Before and since Nigeria gained independence, the quest for balanced regional development has been a persistent challenge. The vast disparities between the country’s geopolitical zones, each with unique socio-economic needs, have fueled ongoing debates about the most effective development models. Over the decades, Nigeria has experimented with various strategies, yet the gaps remain, feeding a sense of marginalisation and underdevelopment in many regions. The need for tailored solutions to address these disparities is not just pressing, it’s a necessity. One prominent approach has been the establishment of Regional Development Commissions (RDCs), agencies designed to address the peculiar challenges of each region. But as the number of these commissions continues to grow, a fundamental question arises: Are Regional Development Commissions the new deal Nigeria needs, or are they merely political tools serving the interests of an elite few?

The idea of regional development agencies in Nigeria is not new. It dates back to 1960 when the outgoing British colonial government established the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB). This initiative responded to the recommendations of Sir Henry Willink’s Commission Report of 1958, which identified the Niger Delta as a region requiring special intervention due to its challenging terrain and historical neglect. The Willink Commission was a landmark in Nigeria’s pre-independence political history, tasked with investigating the fears of minorities, particularly the ethnic groups in the Niger Delta, and proposing solutions to address their concerns. Its findings were clear: the Niger Delta faced unique environmental and developmental challenges that would require special attention. Thus, the NDDB was born, intended as a special-purpose vehicle to drive development in the oil-rich but underdeveloped Niger Delta.

However, despite its promising start, the NDDB failed to achieve its objectives. Seven years after its creation, it was dissolved without having made any significant impact. Historical records indicate that political interference, inadequate funding, and a lack of clear strategic direction contributed to its failure. Moreover, the NDDB lacked the legal authority and institutional framework to implement large-scale projects, rendering it ineffective. This failure highlighted the complexities of centralised regional development and set the stage for decades of agitation for more effective solutions. From that period until now, demands for creating region-specific agencies have persisted, with each region clamouring for a development model tailored to its unique needs. This agitation was further fueled by the discovery of vast oil reserves in the Niger Delta, which, while contributing significantly to national revenue, left the region impoverished and environmentally degraded.

The return to democratic governance in 1999 rekindled hopes for a more equitable distribution of national wealth and balanced regional development. It was against this backdrop that the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was established in 2000 to replace the defunct NDDB and its successor agencies. The NDDC was conceived as a bold solution to the peculiar development challenges of the Niger Delta, which had been plagued by environmental degradation, poverty, and social unrest. With a clear mandate to drive sustainable development, alleviate poverty, and promote peace and security in the region, the NDDC was envisioned as a catalyst for positive change.

However, over two decades later, the NDDC has become synonymous with corruption, political interference, and mismanagement. Numerous audits and investigative reports have exposed how political elites siphoned funds for the region’s development. For example, a 2020 forensic audit revealed that over 6 trillion Naira allocated to the NDDC between 2001 and 2019 was largely misappropriated. The commission’s projects were often abandoned or poorly executed, reflecting a pattern of waste and inefficiency. In 2021, the Nigerian Senate’s investigation into the NDDC’s activities uncovered 12,128 abandoned projects across the Niger Delta, raising serious questions about the commission’s effectiveness and accountability.

The NDDC’s failure to deliver on its mandate has had far-reaching consequences. The Niger Delta remains underdeveloped, with high poverty rates, poor infrastructure, and widespread environmental degradation. Youth unemployment is rampant, contributing to social unrest and militancy in the region. The inability of the NDDC to address these issues has fueled public disillusionment and increased agitation for alternative development models. In 2020, protests erupted across the Niger Delta, with communities demanding accountability and transparency from the NDDC. These protests highlighted the growing frustration among the region’s inhabitants, who felt betrayed by an agency supposed to improve their lives.

