’ but is painfully manifest in the damaged lives of contemporary Africans from Harlem to Harare, in the damaged economies of the black world from Guinea to Guyana, from Somalia to Surinam.”

It argued the case of African reparations by observing that other groups like Jewish victims of the Nazi Holocaust and Japanese-American victims of American internment during the Second World War had received monetary compensation ($60 billion; and $1.2 million respectively).

The document stressed that Western countries that had benefitted from four centuries of free slave labour and a century of colonial exploitation must repair this damage. It advocated cash transfers and debt annulment for African countries and diaspora states and communities across the Caribbean and the Americas.

Abuja further called for greater African representation in institutions of global governance like the World Bank and IMF, and a permanent seat for Africa on the United Nations (UN) Security Council.

Prophets of Abuja: Ali Mazrui, Ade Ajayi, and Moshood Abiola
Many of these were ideas that Kenyan intellectual, Ali Mazrui – one of five African prophets of reparations – had consistently championed.

He had also proposed four concrete acts of restitution: first, Western material and moral support to democracy in Africa and reduction of support to tyrants; second, Western reduction or elimination of economic impediments to Africa’s development by, for example, annulling Africa’s external debt (which stood at $644 billion in 2021); third, assisting Africa to overcome socio-cultural obstacles to democratization through such actions as backing women empowerment programmes; fourth, capital transfers from the West to Africa – “the Middle Passage Plan” –  similar to the $12 billion Marshall Plan through which the US had enabled European reconstruction between 1948 and 1952.

Mazrui was part of the OAU Eminent Persons Group established in Dakar in June 1992, along with Nigerian historian, Jacob Ade Ajayi, and Jamaican scholar-diplomat, Dudley Thompson. The group pushed for reparations for the damage done to Africa and its diaspora for slavery, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.

 

It was co-chaired by Nigerian multi-millionaire philanthropist, Moshood Abiola, who had sponsored the First Reparations Conference in Lagos in December 1990. The group met again in Abuja in September 1992 and April 1993, but was sadly discontinued after Nigeria ended its chairing of the OAU in 1993, and the movement’s main financier, Moshood Abiola – presumed winner of the June 1993 presidential elections in Nigeria – was jailed by military autocrat, General Sani Abacha, in June 1994 while trying to claim his mandate, and died four years later.  Two more low-key Reparations conferences were held in Benin and Missouri in 1999.

Ade Ajayi  argued for a central focus on the Transatlantic slave trade due to its links with colonialism and neo-colonialism. He regretted that discussions about the contributions of the slave trade to the West’s industrialisation have been neglected, and criticised the indifferent attitude of many African scholars to this issue.

He observed that a major motive of European colonial rule was to keep African labour in a cheap state akin to slavery, using methods perfected during two centuries of Caribbean colonialism. Ajayi further explained that about one million Africans had died defending their European colonial masters during two World Wars.

He thus advocated four key measures to achieve reparations: domestic education and mobilisation of African societies; documentation and research (through national documentation centres) on the costs of slavery and colonialism; arguing a cogent case for African reparations; and making detailed calculations of the costs of reparations, before placing the issue on the agenda of the United Nations.

The 1993 Abuja proclamation was visionary in calling for the return of looted African artefacts to  their rightful owners, which French, German, and British governments have recently started to do. Clearly influenced by Ajayi, the document called on African governments to establish national committees to study the damage of slavery and colonialism, while promoting dissemination and education.

 

The proclamation further called on the OAU to grant observer status to diaspora groups working on restitution. Abuja, finally, requested African states to accede to the “right of return” of all diaspora citizens wanting to resettle in their ancestral homelands.

Prophet of Accra: Wole Soyinka
The African World Reparations and Repatriation Truth Commission held in Accra in August 1999, made similar demands as Abuja, and was attended by civil society representatives of 15 African and   Caribbean states, as well as diaspora delegates from the United States and Britain.

It called specifically for compensation of $777 trillion as reparations from the West for slavery and colonialism, and for African traditional leaders to make land available for diaspora returnees.

Though not a delegate in Accra, Nigerian Nobel laureate, Wole Soyinka’s book, The Burden of Memory, The Muse of Forgiveness, appeared in the same year as the conference, and tackled similar issues. Soyinka stressed the importance of truth in rebuilding nations, and noted that truth commissions in Africa are similar to the reparations movement in demanding restitution to exorcise the past in order to achieve cathartic healing.

He argued that the crimes of the post-colonial African elite against African populations have echoes of colonial crimes, and that such human rights violations weaken the OAU’s crusade for reparations for Western slavery and colonialism. Citing the case of post-apartheid South Africa and jihadist Sudan, Soyinka noted that contemporary crimes demand more urgent reparations, as the victims and perpetrators are still alive.

 

He further insisted that the looted wealth of African autocrats like Zaire’s Mobutu Sese Seko and Nigeria’s Generals Ibrahim Babangida and Sani Abacha, must be returned to the continent as a form of “internal moral cleansing” in order to strengthen the African case for global reparations.

Like Ade Ajayi, Soyinka argued that the slave trade dislocated much of Africa’s organic economic systems, resulting in many of the continent’s contemporary economic challenges.  Similar to Ali Mazrui, the Nobel laureate called for the annulment of Africa’s debt in exchange for the continent annulling Europe’s historical injustices on the continent.

Prophet of Durban: Thabo Mbeki
The UN World Conference against Racism took place in South Africa’s port city of Durban in August/September 2001. The summit was hosted by then president, Thabo Mbeki, the apostle of Africa’s Renaissance. More than any other contemporary African leader, Mbeki had a deep engagement with the black world.

As a young student, he had imbibed the activism of Martin Luther King Jr., the scholarship of Frantz Fanon, and the poetry of Langston Hughes. As president, he preached black solidarity from Atlanta, to Bahia, to Havana, to Haiti. Like Mazrui, Mbeki, as president,  consistently urged the reform of institutions of global governance such as the UN, the World Bank, the IMF, and the WTO in order to give Africa greater voice in them.

An important achievement of Durban was to declare slavery to be a crime against humanity. The Transatlantic slave trade was termed an “appalling tragedy” of “abhorrent barbarism” that “should always have been” a crime against humanity. Durban also argued that colonialism had resulted in racism and suffering that has endured into the contemporary age.

 

The declaration pushed for the inclusion of the history and contributions of Africans in educational curricula, as well as fully integrating into public services, and increasing social services to, “communities of primarily African descent” in countries like the US and Brazil. While Durban did not change the world, it helped lay the foundation for contemporary Black Lives Matter-led racial struggles which culminated in global anti-racism protests in 2020.

Whither Africa’s Struggle for Reparations?
In concluding this journey that has stretched from Abuja to Durban, it is important to pose the question:  How can European nations who enslaved and colonised African people for nearly five centuries repair this pernicious damage that has left Africa, the Caribbean, and the Americas with the triple burdens of a lack of development and crippling debt; diseases; and deadly conflicts? As has often been noted, the movement to abolish slavery took generations to succeed, and so also will the contemporary movement for restitution for slavery and colonialism.

The African Union must, however, help to drive this issue, as the OAU energetically did under Nigerian leadership three decades ago.

One of the most important recent developments is the agreement by the German government, in May 2021, to pay Є1.1 billion in compensation, over 30 years, for the genocide in its then colony of Southwest Africa (Namibia) between 1904 and 1908.

In December 2022, the Netherlands government apologised for Dutch slavery globally, and established a €200 million fund to raise consciousness and address the lingering impacts of slavery. Will the more egregious abusers of France, Britain, Belgium, and Portugal follow suit, and start to atone for their historical crimes against humanity?
Professor Adebajo is a Senior Research Fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship in South Africa.

 

 
He was no digital native. That was the self-deprecating joke he often cracked — to lament a certain alienation from ever evolving technology — whenever we engaged in regular transatlantic chats via phone for almost a decade. Such self-depiction would, in fact, play out most practically just few weeks ago, under a rather desperate circumstance. 
 
Pa Peter Enahoro (Peter Pan), one of the few surviving journalism titans, strangely needed help that morning when I picked his WhatApp call from London. His younger sibling was gravely ill in Nigeria. He thought I might be close by to help check on him. 
 
