Seven years after his emergence as Nigeria’s military Head of State, in the third quarter of 1974, General Yakubu Gowon placed a telephone call to the then Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Taslim Elias. The subject matter of the call, according to Atanda Fatayi Williams, himself then a Justice of the Supreme Court (and future CJN) with whom the Chief Justice discussed the matter, was a complaint by the Head of State “about the manner in which the courts in the country were being used for the indiscriminate swearing of affidavits in which allegations of corruption were made against public functionaries.”

General Gowon’s agonistes had their origins in events in his home state, Benue-Plateau (as it was then known). First, he had been forced to let go of a trusted minister from his state, Joseph Tarka, after one Godwin Daboh Adzuana deposed to an affidavit with quite damaging allegations of corruption against the minister. Gowon’s call to the CJN followed in the wake of another affidavit sworn to this time by Aper Aku (who later became the first elected governor of Benue State in 1979) accusing the then military governor of Benue-Plateau State and Gowon’s relation, Joseph Gomwalk, of what Fatayi Williams later described as “corruption on a vast scale.”

Rather than address the allegations of corruption, the General sought the help of his Chief Justice to shut down the disclosures. In the then incumbent, Gowon found a Chief Justice who was willing to go beyond the call of the law to fulfill the importuning of his Chief of State. Following consultations with his peers at the Supreme Court, CJN Elias convened a meeting of the Advisory Judicial Committee (AJC), as the apex mechanism for judicial governance was then called. Led by the CJN, the membership of the AJC included the Attorney-General of the Federation, all the Chief Justices (as they were then called) and Grand Khadis of the States; as well as the President of the Federal Revenue Court.

This high judicial conclave decided unanimously that “except in connection with proceedings already pending, the courts would no longer allow affidavits to be sworn in court by aggrieved citizens.” Public reaction was immediate and understandably visceral to a decision which was unconcealed in its design to instrumentalize the judiciary in order to hide inconvenient facts on behalf of the regime in power. To make matters worse, the AJC could not cite any legal authority or basis for their decision. They were collectively the highest judicial figures in the country and their word represented the law, or so they thought. It was abuse of judicial power on a colossal scale. Judicial authority was shot and it is arguable that it never recovered.

When a new military regime overthrew General Gowon in July 1975, their narrative and rationale harked back to the corruption allegations and the desperation of the regime to procure a cover-up with the ex-cathedra assistance of the judiciary high command. An early casualty of the new regime was Chief Justice Elias whom they forced to abdicate. They also took the hacksaw to judicial tenure, retiring senior judges compulsorily.

Then as now the judiciary in Nigeria was the author of its own defenestration. The real scandal then was that the decision to foreclose disclosure of inconvenient facts in affidavits occurred without dissent among the AJC. It showed the regimental and cloistered tendencies of the herd at their finest, even one comprising people claiming to be learned.

The best that can be said of the immediate past Chief Justice of Nigeria, Olukayode Ariwoola, is that he well and truly defanged the judiciary. When he was not in Port Harcourt cavorting with Nyesom Wike and his Group of Five Governors so-called; he was in Abuja dreaming us schemes to jump his next available family member or political satrap into a judicial sinecure. The unanimity of sentiment at his departure went beyond shame-faced relief.

Monday Phillips Ekpe writes delicately that the judiciary that Olukayode Ariwoola left behind made a habit of “rubbishing its own touted image” with “embarrassing and rampant unpredictability of judgments.” Onikekpo Braithwaite complains less delicately of a judiciary overcome by “mounting allegations of corruption, as well as the menace of conflicting judgments.” The Board of Editors of the Punch newspaper sadly acknowledge the reality of a judiciary characterized by “pervasive corruption” and of courts which “have become houses of rot and victims of state capture…. At 75 per cent, the judiciary and the Independent National Electoral Commission have the lowest public trust among Nigerians.”

On the back of this chastening diagnosis, many senior lawyers have stepped in with a rich and telling bouquet of recommendations for the new CJN, running the gamut from the platitudinous to the patronizing and everything in between. Former president of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA), Olisa Agbakoba, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), desires reforms that are both “transformational and radical.” As part of that menu, one of his later successors, Augustine Alegeh (SAN), wants attention to “delays in the dispensation of justice and the uncertainty of the judgments of our courts.”