The need for targeted regional interventions became even more pronounced in the aftermath of the Boko Haram insurgency in the North East. The insurgency, which began in 2009, devastated the region, displacing millions and destroying infrastructure. In response, the North East Development Commission (NEDC) was established in 2017 to rebuild communities, resettle displaced people, and drive the region’s development. Its mandate included reconstructing schools, hospitals, and other public facilities, reviving the local economy, and promoting peace and stability. However, despite its noble intentions, the NEDC has faced significant challenges. Security concerns have hindered project execution, while corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency have undermined its impact.

In 2022, the Socio-Economic Rights and Accountability Project (SERAP) report revealed that over 100 billion Naira allocated to the NEDC was unaccounted for, sparking public outrage and calls for greater transparency. Investigations uncovered inflated contracts, ghost projects, and political patronage, leading to questions about the commission’s commitment to its mandate. Additionally, the NEDC’s projects have been criticised for being poorly targeted, with many communities most affected by the insurgency receiving little or no support. This has created a sense of neglect and abandonment, exacerbating regional social tensions.

In 2024, the quest for regional development took a new dimension with the establishment of three more RDCs: the North West Development Commission (NWDC), the South East Development Commission (SEDC), and the South West Development Commission (SWDC). Additionally, plans are underway to create the North Central Development Commission (NCDC) and the South-South Development Commission (SSDC). This unprecedented expansion of RDCs was driven by the belief that targeted, region-specific solutions are necessary for addressing Nigeria’s diverse challenges. Proponents argue that these commissions represent a new deal for Nigeria’s regional growth, providing the framework for decentralised governance and fostering regional collaboration, offering a ray of hope for the country’s future.

Supporters of RDCs further argue that regional development agencies are necessary because different geopolitical zones face different challenges that require targeted solutions. For example, the environmental degradation and oil pollution in the Niger Delta require a different approach than the rebuilding of communities devastated by insurgency in the North East. The SEDC could promote industrialisation and entrepreneurship in the South East, while the NEDC could prioritise educational rehabilitation and security in the North East.

RDCs are also seen as a step towards regionalism and political restructuring, enabling greater autonomy and self-determination. By tailoring programmes and projects to leverage regional strengths, RDCs can stimulate economic growth, foster collaboration among states, and enhance synergy with federal development agencies. Advocates argue that this decentralised model can bridge regional inequalities and promote national unity by giving marginalised areas a sense of inclusion and ownership.

However, the optimistic vision of RDCs as drivers of regional transformation is not universally shared. Critics argue that RDCs are often politically motivated, serving as elite channels to siphon public resources. They contend that these commissions are another layer of bureaucracy, adding administrative costs without delivering tangible results. Corruption, patronage politics, and political interference are rampant, with RDCs frequently serving as tools for political manipulation and agents for funding the ruling party’s elections rather than vehicles for genuine development.

Another major criticism is that RDCs are plagued by a democratic deficit. Although they are perceived as regional initiatives, they often lack the power to make critical policy decisions. Instead, powerful political actors outside the respective regions control decision-making processes, prioritising personal interests over regional needs. This undermines accountability and reduces public trust. Furthermore, the standardised template used for all RDCs, regardless of the unique challenges faced by each region, is counterproductive. A one-size-fits-all approach fails to leverage the comparative advantages of each region.

The harsh reality is that RDCs have become centres of corruption that add little value to genuine development. They have evolved into extractive institutions in the mould of what Economist Daron Acemoglu described as institutions created to enrich select members of the elite political class at the expense of the general populace. From the NDDC experience, intervention agencies can function as alternate states, duplicating projects for other government tiers, such as waste management and road construction. This results in resource wastage and project duplication. In many cases, RDCs engage in projects outside their mandate, straining already scarce public funds.

Fundamental reforms are necessary for RDCs to fulfil their promise as regional growth drivers. First, patronage politics must be eradicated through stringent anti-corruption measures and enhanced transparency. RDCs should not serve as political slush funds but as accountable entities focused on real development. Second, strategic planning and effective project execution should replace poor planning and haphazard implementation. Development models should be context-specific, reflecting the unique challenges of each region rather than adopting a one-size-fits-all approach. Public accountability must be prioritised by involving local communities in decision-making, ensuring that projects reflect the people’s needs. Finally, robust monitoring and evaluation systems should be implemented to assess performance and impact.