Unfortunately, I was far away and instead suggested someone of power within the reach of his ailing sibling. Merely hearing the famous name of Enahoro, let alone the intimation of a senior citizen in extreme distress nearby, should, I reckoned, be enough to press this man of great power and authority to dispatch adequate help (ambulance and doctors) within the twinkling of an eye, at no personal cost whatsoever to the would-be helper. 
 
Pa Enahoro welcomed the idea, though reluctantly. I got him the contacts. 
 
The next challenge was transmitting the message. At 88, the aged master of the words now mostly depended on stylus pen to write on his tablet. Then, we broke the conversation, for him to make a draft. Now, despite the grave urgency of the moment, Pa Enahoro never lost his humour in a voice made faint by age but still retaining that ring of folksy warmth. 
 
While waiting on him, I could not but be struck by the sheer display of the power of filial love: an octogenarian caring for another in a manner reminiscent of the matriarch instinct of a mother hen casting a protective wing over its chick. 
 
“Louis,” he called back after several minutes and then broke into his habitual self-humour, “My problem now is how to get the draft on my little screen here to you first to see if you think my words are appropriate and then how to get the message to the person you mentioned.”
 
We both laughed at his difficulty at navigating the gadgetry of modern cellphone. He ended up reading the draft to me and resisted my suggesting he added “Peter Pan” (the monicker that established his legend in Nigeria’s media folklore) somewhere as additional prop in case the memory of the addressee needed any reviving. His dismissal was because “that might sound like self-glorification.”
 
Somehow, he managed to transmit the SOS as text to the WhatsApp of this man of power, after repeated calls were not picked. But the great man of power never as much returned Peter Pan’s calls, let alone acknowledged receipt of his courteously written text. In vain did he wait for two harrowing days before reporting to me his disappointment. Only then did it become apparent why Pa Enahoro was reluctant initially. It must be doubly hurtful to be contemned under the circumstance by someone to whom you had unreservedly confided your woes, exposed your frailty or vulnerability in anticipation of help. 
 
Pa Enahoro sounded deeply hurt by that snub, but had pleaded firmly I should not bother to follow up again, lest the impression be created that he or any Enahoro had entered the condition of destitution or mendicancy. To my relief, he announced help eventually reached his younger sibling through a Good Samaritan. 
 
To be sure, he had confirmed to me the text was delivered to the WhatsApp address of the man of power and read almost immediately (as affirmed by WhatApp’s customary double pass-marks switching from white to blue). Nor did the man of power have the courtesy or summon the humanity to return the call or text till the elder statesman drew his last breadth in London on Monday. 
 
But now the supreme irony: no sooner had Pa Enahoro’s passing been announced Tuesday than this same man of power rushed out a long, saccharin-laden eulogy praise-singing the departed to high heaven! If only words could rouse the dead, this particular oration alone would undoubtedly be enough to summon Peter Pan back from beyond. Yet, the heart that praises so effusively now had denied the old man rather coldly in his hour of dire need.
 
It is quite reflective of the pervasive culture of hypocrisy in high and low places, glamorising the shedding of crocodile tears. 
 
Since his passing few days ago, tomes have been written documenting Pa Enahoro’s virtuoso exploits in Nigeria’s media space in years preceding and immediately following independence. It is therefore pointless revisiting the form and content of his journalism. His equally illustrious contemporaries include the likes of “Uncle Sam” (Pa Sam Amuka, Vanguard publisher) and Chief Segun Osoba.
 
But beyond journalism, Pa Enahoro’s example could, in a way, be said to typify the often-stated aborted promise of Nigeria’s first two decades of independence. Prodigious talents were largely left untapped by a system adept at squandering human resource on industrial scale. 
 
Little wonder then that the cultural promise of the 60s and the intellectual ferment of the 70s that birthed the Tunji Aboyades, Philip Asiodus, Bala Takayas among a constellation of luminaries failed to inaugurate Nigeria’s takeoff in any way. A frustration perhaps later best expressed in the epochal lamentation in 1984 of “a wasted generation” by Professor Wole Soyinka, widely acclaimed as Nigeria’s greatest intellectual figure ever. 
 
My first encounter with Pa Enahoro was by phone call sometime in 2015 shortly after I resigned my political appointment in Edo State and returned to journalism. (He was of Esan stock while I am Bini from Edo State.) The first day he called from London and introduced himself, I was flattered when he, the great master, said he had followed my writings and considered yours sincerely “a younger version of myself in my active days”. Good journalism, he would say, is all about afflicting the affluent and discomforting the powerful. 
 
Few days later, he directed his Nigerian publishers to deliver his last — and undoubtedly most definitive — book entitled “Then Spoke the Thunder” (2014 revised edition) to me. The 744-paged book is unarguably his testament. His earlier critically acclaimed works included satirical, “How To Be A Nigerian” (1966), “You Gotta Cry To Laugh” (1972) and “The Complete Nigerian” (1992). 
 
That acquaintanceship would deepen into a father-son friendship thereafter. We chatted regularly, often on political developments in Nigeria. He never agreed with everything I wrote, but on pieces he differed he always complimented “I nonetheless respect your argument”. And on issues he felt strongly about, he would announce I should await his full thoughts in long essay. But the privilege of transmitting such was solely accorded his lifelong friend and comrade, “Uncle Sam”, who often published his articles exclusively in Vanguard. 
 
About “Uncle Sam”, he writes in “Then Spoke the Thunder”: “Sam Amuka has been a rescuer and adoptive brother since we first met in boarding school. He has continued to be in my life in those roles, even as we settle into the winters years of our lives.”
 
He often spoke highly of Chief Osoba too and Professor Soyinka, the Nobel laureate, whom he often simply called “Wole” whenever we chatted. His other friends included Chief Tom Ikimi. 
 
At his age, I could tell chatting offered him catharsis. At twilight, for most senior citizens, time surely becomes so flexible that day and night become almost contiguous. So, Pa Enahoro could call me very late, having realized I am a night bird. Banters with him were always engaging — a voyage of rich historical insights, unheard-of anecdotes and delirious humor. 
 
For instance, he once told me the trouble his equally famous elder brother, Chief Tony Enahoro, had with General Murtala Mohammed (who toppled General Yakubu Gowon in 1975) started after a fellow cabinet member (who hailed from Kano like the dreaded General) gossiped to the new military head of state a snide remark his older sibling had made immediately the news of the coup was broken to Gowon and the entourage with him in Kampala, Uganda for OAU summit. That led to a witch-hunt and eventual confiscation of his landed properties in Nigeria by General Olusegun Obasanjo, out of pure vendetta. 
 
He had an opportunity to pay Obasanjo back later in the 80s at an international gathering in Italy when Mrs. Ellen Sirleaf (future Liberian President) chose to praise-sing OBJ as “the African General who voluntarily relinquished power to civilian.” Before the applause could build to a crescendo that day, Pa Enahoro raised his hand for “point of information”. The hall immediately fell into curious silence.
 
“Mr. Chairman,” Pa Enahoro recalls in “Then Spoke the Thunder” (pg. 709), “I think I owe it to this august body, as the only other Nigerian here present, to point out — and I am sure General Obasanjo will confirm this — that once his colleagues, Generals Yar’Adua and Theophilus Danjuma, decided that the military would hand over power to civilians, General Obasanjo had the lesser say in the matter. I just thought I should give that helpful information.”
 
So, Obasanjo’s earlier broad smile understandably froze into a furious frown instantly. 
 
Almost two decades later, Pa Enahoro listed that Italian episode among the grouses Obasanjo was nursing as newly elected civilian President. Obasanjo not only approved his removal as Daily Times Managing Director but also refused all entreaties to approve the reimbursement of the personal funds he used for the five years he was M.D. On top of that, he did not receive a single salary throughout his second coming to Nigeria’s then oldest newspaper. 
 
Yet, in a way, his relationship with Tony was complicated. Tellingly, the older Enahoro died in 2011 at age 87, while the younger sibling made it to 88. Political differences certainly pitted them in fiercely different camps under a succession of military dictatorships over three decades. 
 
Whereas the latter worked for Gowon as a “right hand man” between 1967 and 1975 while he was on self-exile abroad and became a major critic of the military regime, it was a role reversal between 1994 and 1999 as he took Daily Times job under Abacha while Tony was on exile abroad as a NADECO leader. 
 
But when Tony’s personal interest was involved, the bond of brotherhood couldn’t be broken. Blood being thicker than water, as they say, the river of filial solidarity does runs deep in certain season. When the Buhari administration pronounced a “presidential amnesty” for Tony in 2020 (ostensibly in view of an indictment by an administrative panel set up under Obasanjo in the 70s that led to his assets’ confiscation), I can confirm the younger Enahoro scoffed at the idea “because Tony never committed any crime”. 
 
Also, I can confirm his bitterness that the chieftaincy of “Adolo of Uromi that was bestowed on Tony in the 50s, gazetted and therefore meant to be hereditary was taken away illegally and awarded to another person”. 
 
Incidentally, yours sincerely had weighed in on the matter with a piece syndicated in the Nigerian media in 2016. In a bizarre response, the referenced traditional ruler launched a “phone attack” on this writer which got reported by way of second installment of the series. Regardless of all the ensuing uproar in the civic space, his majesty however appeared far too enmeshed, far too committed to call off the chieftaincy transaction with a political client.
 
Another of Pa Enahoro’s bitter pains was the gross injustice he perceived the Nigerian state (under Obasanjo) did Tony by unjustly confiscating his properties through “a witch-hunt.” The same man who had entered national folklore as the one who first moved the motion for national independence in 1953. According to Peter Pan, Tony as chairman of Festac Committee had refused to give building contracts to Italian businessmen (Afalumaco) Obasanjo introduced. 
 
He told me one of such properties seized at Ikoyi later passed through the hands of a former military administrator in Lagos and ended in the hands of a former head of state (from the north) who decided to demolish the original simple building and erected a glittering palace instead. 
 
Worse still, before the properties were shared by covetous generals among themselves, further psychological violence was mindlessly unleashed on Tony by the Babangida administration. With pride, Peter Pan once recounted to me how Tony resolutely rebuffed an offer (through then Vice President Augustus Aikhomu, a fellow Esan man) that he broke ranks with MKO (following the annulment of June 12 in 1993) as a pre-condition to have his assets restored. 
 
While the fraternity of the fourth estate of realm will, of course, have to decide what idea or monument to immortalize the illustrious memory of Peter Pan in the times ahead, for officialdom, a number of rites of closure clearly recommend themselves. 
 
Perhaps the simplest of all will be the reimbursement of what Daily Times owed him, for which he agitated relentlessly throughout Obasanjo administration. In his grave, that should sooth the pain of the love he showed to country but never seemed requited.

The collapse of marriages of iconic figures and celebrities, influential people who stand tall before international or national gaze can’t but be sensational. Words immediately go round, first in whispers: Have you heard? It is the latest in town. It’s news flash; it is breaking news. In cases the story is too sensitive, the tale bearer would quickly add: “Do not say I told you!” Oh, sorry, Dear Reader, that was decades ago, within our frontiers. That was before the advent of the ubiquitous modern technology which bans forever our having regularly to go through NITEL to reach our neighbour next door. The language today is, “It has gone viral.” So was it that this story below announced its arrival in my gadget we all call Cell Phone. Nearly every child brandishes one before our gaze. The world, Time Magazine once said, is wired. Now follow me to the stadium to catch Achraf Hakimi and his wife. It is not to watch a match between them but to listen to their sensational story, which in part was on Wednesday night debunked by Hakimi’s mother.

‘Footballer Achraf Hakimi’s wife filed for divorce and demanded half of his property. She was, however, informed by court that her ‘millionaire’ husband owns nothing as all his property is registered under his mother’s names.
Hakimi receives $1 Million from PSG monthly but 80 per cent of this is deposited in his mother Mrs. Fatima’s account. He has no property, car, houses, jewelry or even clothes in his name. Anytime he wants anything, he asks his mother who buys it for him.’

 

Hakimi’s mother said: “I wasn’t aware Hakimi registered his wealth in my name.” The kernel of my contemplation I am sharing is not so much about the claims but about the break-up of marriages of celebrities, but the eye-brow they raise as well as why marriages collapse and the aftermaths. Such a break-up readily becomes a subject of gossip, side-talks and backbiting capturing headlines because celebrities are regarded as special people; the multitude want to behold them, want to touch them. They want them to autograph their shirts, jerseys or their books as the case may be. They are looked upon as exemplary, special people setting tones and agenda for the society. So when there is parting of ways with their spouses, it is shocking to the point of unbelievability. Sometimes, stories about marriage break-up and its aftermath around it are not only shocking but bizarre. In some cases, the couple becomes mortal enemies. In parts of the Western World where life is short and brutish, couples are known to have killed themselves, the man pulling the trigger or the wife firing her husband. It is an age-long phenomenon and down the years, the divorce rate is getting worse.

Online publication, world population review.com quoting the United States’ National Centre for Health Statistics, says that about 4-5 million tie the nuptial cords every year. In that country, between 42 and 53 per cent of the marriages end in divorce. According to the United Nations report, the Island of Maldives has the highest divorce rate in the world. When the rate hit 10.97 per cent in 2002 it entered the Guinness Book of Records. There, any proven case of infidelity ends in divorce. The country is followed by Kazakhstan with 4.6 for every 1,000 people. Next is Russia, 3.9; then Belgium 3.7; same as Belarus. In the United States, Nevada has the highest rate of any state at 14 per cent. The country with the lowest rate of divorce is Sri Lanka with 0.15 divorce cases per 1,000 persons.

 

The divorce rate is, however, not the subject of today’s contemplation, but the meaning of an event that represents a watershed in every participant’s life, although meant for good, yet in many cases it ends up ill-fated. At this conjuncture, the mind can’t help racing to the 2021 sensational divorce of the Gates — Bill and Melinda French Gates and that of Elizabeth Taylor in the 70s. Film Icon Elizabeth Taylor was married eight times and divorced seven times. Pursued unrelentingly by the Press that described her as a paragon of beauty, she could not help becoming so conscious of her natural endowments, yet caring. She was married to Richard Burton twice. The first marriage hardly lasted a year when it collapsed in 1974. They reconciled but soon after they tied the bond again in 1975; but the marriage headed for the rocks once more in 1976. Her seventh and final marriage was to Larry Fortensky, a construction worker. When Fortensky had a domestic accident and was gravely injured to the point of incapacitation, even though they had divorced, she was paying him $1, 000 a month as of 1996. Before she died in March, 2011, she bequeathed $825, 000 to him.

The disintegration of the union of the Gates sent shock waves round the world. A family law attorney, Janet George, said of the break-up: “They’re probably about the biggest divorce imaginable.” In a terse joint statement announcing their divorce, Melinda French and Bill Gates, software pioneer said:

 

“Over the last 27 years, we have raised three incredible children and built a foundation that works all over the world to enable all people to lead healthy, productive lives.

“We continue to share a belief in that mission and will continue our work together at the Foundation, but we no longer believe we can grow together as a couple in the next phase of our lives. We ask for space and privacy for our family as we begin to navigate this new life.” BBC online added, quoting the pair’s tweet: “After a great deal of thought and a lot of work on our relationship, we have made the decision to end our marriage.”

Their daughter, Jennifer Gates, 25, wrote movingly on Instagram as it often happens in a family in a turn of events of this nature in a family thought cohesive: “It’s been a challenging stretch of time for our whole family. I’m still learning how to best support my own process and emotions.”

Bill Gates is 67; he was 65 at the time and Melinda 56. She is 58 this year. BBC online reported Melinda Gates as saying that she found Bill methodical it seems even in matters of the heart — writing a list on whiteboard with ‘pros and the cons of getting married. They got married in 1994 on the Hawaiian Island of Lanai. They jointly run the Bill & Melinda Foundation. Bill Gates is reputed to be the fourth wealthiest person in the world, according to Forbes. He is worth 124 billion US Dollars. Melinda received 76 billion US Dollars as her farewell share of their fortune. She also received all the firm’s shares in Coca-Cola Femsa said to be a Mexican distributor, worth about 130 million US Dollars.