Regional Development Commissions were conceived as catalysts for equitable development and regional prosperity in Nigeria. However, they have often fallen short due to corruption, inefficiency, and political manipulation. For RDCs to genuinely serve as engines of sustainable development, they must be adequately conceptualised, and we must prioritise transparency, accountability, and effectiveness. It is time to confront the failures of the past and reimagine RDCs as genuine vehicles for regional empowerment and national unity. Whether they rise to this challenge or remain tools of political patronage will determine the future of regional development in Nigeria.

The United States has pencilled 201 Nigerians for deportation amid President Donald Trump’s crackdown on illegal migrants.

Bianca Odumegwu-Ojukwu, minister of state for foreign affairs, spoke about the development when Richard Mills, US ambassador to Nigeria, paid her a courtesy visit at the Tafawa Balewa House, Abuja.

Mills said “those to be repatriated would be dropped in Lagos. There wouldn’t be room for whether it should be in Port Harcourt or Abuja”.

“The first group will be convicted prisoners. Those who committed crimes and are in US prisons,” he added.

“Some of them are those who have clearly violated US immigration laws. They appealed but were denied yet they are still in the US. They have committed immigration crime, people who have been ordered to leave.”

According to a statement issued Sunday by Magnus Eze, the minister’s media aide, both officials addressed concerns about the repatriation system, with Odumegwu-Ojukwu seeking a dignified deportation process for her compatriots.

“With the new administration in the US, we want a situation where there will be commitments. If there will be repatriation, we want dignified return,” she said.

“At the moment, we’re told that about 201 Nigerian nationals are in US immigration camps, and about 85 have been cleared for deportation.

“Will there be any way of ameliorating their pains? This has been of great concerns to not just Nigerian nationals in the US but family members in Nigeria who depend on them for survival, children whose school fees are paid for by these diasporans.

“We are asking as a country whether they will be given ample time to handle their assets or will they just be bundled into planes and repatriated?

“It will really be traumatic especially for those who had not committed any violent crime.”

UNCERTAINTY AROUND DROP BOX VISA SYSTEM, USAID

There has been uncertainty around the drop box process — a visa interview waiver that allows eligible individuals to obtain a visa without a face-to-face interview at the US embassy.

Some media outlets reported that the drop box visa processing option was no longer available for US visa applicants in Nigeria, while others reported otherwise.

Efforts to reach the US embassy for confirmation were not immediately successful.

Odumegwu-Ojukwu also urged the US to issue a statement clarifying its actual position on the drop box system to assuage the concerns of Nigerians.

She also asked that the US reconsider its stance if it was mulling a possible suspension of the policy.

In addition, Odumegwu-Ojukwu expressed worry about the status of USAID, inquiring if it was outrightly dismantled or merely suspended.

Addressing the minister’s concerns, the US ambassador said the drop box visa policy has not been suspended but added that it was being reviewed, as is expected whenever there is a change in administration.

Mills assured that the position of the new US government on USAID, drop box visa system, and other areas would be known in due course.

[TheCable]

In his inaugural address on May 29, 2015, Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi roused the state with the promise that his tenure would be defined by the development trajectory he would diligently pursue. Of the many facets he reeled out, two stood out. The first was the promise to pay special attention to Nsukka by giving the area a face-lift befitting a university town. He also told the people that “Ninth Mile is an economic hub that we need to harness to enjoy the benefits of our newly-acquired status as a free trade zone…to create fresh economic opportunities and reduce pressure on Enugu metropolis”.

For each of them, there was a well-deserved applause; nobody would begrudge Nsukka the face-lift that the State’s second largest city rightly deserves. And there was no denying the fact too that 9th Mile occupies a key position in the state’s industrialization plan. But while he may have delivered substantially on the uplift of Nsukka, the promise to upgrade 9th Mile as the state’s major commercial centre was, to all intents and purposes, empty.