 

Some commentators have described the action of the footballer as smart. With his mother saying she was not aware that Hakimi registered his wealth in her name we are left with a conjectural scenario and the busy-bodies want to enlist the unsuspecting world in what now seems a tricky, and worse, a blackmailing business. But then, we can look at the scenario critically until the picture gets clearer and ask: Supposing it was true, how would it have sounded? Would it have been fair to the wife and their children? I have two esteemed colleagues on The Guardian Flagship WhatsApp platform to thank for their enlightenment with such enthralling grasp of the issues — one living in the United States and the other a lawyer living in Lagos with considerable familiarity with the nature and attitude of celebrated sportsmen, athletes and footballers and what fortune they amass and the women swarming around them like bees around honey! The colleague in America says: “If the story is true, people are applauding deception and criminality. Hiding assets in divorce proceedings is criminal in most Western world…I do not see a judge simply accepting that he gifted everything to his mother; so there is nothing for her and her children.”

The former colleague, now a lawyer, says that footballers’ marriages are unique. They should not be used to judge normal divorce cases. Footballers receive humongous pay per week and thus become targets of ladies who figure out how they can clean them out upon divorce. Even though it may not be true in all cases, pre-nub agreements being the curb, the colleague enlightens the platform, Hakimi may have learnt from the experiences of his former colleagues such as Emmanuel Eboue of Cote D’Ivoire who literally lost everything and almost slipped into depression!

Those who are aware of the enormity of Mr. Bill’s wealth are fixated on other areas of his treasures and wonder how much more will go to Melinda French Gates. She, too, it is speculated is expecting more. There are mansions and private jets, vast tracts of land and huge investments in corporations as well as private businesses. The Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation — the biggest philanthropic organization is there. That alone is worth 49 billion US Dollars while Microsoft worth is put at 26.6 billion US Dollars and public investments, 50 billion Dollars. One of the mansions is a sprawling 130 million US Dollars lakefront property.

This secular angle is necessary with which to start the conversation to induce reflection: What could be going through the minds of many a woman? Certainly not a few must turn green with envy, wanting to be in Melinda Gates’ shoes!

 

As I did state in February, we cannot understand marriage as a natural and, living concept unless we solve the riddle of why man and woman have always and will forever appeal to and desire each other; why every girl dreams of ending in the loving arms of a man, and a man seeking to bask in the aura of a worthy woman who will drive him out of his mind, to whom he would surrender as his teacher, guide and nurse. And companion. We cannot understand the cause of the travails prevalent in the world today without first seeking the knowledge the Lord Christ promised would lead to further Truths — the higher knowledge that answers all questions of life and existence, all without exception. Beaming In The Light of Truth, it awakens true humanity in all men who open its portals for Its Rays. In other words, adopting a holistic approach to life is what will help. It should be a state of affairs that recognizes man as a fruit of Nature and that one uniform Law pervades and rules the entire universe. By this Law, sodium and chlorine unite as if in a wedlock, under certain circumstances, to form sodium chloride, our familiar table salt. It is in the same vein that hydrogen and oxygen unite to form water. Something is evident here. The uniting factors are of different nature. Science designates sodium as positive ions and chlorine as negative ions; hydrogen as positive and oxygen as negative. In the end we find that what science demonstrates to us is that these are split parts of a species seeking union for fuller value of existence.

The question then predictably arises: By this thinking, can man and woman be split parts of a species seeking union for fuller value of existence? They, indeed, are. A contemplation of why and when the splitting into sexes occurred is not called for at this stage. What we can begin to sense is the origin of marriage and the tasks of participants in joint working and each bringing its unique qualities into the union, each party complementing the other. They are assigned roles consistent with their gender. A woman is thus a woman by the nature of her activity. It cannot, therefore, be for nothing that the wife of one-time President of France, Charles de Gaulle said to her husband, “Charles you rule France, but I rule this house, including you!” Women are far more spiritually endowed. By the richness of their intuition, they can readily recognize right from wrong. Through the exercise of our free will we stand at varying degrees of inner maturity and consequent inner radiance. With the maturity comes the refinement of quality. It is the quality different in one party from the other that each partner brings into the union already undergirded by the love of the soul. With this there is compatibility and the strings of the chord vibrate in harmonious hormonal orchestra and both stand in a marriage joined before God. Shoulder to shoulder, smilingly and like little children at play, they face mundane earthly trials that seek to divert them. We learn in higher knowledge that they joyfully serve each other; they are partners of equal worth and they grow towards spiritual ennoblement. It is the marriage no one may tear asunder without dire consequences, either through calculation, cunning, suggestions, unwholesome gossips, or out of envy.

 

However, most marriages for thousands of years have been contracted on false foundation, and increasingly with time, with obsession for material gains, and freedom from care and responsibility. Most marriages are no more than business contracts. They are immoral with the dross thereof dimming and suffocating the intuition which is the ordained principal tool of women.

So, a great many marriages are dry and lifeless. In correct marriages husbands and wives become servants and agents of true love which contains the power that spreads blessings and that can remodel and upbuild the earth into a new realm which flourishes in the unending pure Love of the Almighty Father.

With deviation from what marriages should be in line with the Will of the Creator, collapse of the unions cannot come as a surprise. All manner of ills plaguing marriages today arise from the deviation — incompatibility, domestic violence, estrangement and many more. It is such that those who have come to this earth to work hand in glove in the service of the Lord do not recognise themselves. Some may have come to settle debts they owe to one another without which their ascent to the Light Region is barred. Alas, the memory has faded and when they come together at all, they do not joyfully serve one another. False unions dot the landscape and in no time they land in bitter acrimonious separation.

In the on-going compulsory cleansing of the earth of all that is wrong and hostile to the Light, aberrant unions and all that is false will be swept off the surface of the earth.

A Giant Departs The World
A leader and a giant in the world of journalism has discarded his earthly cloak and departed earthly life. He is Peter Enahoro more known as Peter Pan. The news of his exit has reverberated around the world. His was a distinguished career in journalism.

He joined the Daily Times in 1955, after leaving school, Government College, Ughelli, armed with love of reading and mastery of the English language. And fearlessness. He rose rapidly and became the editor of Sunday Times in 1958 at 23, the editor of ubiquitous Daily Times in 1962 in succession to Alhaji Babatunde Jose at the age of 27. Driven by the melancholic temperament inherent in all youths at a particular period in their development, he saw the world upside down and resolved and, indeed, strove to straighten it, to prove to the world that, in the words of Playwright Edward George –Lytton, the pen is mightier than the sword. It is the age of idealism; it is the age of dreams. It is the period all young men and young girls can easily tell right from wrong. It is the age a young girl looks at her mother full in the face and says, “Mom, it is not your time; it is mine, so forget it.”

By the age of 30 still smarting under the grip of his temperament, Peter Enahoro had become the Editor-in-Chief of the Daily Times. Now, he was poised to do battle with evil in our land. The crisis that began in the Western Region in 1962 had festered and was reaching a crescendo. His column, Peter Pan which he ran twice a week, became fiercer, hard-hitting and unsparing.

(Full Tribute Next Week)

Harry Belafonte did not seek social justice; social justice sought him out. When they met, he was ready for a life-long struggle to bring justice to the United States or more correctly, to bring the United States to justice even when he knew this might cost him his lucrative career, if not his life. At first, he was contented writing cheques and funding the campaigns of the civil rights movement, but in 1964 he said Black Americans and a lot of the conscientious White Americans had gotten to the point they could no longer tolerate more lynching, beating of Black people and the ‘Whites-Only’ signs on public places.

He had fame and fortune by the time he was 31 with his 1956 album ‘Calyso’ selling over a million records, the first long playing record by a single artist to hit that mark. But fame and fortune meant nothing to him; what did was to ensure the Black man, the Indian were treated in the US and elsewhere like a human being. Reflecting on his life of struggles, he wrote in his 2011 memoirs My Song: A memoir of Art, Race and Defiance: “I was born into poverty, grew up in poverty, and for a long time poverty was all I thought I’d known.” When he started out, he had a role model: Paul Robeson, a famous actor, singer and activist. But Robeson had from the late 1940s been deliberately and openly destroyed by the US government. Employing state agencies like the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the American government had  forced the entertainment  agencies from hiring him. Realising that Robeson was a famous entertainer that could earn a living abroad, the US government seized his passport so he couldn’t travel outside the country. Belafonte said he learnt from this and was ever ready for a likely backlash from the government.

 Another piece of injustice which galvanised him into battle was the crude attempt by the government to send the respected African American intellectual, Professor W.E.B. Du Bois, to prison. In 1950, Du Bois at 82, had  ran for US Senate from the New York District on the ticket of the American Labour Party. Surprisingly, despite brazen racism and state campaigns against him, he had garnered some 200,000 votes. This led to a backlash by the state. Du Bois had gone on to call for the outlawing of atomic weapons. The US had in 1945 dropped atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and the establishment declared a campaign against atomic weapons as a USSR propaganda. It asked Du Bois and members of his Peace Information Centre to register under the 1940 Smith Act as “agents of a foreign principal”.

The Act criminalised any attempts to “advocate, abet, advice or teach“ the violent overthrow of the US government. Essentially, the government wanted them to sign admitting that they are spies. When Du Bois refused, he was put on trial. Belafonte said: “On the opening day of the trial, those of us who came to show  our support were stunned to see the elderly Du Bois pulled roughly from a paddy wagon in handcuffs, ankle cuffs and chains like a prisoner on a southern chain gang.” The photographs of Du Bois arriving for trial, sent shock waves around the world and intellectuals like Albert Einstein protested. Unable to withstand the international pressures, America let Du Bois go.

 In 1963, Du Bois at the age of 93 left US to join the Pan Africanist President of emergent Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah to build a new nation and new Africa. He changed citizenship and died two years later as a Ghanaian. Belafonte continued the Du Bois anti-war activism, but where the latter had merely denounced the nuclear race, Belafonte developed the movement into a full one not just rejecting war but also taking a stand against the US fighting wars across the globe such as its illegal invasion of Iraq under dubious excuses. Belanfonte’s leadership of the American anti-war movement was much more biting not just for its effectiveness, but also for the fact that while Du Bois had been an intellectual, Belafonte had been in the US Navy serving during the Second World War. 

As part of his anti-war campaign, Belafonte on February 15, 2003 told a rally that President Bush was leading the US into a fraudulent war in Iraq as his predecessors had done  in the conflicts in Vietnam, Grenada, Nicaragua, El Salvador and Cuba. He concluded by saying: “Dr. King once said that … if mankind does not put an end to war, war will put an end to mankind.” As it turned out, Belafonte  was absolutely right about the senseless  war in Iraq in which about one million died in the first five years.

Hurricane Katrina hit New Orleans from August 23-31, 2005 killing 1,392 persons. The people felt abandoned by the American government, but when Venezuela offered massive aid, President Bush rejected it ostensibly because the country was socialist. Belafonte went to Venezuela the following year to thank the Venezuelans for their gesture, and, standing beside President Hugo Chávez made one of his fieriest speeches: “No matter what the greatest tyrant in the world, the greatest terrorist in the world, George W. Bush, says, we’re here to tell you: Not hundreds, not thousands, but millions of the American people – millions – support your revolution, support your ideas, and, yes, expressing our solidarity with you.”

He was also angry with those he considered the Uncle Toms of the Bush team for pushing the war agenda and working “in the service of our (Black) oppression and those who create new ways in which to oppress us… And that is my argument with General Colin Powell and Condoleezza Rice. I expect, as do others, that their history should have prepared them for a much better articulation about how to treat people globally.” Belafonte was a major funder of the Civil Rights and Student movements in the US and was quite close to Martin Luther King Jr. 

So when King’s wife, Coretta Scott King, died in 2006, Belafonte was invited to speak at her funeral. However, when George W. Bush announced he was attending the funeral, Belafonte’s invitation was withdrawn. That, however, did not deter him. He was a mentor to many across the world, including the famous Miriam Makeba. He was one of the best singers ever, churning out enchanting music and winning all the major awards available, including the Emmy, Grammy and Oscar. But his life work was for social justice, and this was the least reported. Belafonte continued his fight for social justice until April 25, 2023 when our ancestors on the other side of the river, invited him to paddle over. 

 

Pentecostalism either classical or modern has its conflicting, competing, and complementary angles to the Nigerian socio-religious scenario. Africans are known as a highly religious society typified in the multi-religious nature of the modern African system. Consequently, the ‘Christian God’ is now abstracted in the African gods; hence the domineering effects and of course the coinage of Pentecostalism to Pente-rascalism.

Tragically, some questionable characters have successfully highjacked the pulpits and heightened tension in our political space by taking advantage of unsuspecting gullible followers; using the pulpits for fake prophecies and inciting statements thereby turning Pentecostalism into Pente-rascalism. After reviewing a video clip in which David Ibiyeomie, a Nigerian pastor, the founder/presiding pastor of Salvation Ministries with its headquarters located in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Nigeria – made unprintable and other inciting statements about the President-elect Asíwájú Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the Vice-President-elect Sen Kashim Shettima. 

The pastor’s admixture of politics into his sermon equally signposts an emerging dangerous trend that could undermine peace and security across the country as clergymen encourage the faithful to migrate their sectarian biases, hatred, and disaffection into everyday life. Hence, the recently concluded 2023 general elections which saw the Christian faith being exploited and abused to promote politics of hate, divisiveness, and spreading falsehood, a development that demystified many clergymen that were once held in high esteem but have now become false prophets before their followers. 

Unexpectedly, your preferred candidate Peter Obi, lost the election. He did not come close to winning, he came a distant third position against your false prophecies. So why will any reasonable person want to burn down a country Nigeria? Since childhood, many of us have been conditioned by the environment/society, religion, culture, and parenting to have a certain pattern of thinking. The infusion of Pente-rascalism has further worsened our condition. What is more, these things just don’t happen by magic, they are usually products of planning and effort. Nigeria will get it Right, Not instantaneous, The Foundations will be laid and will be built upon onward.

Interestingly, the majority of Nigeria’s population of over 200 million follows either Islam or Christianity. Historically, these two major religions have coexisted peacefully. However, since independence, the country has suffered from many ethno-religious conflicts. In the recent past, the kind of activities of some disgruntled elements using the pulpits for politics of ethnicity and religion has increased and further polarized our delicate fault lines. The latest madness is the message from David Ibiyeomie de-marketing the President-elect and the Vice-President-elect.

It is instructive that, even after a winner has emerged from the 2023 presidential election and some aggrieved candidates are already in the tribunal to vent their waves of anger. Sadly, David Ibiyeomie and some other disgruntled elements who have been apushing for change through unorthodox means and continued with weaponizing ethnicity and religion. It should be noted that in one of my previous articles; “The Misery Of APC Muslim Muslim Ticket” I forewarned about the danger and seed of disunity surreptitiously planted by some “Christian” leaders with their utterances unmindful of sowing dangerous seed that will in the future makes it very difficult for a Christian to win a Presidential election in Nigeria. The unabated attack and hatred coming from the pulpit to the President and Vice President-Elects are unprecedented.

Of course, you can tell the character of a man by what he spews out of his mouth. Truth is, these criminal elements and the so-called movement Obidients ‘Obingos’ folks are only behaving true to type: they’re delusional, misbegotten, and certainly don’t deserve to dwell in the midst of men with discernment and understanding. This is exactly what the likes of David Ibiyeomie and his cohorts are capitalizing on to remain relevant and sustained the falsehood, deceitfulness, and fake prophecies – ‘selectively saintly.’ the more I review the video the more sorry I feel for the gullible followers who can’t decipher the obvious truth about the man’s determination to become relevant and guide his personal interests. Fake prophecies and brainwashing can never be the will of God. The will of God cannot be rigged. It is imperative to appeal to the conscience of stakeholders to admonish some of our merchants of miracles masquerading as “Men of God” to stop manipulating their congregants.