Successive administrations in Enugu state have, by acts of omission or commission, systematically jettisoned the initial vision of 9th Mile as an industrial hub, a vision that dates back to the days of the defunct East Central State. Nothing better indicates this than the fact that all roads leading into the area have, for most of the last 10 years, been impassable. Once a converging point for travellers from Nigeria’s Middle Belt, Southern Igboland and Enugu state’s eastern neighbours, 9th Mile has become an isolated settlement with nearly all the traffic now diverted to the capital city. Whether you are coming from the East, West, North and South, commuters no longer have access to the good old 9th Mile where roads from all cardinal points once converged.

The promise of restoring the roads that will benefit 9th Mile and save Enugu metropolis the avoidable traffic build-up that Ugwuanyi spoke of at his inauguration was not kept. At a time calls were rising for the state government to undertake the remediation of the Obollo-9th Mile federal highway, the state government famously chose to rehabilitate only the portion from Obollo Afor to Opi for what one official called ‘VIP movements’. While this effectively cut off access to 9th Mile, it funnelled more vehicles into Enugu metropolis through Ekwegbe.

In the end, rather than develop an alternative road network, it was more convenient for the government to undertake the construction of ‘the State’s first fly-over’ at Nike to manage the exponential build up in vehicular traffic, instead. For a project that was largely seen as vainglorious, only the Ebeano tunnel under the rail line at Asata received a bigger media hype.

The systematic neglect of 9th Mile has been showing negatively in the balance sheets of the giant companies that operate in the area. As the once busy highways became quiet, drivers of articulated vehicles who have severally been promised a ‘trailer park’ that was never built, turned the roads into parking lots. Those companies that could not survive the harsh realities, including the multinational Coca-Cola, closed their factory and moved out. Ecobank and Keystone, two of the earliest banking institutions to open office in 9th Mile, also shut down and moved out. Guinness Nigeria Plc that had acquired a 19-hectare land for their first brewery East of the Niger, decided to invest in Aba instead. There are dozens of other smaller industrial concerns negatively affected. The effect on the state’s internal revenue was huge and only the Ama Brewery – the highest such investment by Heineken in West Africa – and 7Up Bottling Company continue to brace the odds.

Not much has come by way of the Free Trade Zone which approval was well celebrated. Rather, it was the Lion Business Park, a private concern, that the government chose to package as a quasi-government project. It facilitated the acquisition of over 2,000 hectares of farmland from Imezi Owa, Eke and Akama Oghe communities for the project which was promoted as an economic game-changer that would accommodate hundreds of small and medium-scale Chinese businesses. Eight years down the road – apart from the controversies surrounding the underhand land acquisition from the communities in Udi and Ezeagu local government areas – the business park has not moved from the grandiose plan it is on paper.

Governor Ugwuanyi is not alone in this litany of woes for Agbajaland and 9th Mile. The promise to restore the Anambra Vegetable Oil Products, AVOP, in Nachi has lasted through the two preceding administrations of Dr. Chimaroke Nnamani and Mr. Sullivan Chime. The International Market that was already under construction at 9th Mile since 2005 was allowed to die, just like the Ebeano bye-pass, the dual carriageway that took off from the old toll gate on the Enugu-Onitsha highway. Flagged off in 2007 by President Olusegun Obasanjo, the by-pass which signalled a future East-North highway, was motorable for all of 3 years before it was abandoned.

The 2 kilometer Toll Gate – Ameke Ngwo bye pass and the rehabilitation of the 12-borehole water project started during the administration of Chief Jim Nwobodo as governor of the old Anambra State, remain the only footprints of Ugwuanyi’s administration in the area. While the byepass has helped in easing traffic flow, the fact that the water project – the critical factor in Governor Peter Mbah’s 180-day timeline he gave on assumption of office for taps in the state capital to come alive again – has not benefitted 9th Mile and the host communities of Nsude and Ngwo, leaves a sour taste in the mouth.