In lieu of the above, it has become imperative to enlist the support of stakeholders, faith-based leaders, particularly the leadership of the Christian body ‘CAN’, our patriarch in the person of Pst Enoch Adejare Adeboye and Bishop David Olaniyi Oyedepo to urgently intervene and rein in the pastors misrepresenting God. We cannot afford a second civil war or religious crisis any longer. Nigeria must not burn, politics is not a do-or-die affair.

Obiageli (Oby) Ezekwesili is like a daughter to me. Even when she was a minister, I treated her the same way I treated my biological daughters. She was a dynamic young woman, who is competent, reliable, and very enterprising. As she, therefore, clocks 60 today, I cannot but thank God for her life, as I wish her more fulfilling and glorious years and decades ahead.

Oby and I met through Transparency International, an initiative started by Peter Eigen, who had worked at the World Bank and saw the need for more integrity in the public arena. While Oby and Peter collaborated, I chaired the advisory council. Due to her hard work and dedication to duty, and because I naturally like working with intelligent people, it was easy for me to warm to Oby at the time.

When I came out of prison in 1998, I travelled to the United States, essentially to thank those who had worked for my release; people that cared, like the CNN founder, Ted Turner; people at Ford Foundation, where I used to be Board of Trustees member, and others. I remember Oby came to see me on the day I was meeting with most of my children, sharing my prison experience and looking ahead to what I believed at the time to be a more private life. Oby was then at the Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University.

When opportunity afforded itself that I became President, I already knew that I had somebody to bring into government.

Before I appointed Oby a minister, I first assigned her to work closely with me in what we called the Price Intelligence Unit, which she headed and was domiciled at the Villa. It later became the Due Process office, which earned her the nickname, ‘Madam Due Process.’ The idea was to cut down on waste and bring transparency and accountability into the award of contracts, which she did excellently. The point is, in government, you cannot accurately eliminate sharp practices; but if you have good public officials like Oby, you will reduce it to the barest minimum. That exactly was what she did at a period when all contracts had to go through her office. Oby’s stewardship in the Due Process Office brought about substantial reduction in cost of contracts, which, of course, saved the government billions of naira at the time.

Given her involvement in the global demand for more transparency in the oil and gas sector, she was a founding member of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative. The NEITI, Nigeria’s version of EITI, that we have today is by dint of her efforts and the support I gave, especially in the days of difficult beginning.

From the Due Process Office, I appointed Oby a minister in charge of solid minerals. At that period, illegal mining was being carried out in several parts of Nigeria and most of the people in the business I shared my frustration with said we needed to put in place the requisite regulation. They also suggested that we needed someone tough to handle that ministry. So, knowing Oby very well, I could not see a more perfect fit for the sector. That was why I sent her to the ministry, and she did excellently.

After we had gone far in our transformation reforms in the Ministry of Solid Minerals, I realised that we had not done much in education. At that time, I knew that the Ministry of Education required reforms and the three people that I thought I could use were already heavily involved in other things. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala was still in finance, Nasir el-Rufai was handling the Federal Capital Territory, which had almost been destroyed with deviation from the original master plan. Then I had just put Oby in solid minerals. I had a conversation with the Head of Service who felt that I could redeploy Oby for the assignment. I was hesitant because I did not want to disrupt what she was doing at the Ministry of Solid Minerals. “Sir, is the solid minerals ministry more important than that of education?” queried the HoS. That question settled it for me. I sent Oby to education, and I told her to recommend a replacement for the solid minerals’ ministry.

As President, I tried to expose some of the brightest talents I had in government to opportunities available to be the best they could possibly be. Without any doubt, Oby was one of the best talents I had working with me. On a lighter note, when Oby worked with me, she was quite young, but very intelligent. There were three of them at that time that used to drag age, and I enjoyed their banters: Oby, Frank Nweke and Nenadi Usman. The three of them were under 40 and then in council. They were always arguing among themselves about age seniority, and Ngozi used to treat them as juniors. But it was all fun.

I recall when Oby informed me that she was given a job at the World Bank, I did not want her to go because I really needed her. But then I said to myself, “Let her go, it may be part of Nigeria’s contribution to global development, especially in Africa.” She went to the World Bank and did her best. She was, for me, one of the best from Africa.

Now that she is 60, she should look at what she has done in the past and what God has enabled her to do and give thanks, while preparing herself for the future. She is still a young lady. My prayer is that God’s grace will continue to abound in her.

  • Obasanjo, GCFR, is a former President of Nigeria (1999 to 2007)

 

Let me make it clear, Ohanaeze Ndigbo is peopled by some distinguished leaders who will not offer themselves to contemptible pursuits, propaganda, and schismatic crusades. Men of strong character and uncommon pedigree exist within Ohanaeze. But the capricious voice of only a negligible but blighted section seems to be loudest.

 

In the build-up to the 2023 presidential election, I raised a stumper in a column — “If Peter Obi fails, as he certainly would, what next for the southeast?” It was with sincere contemplation and unaffected judgement that I probed the immanent misfortunes of the southeast as fashioned by a star-crossed quest.

I had advised we deploy tact with dispatch and divest our support by adopting President-elect Bola Ahmed Tinubu as our candidate. I had also suggested that we should not go all-head-body-and-soul into Obi’s expedition, and that we should cast off the straitjacket of emotions and embrace political realism.

But I believe at the time it was too difficult to surrender emotion to reason under a charged cumulus of propaganda, anger, and native sentiments. Other factors from a persecutorial complex were at play as well, I know.

Today, we are here. The reality some never wished for is undisguisedly evident. Managing the reality of Asiwaju Tinubu’s presidency with solemn acquiescence is necessary for those who are too unnerved to reckon.

Damian Okeke-Ogene, vice-president of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, was reported to have emptied his bowels of venom on the president-elect for purportedly not including an individual of southeast extraction in his transition/inauguration committee.

He was reported to have said: “Igbophobia is in his (Tinubu) veins and by not including Igbo people in the handover committee, he is only trying to reopen old wounds. He inherited the hatred (Muhammadu) Buhari has against Igbo, especially when the President-elect has said he will continue from where the incumbent president stopped. He said he will continue with Buhari’s policies, and our question is, what is he continuing? Is it to continue the marginalisation of a particular ethnic group?”

This is overwhelmingly ludicrous. It is disappointing of an elder to be so afflicted by hate and prejudice. I am of the view this unconscionable outburst betrays a cavernous agenda by a few.

Is this a taste of what to expect from this social taxon in the next four years? Ethnic recriminations, discordance, suspicions, and accusations? Is it appropriate to situate the current disillusionment of the youth on the turf of hate fed them by the older phylum?

The resort to caterwauling and ethnic Trumpism to stir sectional angst and dander by a few Igbo leaders is disheartening, condemnable, and injudicious. It will achieve nothing but create a chasm between the incoming government and the southeast. They must desist for the good of the zone.

The Tinubu administration is yet to take off, but cries and allegations of exclusion and marginalisation are splintering the air. All for a government that is yet to berth. This is disturbing. It smacks of a deeper class conspiracy robbed in patriotic perturbations.

Are these leaders afraid of their own excision from the table of serviced interest and compromise? Are they seeking to drive their own agenda baked in the people’s fears and concerns? Are they fighting for their own survival by kindling the ethnic cauldron? Are they on a war of personal interest against the collective?

Some of these Igbo leaders invested their loyalty in one party for 16 years, leading the people by the neck in their shadowing of political spoils, with no nameable benefit for the zone. It was all self-aggrandisement and material accumulation for self and self only.

At a time that tact and inter-ethnic cooperation is expected, this smattering number of leaders are issuing threats and provoking ethnic collisions. Who does that wing of Ohanaeze Ndigbo speak for? I believe elders should know better and do better. They should guide and counsel the youth given to destructive proclivities and not become the soundboard for juvenile prejudices. If elders are seized by the same lurgy plaguing the young, then we have a serious problem in our hands.

Let me make it clear, Ohanaeze Ndigbo is peopled by some distinguished leaders who will not offer themselves to contemptible pursuits, propaganda, and schismatic crusades. Men of strong character and uncommon pedigree exist within Ohanaeze. But the capricious voice of only a negligible but blighted section seems to be loudest.