The sorry state of 9th Mile, especially its bad roads, decayed infrastructure and dilapidated environment, is food for thought for Governor Peter Mbah. For an administration that has done exceedingly well in attracting investments and promoting commercial activities in the state, one would expect a deliberate policy to restore the state’s once-bustling commercial centre. Rather than abandon it to the consequences of wrong-headed policies of past administrations, Governor Mbah would do well to revive the industrial hub once promoted as the third leg of the South-East’s commercial triangle, after Onitsha and Aba.

With the right attention, 9th Mile still has the potential to impact industrialization drive in the South-East, enhance job opportunities for the citizenry and contribute substantially to his government’s internal revenue.

Answering questions from journalists on the position of Senator Aminu Tambuwal that no one with conscience will join the APC.
In response Mr Osita Okechukwu foundation member of the APC said that Tambuwal cannot truly talk of conscience when he connived to wreck the PDP; hence it is the trust deficit of his Party’s leadership which simulates defectors.

It could be recalled that Senator Aminu Tambuwal, the former governor of Sokoto State, at the North West Zonal meeting of the PDP, had expressed disappointment over the recent wave of defections by members of the Peoples Democratic Party to the ruling All Progressives Congress.
And he was quoted as saying that, “I believe that no one with conscience will join the APC. People leave parties for different reasons, but what I have been observing in recent times are defections not based on the interest of the people but on stomach infrastructure.”

Okechukwu upon this statement retorted that the wave of the defections is basically the outcome of erroneous breach of the rotation convention of president and Section 7 of the PDP’s Constitution of which Tambuwal was one of the masterminds.
“One cannot fathom how my friend Senator Tambuwal didn’t rate the breach of the rotation convention, especially against his erstwhile bosom friend Nyesom Wike, Minister of FCT; who backed him in 2018 presidential primary when no aspirant of southern extraction in the PDP contested in obedience to the rotation convention as unconscionable?
“This is the offshoot of Wike Masquerade raging” - Okechukwu submitted.

READ ALSO: https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/okey-ogbodo-embroiled-in-amede-eha-amufu-election-controversy

He reminded Tambuwal and his cohorts that some patriotic members of the PDP are defecting because the party has been demobilised, irretrievably wreckage rendered and ineffective to play its traditional role of main opposition party.

When told of the impending coalition or merger which will dislodge the APC in 2027 presidential election, Okechukwu replied that the greed in the party will not allow them to forge solid merger.

He said they have already started cooking up awkward permutation of south 17 and north 11 years in Aso Villa, just to rupture again the rotation convention, as if Nigeria got independence in 1999.
“Tambuwal and cohorts act as if they have 100% votes of the north in their pocket and albeit the northern electorates are quarantined in a dormitory to be hauled to the polling booth on Election Day.
“Their masterminds always forget that the northern electorates are one of the most sophisticated in the country and cannot be toyed with.
“Or do they think that the southeastern electorates that put all their eggs in one PDP’s electoral basket, even when APC presented Rt. Honourables Chuba Okadigbo and Edwin Umezoke in 2003 and 2007 as vice presidents respectively are amnesia stricken? The defection is not about stomach infrastructure, it’s about PDP’s leadership trust deficit.” Okechukwu opined.

The absence of former Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai, at the All Progressives Congress (APC) mega rally in Kafanchan, Kaduna South Senatorial District, raised eyebrows, fueling speculation about his political stance.

Once considered the political mentor of the current governor, Uba Sani, El-Rufai’s no-show added to the intrigue surrounding the event.

Despite being highly publicized, the rally reportedly welcomed over 22 notable defectors from opposition parties and witnessed a significant turnout.

However, Senator Lawal Adamu Usman, who currently represents Kaduna Central in the 10th Senate, was absent and openly dismissed the gathering as a “rented crowd.”

According to him, the rally was merely a face-saving attempt by Governor Uba Sani to cover up the lack of genuine grassroots support.

Taking to Facebook on Saturday, Usman challenged the governor’s popularity, questioning why an election had not been conducted in the state to gauge actual support.