It is important to establish that the views of this minor cream in Ohanaeze do not represent the thinking, wishes and opinions of many people of Igbo patrimony.

I believe we should by now have learnt from the perils of political naivety and unrequited loyalty. Therefore, we must deploy tact, affability, comradeship, and compromise in whatever we are seeking in Nigeria. Holding out a hand of fellowship is not weakness, but percipience; it shows strength of character and patriotism. We must put an end to that which divides us and support the administration of President-elect Tinubu to succeed for the sake of Nigeria, and where criticisms are necessary, they should be constructive and not imbued with atavistic undertones.

Fredrick Nwabufo, Nwabufo aka Mr OneNigeria is a writer and journalist.

The beauty of every democracy is periodic elections and such elections must pass all the known characteristics of an election in a democratic setting.
Abraham Lincoln, the 16th American President, probably, gave us the basic tenets of what an election ought to be in a democracy, when in his famous Gettysburg speech, he defined democracy as a government of the people, by the people and for the people. As simple as that definition was, it contains all the requirements that are expected of a credible, fair and free elections. The central idea in Lincoln’s celebrated speech is that in a democracy, elections are meant for the people and its outcome must reflect the wishes and aspirations of the people the elections were meant for. What this means and implies, is that sovereign authority belongs to the people and flow from them. Anything outside this cannot be said to be an election. It is either a magic or a mere selection which has no place in a democratic setting.

The danger of a regime without sovereignty of the people, is that anarchy and chaos are bound to loom, this is because, man is naturally a political being and he is bound to revolt when his rights are violated, such rights as determining who rules and govern over him. When such rights are violated, they become an invitation to anarchy, chaos and anti-regime profiling.

This is better explained in the theory postulated by Thomas Hobbes in explaining the social contract theory between the ruled and ruler. According to Hobbes, to escape the state of nature that is gloomy, sordid, brutish and short, man willingly surrendered his rights and entered into a contract for the establishment of a state. The social contract obliges citizens to respect and obey the state, in exchange for stability and security that only a system of political rule can provide.
In modern day democracy, that social contract is renewed every election year. The implications of a forceful contract, presupposes a return to what Hobbes described as state of nature as the people who were supposed to freely consent to the contract through elections were neglected, this happens when politicians rig elections and impose themselves on the people, the danger of such undemocratic move, is that anarchy is bound to reign supreme under such circumstances.

Since the return to democratic rule in 1999, Nigeria has had a chequered and sour history with regards to the sanctity of the electoral process. While we may have tolerated the electoral malfeasance for the past 20 years now, as periods of experiment and learning, the 2023 general elections was the height of electoral heist ever  witnessed in the history of this country, despite providing the umpire with all the necessary tools it required to conduct a credible and free election . Armed with a solid improvement in technology, one would have thought that the electoral body would have leveraged on them to make the polls credible, rather, the elections as widely reported by international and local observers failed to meet the standard expected of an election.

During the old good days, in description of a new invention and innovations especially in science and technology, and in exclamation to surprise inventions, we usually respond with that timeless old song: Come and see, American wonder, Come and see, America wonder, who no know, American wonder, who no know, American wonder. The song and caption of this piece reminds us of how time has changed, and the American Wonder has been replaced with such negativity as fraud, stealing and electoral abracadabra.

Maybe, the Nigerian version of American wonder could not have been properly expressed than what INEC did in the last presidential election, leaving some of us who sang the American wonder song in those days to wonder, if our own version of Nigerian Wonder connotes everything fraud. The Nigerian wonder that INEC showcased to the world bequeaths everything negativity in direct opposite of the American wonder.
The joint election observation mission(JEOM) involving The International Republican Institute (IRI), National Democratic Institute (NDI) led by Her Excellency, Joyce Banda, former President of Malawi, in their preliminary report, indicted the electoral body of erosion of confidence and trust. In their report, she said and I quote ‘’at the close of the polls, challenges with the electronic transfer of results and their upload to a public portal in a timely manner, undermined citizen confidence at a crucial moment of the process ‘’

The report continued, ‘‘Moreover, inadequate communication and lack of transparency by the independent National Electoral commission (INEC) about their cause and extent, created confusion and eroded voter’s trust in the process ‘’. End of quote.
The report of JOEM, clearly indicted the electoral commission. Prelude to the conduct of the general elections, INEC had promised on several occasions to the chagrin of stakeholders, to transmit the results of the Presidential elections in real time, for the public to view. For clarity, let me quote the chairman of the commission, Prof Yakubu, in his words, “let me once again reassure Nigerians that there is no going back on the deployment of BVAS for voter accreditation.

There is no going back on the transmission of results to the INEC result viewing portal (IREV) in real time on Election Day. “.  Rather than stick to their guidelines, they hoodwinked Nigerians on the Election day, and technically refused to upload the Presidential election results in real time, thereby eroding the confidence and trust of Nigerians in the whole process. The inability of INEC to upload results, even one month after the polls, smacks of a hidden agenda.
To worsen the matter, when opposition parties drew the attention of the commission to the obvious flaws, rather than address the issues raised before declaring a winner, the commission, responded with the now infamous “GO TO COURT”.
To subtly tell Nigerians that the results they are about to announce does not reflect their wishes, while Nigerians were yet asleep, in a manner only akin to a thief, the electoral body announced the result of the presidential election.

This to me was an indirect way of sarcastically telling Nigerians, you don’t need to be awake to hear the results as it does not reflect your wishes.
While Nigerians thought the electoral body would have redeemed itself with the next scheduled elections as the governorship and state assembly, the electoral body once again failed Nigerians and recorded high spate of inconclusive elections across the country. The INEC imbroglio was compounded by the embarrassment in Adamawa, were against any known law, the REC who is not empowered to do so, arrogantly announced a winner in the Adamawa Guber even when collation was still ongoing .

The impunity displayed by the Adamawa REC, Mr. Hudu Yunusa, were derived from the posture of unprofessionalism and illegality by its national Chairman, who despite severally been reminded of fragrant violation of its own guidelines, went ahead to announce a winner in very odd hours of the night. Mr. Hudu must have been bolstered by the impetus of its chairman in doing the wrong thing, if not; I wonder what gave him the audacity to announce a result without figures, even while collation was still ongoing. What a bizarre.

While aggrieved parties have heeded to the infamous “go to court”, it now behooves on the judiciary to prove to anti- democratic forces, that the judiciary remains the last hope of the common man by righting the electoral wrongs of the last general elections without fear or favour.
If we must progress as a nation, our electoral institutions must be so strong as to eliminate any possibility of seeking redress in the courts. We must do everything within the armpits of the law to make every vote count.
A government without the sovereignty of the people will only return us to a state of nature were life is short, brutish and nasty. None of us can witness the revolt of the people.

The revolt may not happen now, or in the next election, but what is certain, if we continue in this cruel way of recruiting leaders through a very crooked and flawed process, without little or no approval from the electorates, perhaps, just one day, the owners of political power shall revolt, to end the Nigerian version of American wonder.  

MR. PRESIDENT’S APOLOGY MANTRA

While I was rounding up with this piece, I just read over the news that Mr. President has asked Nigerians to forgive him. While there is no problem in seeking for forgiveness, after all, God almighty admonished us to forgive those who have wronged us, but Mr. President did not tell us what offense he has committed, at least that would have afford Nigerians a clear understanding of what sin they are pardoning for Mr. President, in any case, I wish him good luck as he retires from service to the nation.

•High Chief Sen. Ben Ndi Obi, CON, FNIPR writes from Abuja

“Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duties, and so bear ourselves that, if the British Empire and its Commonwealth last for a thousand years, men will still say, “This was their finest hour.”-Winston Churchill- commending the bravery of the British people (especially the youths) during the second world war.
“Everyone should lose a battle in his youth, so that he does not lose a war when he is old”- George Martin

The debt of tribute I owe the younger generation in Nigeria has accumulated since the martyrdom of Leah Sharibu. It is late in coming but God knows my appreciation of her supreme sacrifice resides in my heart since the beginning of her captivity. She stared terrorism in the face and rejected her captors’s offer of conditional freedom. In the circumstances, it was not really a demanding coercion. Just momentarily renounce Christianity for Islam and we will set you free. If there was ever a good bargain, this was it. Yet she rejected the offer. Remember she was even a child. As a matter of fact, the Islamic doctrine of taqqiya has a priori absolved her of culpability in specifically the kind of situation she found herself in. Faced with a similar burden, did the founder of christianity, Saint Peter, not deny Jesus Christ, thrice before cock crow at dawn?