“APC is like Papalolo in Kaduna State. If you truly knew you had the support of your rented crowd, why didn’t you allow the conduct of election in at least one ward within the State?” he wrote.

He further pointed out that “even the governor could not cast his vote at his polling station during the time.”

 [NaijaNews]

President Bola Tinubu has congratulated Mallam Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai on his 65th birthday.

In a statement which Bayo Onanuga, Special Adviser to the President on Information and Strategy, issued on his behalf, Tinubu described El-Rufai as an administrator, scholar, and politician.

“He is a founding member of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and highly regarded for his resourcefulness and brilliance.”

“He served as governor of Kaduna State for eight years, and prior to elective office, he had served as Director-General of the Bureau of Public Enterprises, and Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) from 2003 to 2007.

“President Tinubu celebrates Mallam El-Rufai on this occasion and commends his endeavours for democracy; his meritorious service to the nation, and mentorship of the younger generation.

“The President acknowledges Mallam El-Rufai’s role in the dialogues leading up to the formation of the APC and his contributions to the success of the party in the three consecutive elections of 2015, 2019, and 2023.”

Onanuga said President Tinubu wished El-Rufai good health and strength for continuous service to the nation.

El-Rufai was among those saying pencilled down to serve in Tinubu’s government before the dynamics changed.

Although nominated minister, the senate failed to clear him during screening.

He has since been critical of the APC government and its policies.

[DailyTrust]

Osun State governor, Ademola Adeleke on Sunday raised the alarm that the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Gboyega Oyetola, is planning to cause mayhem in the state from Monday, February 17, 2025.

Adeleke made the allegation during a press conference on Sunday.

It was gathered that Oyetola is spearheading moves to enforce a court order which reversed the sack of local council chairmen, elected on the platform of the All Progressives Congress, APC, in the state.

Adeleke alleged that Oyetola is conspiring with several law enforcement agents, including the State Commissioner of Police and the State Director of the Department of State Services, DSS, to destabilize the state.

Adeleke said: “I called this press conference to alert the national and global audience about a deliberate plot to create chaos and anarchy in Osun State.

“I invite you all to expose a fascist anti-democratic agenda designed to enforce a non-existing court judgment on our local governments.

“This evil plot is being spearheaded by the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Mr Gboyega Oyetola in active collaboration with the Osun state Commissioner of Police, the Osun state Director of DSS and the State Commandant of the Civil Defense Corps.

“Before I continue this address, let me affirm that I know Mr. President to be a true democrat, a lover of rule of law, and a believer in the sanctity of the judicial process.

“I know, as a matter of fact, that Mr. President will never authorise a dictatorial violation of the constitution irrespective of who is involved. It is crucial to add that Mr. President will never support any action that is capable of generating bloodbath and bloodshed.

“I, however, regret to inform Mr. President and the public that Mr Gboyega Oyetola has concluded an arrangement to cause mayhem in Osun State starting from Monday.

“He is issuing illegal directives to security operatives to enforce illegality simply because he is the nephew of Mr. President.

“I chose to alert the nation before my people are killed or maimed by a minister dropping the name of Mr. President in connivance with the Osun State security operatives obeying unlawful orders.

“The bone of contention is the brazen effrontery to return to office council chairmen sacked by a subsisting court judgment using a different court decision, which has no consequential order.

“Let me make it clear that the said council chairmen were sacked before I was sworn in as governor of Osun State, contrary to the lies being peddled, that the chairmen and councilors were sacked by my Executive Order.”

[DailyPost]

The Ekiti State Police have arrested Jimoh Abdulrahman for allegedly assaulting his wife, Mrs Akintunde Bidemi Taiwo, a nursing mother.

The incident gained widespread attention after a viral video surfaced, showing the brutal attack.

In a statement issued on Sunday, the Police Public Relations Officer, SP Sunday Abutu, confirmed that the arrest took place on Saturday following an order from the Commissioner of Police, Mr Joseph Eribo.

The case has been transferred to the Gender-Based Violence Unit of the State Criminal Investigation Department for thorough investigation and subsequent arraignment.

Abutu detailed the arrest, stating, “On February 15, 2025, at approximately 19:00 hours, the Ekiti State Police Command arrested Jimoh Abdulrahman, who had severely assaulted his wife, Mrs Akintunde Bidemi
Taiwo, a resident of Nova Area, Ado Ekiti.”

Following a tip-off and the circulation of the disturbing viral video, Commissioner Eribo instructed the Divisional Police Officer at Oke-Ila, Ado Ekiti, to take immediate action.

“The operatives from the Oke-Ila division moved swiftly to apprehend the suspect, and the case has now been handed over to the GBV Unit of the State CID for further investigation and legal proceedings,” Abutu concluded.

[Punch]

PTML Terminal, the largest multipurpose terminal in West Africa, recently made history with the arrival of the MV Great Cotonou, the first Con-Ro (Container-Roll-on/Roll-off) vessel, which reached Lagos from Shanghai, China, in a record 27 days.

The operators of the terminal said this milestone marks a significant advancement in maritime trade between China and Nigeria, reducing transit times and enhancing logistics efficiency.

Owned by global shipping giant Grimaldi Group, which also operates PTML Terminal, the MV Great Cotonou is set to transform regional trade by offering the fastest transit time on this route—just 27 days.

Unlike other shipping services that require transshipment at intermediary ports, this direct service ensures faster and more reliable delivery for Nigerian importers, eliminating delays and additional handling costs.

With this innovative service, Nigerian businesses can now receive not only containerized cargo but also vehicles—including cars, vans, trucks, and project cargo—all on the same vessel.

This unique multimodal transport solution presents a substantial logistical advantage, streamlining supply chains and reducing overall costs for importers.

PTML Terminal is well-equipped to handle this new service, boasting state-of-the-art facilities, easy port access, and a dedicated workforce to ensure seamless operations.

The terminal’s highly efficient cargo-handling capabilities will further enhance the benefits of this direct shipping route.

The vessel’s arrival was commemorated with a high-profile welcoming event attended by key figures in the maritime industry. Among those present were Andrea Grimaldi, representing the Grimaldi family, alongside Giampaolo Vitale, Line Manager, and Salvatore Califano, Director of Grimaldi. PTML’s Managing Director, Ascanio Russo, also attended the event, emphasizing the significance of this milestone.

Speaking at the event, Russo stated: “The arrival of the Great Cotonou at PTML represents a pivotal moment for Nigerian importers.

“This service will significantly reduce transit times and logistics costs while offering unmatched convenience by accommodating various types of cargo in a single shipment.”

“We have the infrastructure, the expertise, and the human capital, and we will offer great service to our importers and exporters.

“The arrival of this ship and this new service will definitely create many more opportunities for our terminal, workers, host community, and Nigeria as a whole.

“This is the largest container-RoRo ship coming to Africa, and we have upgraded our facilities to receive this kind of vessel.

“We have recently acquired a massive mobile harbour crane costing more than USD 10 million. Additionally, we had to upgrade our infrastructure, including the quayside, with an investment exceeding USD 5 million just to accommodate these ships,” Russo said.

Also speaking, Andrea Grimaldi said, “Our goal is to create a fast and efficient trade link between Shanghai and West Africa, particularly Lagos.

“The Great Cotonou offers a direct connection with a rapid 27-day transit. We are starting with Shanghai, but as demand grows, we plan to expand our coverage to other Chinese ports and beyond.”

With this groundbreaking development, Nigerian businesses and logistics operators now have access to a faster, more efficient, and cost-effective trade link with China

The direct Shanghai-to-Lagos route reinforces Lagos as a key hub in global maritime logistics, strengthening Nigeria’s position as a leading player in West African trade.

As PTML Terminal continues to expand its service offerings, the launch of this direct shipping route, the operators of the terminal said, stands as a testament to its commitment to enhancing trade, boosting economic growth, and providing world-class logistics solutions in Nigeria.

[TheNation]