I have been privileged by fate to be at the centre stage where her peers have decided to pick up the gauntlet for the political salvation of Nigeria. They call themselves the obidients movement, so christened as a rally for the personification of their ideal choice for the political leadership of Nigeria, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Mr Peter Obi.

Not too uncommon, at the latter part of middle age, I have been experiencing intermittent weariness of spirit on the sacrifices of the political choice I have made and the probability of Nigeria getting it right. If I will not succumb, the credit goes to the pact I have intrinsically made with this Nigerian demographic. I urged them on, all through the campaign, with the challenge and exhortation of Frantz Fanon, that, “out of relative obscurity, every generation must discover its destiny, to fulfil or betray it”. As the 2023 presidential election goes, they fulfilled their part of the bargain but their dream has been abbreviated by the depravity of the political status quo.

As a student of Nigerian politics, it would be remiss of me to give the impression that I did not anticipate all that has happened in the interim. But we human beings are a creature of hope. How could I have imagined that a Muhammadu Buhari presidency would, in repudiation of its soul and spirit, birth a new dawn for Nigerian politics? Wasn’t I the one who earlier spoke of the theory of social reproduction in which tendency, a regime reproduces itself, in form and character. So, welcome to the neo Buhari ideological dispensation where we are confronted with its manifestation in the weaponization of ethno religious bigotry and polarisation, not to talk of the intimate commonality of the physical and mental fragility of the man on whose desk the buck stops. An apple, they say, does not fall from the tree.

There is the aspect of furtive Yoruba triumphalism, or, to be more precise, the Yoruba of Senator Ahmed Bola Tinubu’s persuasion. It is the difference between the legitimacy of the Ayo Adebanjo’s Afenifere and the illegitimacy of the contrived Reuben Fasonranti’s faction. So to say, the ‘election’ of Tinubu is inherently a tragedy for all concerned, beginning with the man of the moment himself. I cannot recall a precedent in modern world history where an incoming president arrives in office with the liability and illegitimacy of a most disreputable pedigree. Not even the infamous Donald Trump, matches him in this regard. At least Trump won his election, free and fair.

Tinubu is one of Nigeria’s political personages, I would rather not publicly discuss. For whatever it is worth, I shared a personal relationship with him, reinforced by the fact of our Yoruba consaguinity. Significantly, he was there for the Yoruba people, when duty beckoned in the annulment of the 1993 presidential election crisis. Regardless, it is equally a Yoruba tragedy, in the sense of a comparative analysis of the qualities of hitherto Yoruba representation at the height of political office in Nigeria. How does he fare compared to Obafemi Awolowo, Ladoke Akintola, Olusegun Obasanjo, Ernest Shonekan, Moshood Abiola. More significant is the applicability of the abiding Yoruba canon of omoluabi. Here is a pertinent illustration of what constitutes Omoluabi:

“We’ve had OBJ military, Sonekan and OBJ civilian. Tinubu would be 4th!!. This matter is first and foremost about Integrity, Conscience and the essence of Omoluabi, on which measures, those of us opposing Obi, and wanting a 4th Yoruba Presidency, when our neighbours have not hand ONCE, have woefully betrayed the Yoruba core ethos of Omoluabi. An Omoluabi is NOT greedy and self-centered!!!”

These excerpts are not my words but they adequately capture my sentiments. The sad commentary here is that no Yoruba can claim to support Tinubu on the grounds of any fine principle, idealism, altruism or patriotism. Neither have I heard any of such supporters make the claim. For them, it is a question of opportunism, survival of the fittest, my brother right or wrong. It is the difference between 1999 and 2023.

The implicit concession of the Nigerian presidency to the Yoruba in 1999 was a compensation for the annulment of the 1993 presidential election won by Chief Moshood Abiola. It was a political and moral victory for forward looking Nigerians and it set the stage for the adoption of the power rotation convention. The convention also serves as a responsive containment strategy to the destabilising zero sum dimensions of Nigerian politics.

Fast forward to 2023 where another Yoruba has been ‘elected’ the president, in a situation of direct contradiction of the moral imperative of the 1999 concession. As the saying goes, the revolutionaries of yesterday have become the reactionaries of today. It is the story of how the NADECO Progressives of yore have substantially morphed into the neo Buhari ideologues of today, a subsidiary bulwark of a criminally bent status quo. The difference between the Yoruba society of 1999 and the culpable one of 2023 is the gap that separates the hero from the mercenary.

Whereas the ascendance of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo to the Nigerian presidency in 1999 was rectitude and remedy of a wrong that was perpetrated against Abiola inclusive of his Yoruba heritage; that of Chief Bola Ahmed Tinubu (if the court so decides) 24 years after is a callous deprivation of a sense of belonging to the most conspicuous victim of Nigeria’s power politics.

It is ironical that the consolidation of the 1999 remedy into the equitable norm of power rotation would meet its nemesis
at the behest of Yoruba insensitivity and selfishness. The ensuing (potential) Tinubu Presidency thereby tantamount to the usurpation of a norm with manifest utility of restoring equilibrium to Nigerian politics. Whereas 1999 was cause celebre across the length and breadth of Nigeria, the 2023 outcome speaks for itself in the prevailing self-evident atmosphere of gloom and despondency stalking the land. Alienation from this explicit violation of a norm has been deepened by the 2023 farcical elections.

About two years ago, President Olusegun Obasanjo, in consultation with Professor Wole Soyinka, resolved to host a non-partisan Pan Yoruba summit. I was charged with the role of the coordinator, in which capacity I went to brief and invite Tinubu. After hearing me out, he proposed that the agenda should include two items. One is the call for a referendum on a putative constitutional review and the other is the demand for power shift to the South. I concurred with the caveat that my own support for presidential power rotation begins and stops with the South East zone. In fulfilment of a sense of personal obligation, I alerted him that this was going to be the subject matter of my column the following day. Nothing has since happened to warrant a variation of this position. As a matter of fact, intervening developments have made it more compelling.

As the cliche goes, a lot of water had since passed under the bridge. If there was any vindication for those of us who had conspicuously stood for the zoning of the Nigerian presidency to the South East, it was the emergence of Peter Obi as presidential candidate. Beyond fulfilling the righteousness of the national unity and integration prescribed concession of the Nigerian presidency to the South East, he has enjoyed national and global acclaim and attestation (as a befitting round peg in a round hole) on the kind of leadership that best serves the cause of Nigeria’s socioeconomic development going forward.

Buoyed by the obidents movement, he utilised the presidential campaign spanning several months to successfully pitch his candidacy. In him, the opportunity provided by the concatenation of the 2023 election circumstances found competence and capacity.
Against this generic background, I couldn’t have found myself in any position other than the one I presently hold, ideologically and morally. It is a position that was bound to come in conflict with that of sundry Yoruba nationalists and opportunists. The difference between us and this latter category, is the difference between a Yoruba nationalist and a Yoruba patriot. I had earlier clarified the distinction:

‘The compelling virtue of the Afenifere endorsement of the Labour Party presidential candidate, Peter Obi can be reduced to the theoretical distinction between patriotism and nationalism. Unlike nationalism, good citizenship or patriotism is not a function of racial/ethnic identity. It is a conscientious Yoruba and good Nigerian who concludes that it is the turn of the Igbo to be the beneficiary of the observance of power rotation to the South. All cultures are ennobled by the application of the fundamental scriptural dictum ‘to love your neighbour as you love yourself’.

‘You can be a Yoruba nationalist without being a good man but you cannot be a good Yoruba if you are not a good man. The difference between patriotism and nationalism is simple – a patriot loves his country and is proud of it for what it does whereas a nationalist loves his country and is proud of his country, no matter what it does’.