These references to “uncertainty” in or “conflicting”  judgments are coinages deployed by lawyers to avoid saying that some judgments are corrupt on their face. That, sadly, is the state of the courts that the new Chief Justice inherits. Indeed, a panel of the Court of Appeal has recently been constrained to describe as “scandalous” a High Court shielding former Kogi State Governor, Yahaya Bello, from criminal proceedings.

But that is only a tip of the proverbial iceberg. In this state of transition in the highest judicial office in the land, three words of caution are useful.

First, a CJN in search of a legacy needs clear priorities. Many of the suggestions to the new Chief Justice focus on institutional or administrative re-design. In reality, however, the principal problem that ails Nigeria’s judicial system is that the guardrails and incentives for ethical judicial service have been destroyed by a concert of senior judicial figures, senior lawyers and senior politicians. Reversing this needs a new coalition for public good in the judiciary. Without a re-engineering of the incentive structure, every effort at institutional re-design is bound to collapse. That begins with attention to appointment, preferment, accountability and discipline. Restoring consequences for judicial malfeasance will be key.

Second, a reverse engineering of the political capture of the Nigerian judicial system is essential. Evidence of this political capture is seen daily in the implausible decisions and improbable orders that issue in most cases of partisan political salience; in the speed with which such cases are assigned priority to the exclusion of the regular judicial docket; and in the improbable consistency in the line-up of judicial actors involved in these judicial concatenations. If politicians find themselves regularly before courts that are no longer beholden to their blandishments, they may be forced to rethink their approach to politics.

Third, a CJN who desires a constructive legacy must know whom to avoid. With some exceptions – such as the aforementioned Olisa Agbakoba and Augustine Alegeh – many senior lawyers who are now crawling out of the woodworks were nowhere to be seen or heard from when the immediate past CJN was busy wreaking havoc. If anything, some of them could be described with some justification as having been part of his enablers. Much of what emanates from these kinds of sources at this time could be at best self-serving. A CJN who desires to succeed needs to seriously avoid occupational intimacy with these kind.

A Chief Justice who seeks to accomplish any of these will encounter challenges. One who desires to accomplish all may even struggle to survive in office. Such could be the extent of the political pushback. But that is why the task of reforming Nigeria’s judicial system is now clearly well beyond the technocratic or professional incest of lawyers and judges. It is now political and only a Chief Justice willing to enlist citizens in that urgent task can scratch the surface.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

As the September 21, 2024 Edo State governorship election approaches, the political landscape is heating up. However, a concerning trend has emerged: the reluctance of some candidates to engage directly with the electorate. This piece examines the current state of affairs and argues for the critical importance of open dialogue between candidates and voters.

The Frontrunners

Three candidates have emerged as the most visible in this race:

1. Asue Ighodalo

Background
– Full Name: Asuerinme Ighodalo
– Origin: Okaigben, Ewohimi, Esan South East LGA, Edo State, Nigeria
– Profession: Lawyer and Politician

Professional Experience
– Founding partner of Banwo-and-Ighodalo law firm
– Specializes in Corporate Finance, Capital Markets, Energy & Natural Resources, Mergers & Acquisitions, Banking & Securitization, and Project Finance
– Former Chairman of Sterling Bank
– Former Director at the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority (NSIA)
– Former Chairman of the Nigerian Economic Summit Group (NESG)

Legal Expertise
– Corporate and commercial law practice
– Advises major corporations on various aspects of business law

Political Aspirations
– Candidate in the 2024 Edo State governorship election

2. Monday Okpebholo

Background
– Born: August 29, 1970
– **Origin**: Udomi-Uwessan community of Irrua, Esan Central LGA, Edo State

Education
– Primary: Udomi Community Primary School, Uwesan Irrua
– Secondary: Ujabhole Community Secondary School, Uwesan Irrua; completed in Jos, Plateau State
– Tertiary:
– Bachelor’s degree in Business Administration, University of Abuja
– Currently pursuing a Master’s degree in Policy and Leadership Studies, University of Abuja

Political Career
– Elected Senator for Edo Central senatorial district (February 25, 2023)
– Inaugurated into the 10th National Assembly of Nigeria (June 13, 2023)
– Won the Edo State APC gubernatorial primary election (February 2024)

Political Aspirations
– Candidate in the 2024 Edo State governorship election. Okpebholo has notably been less visible in direct media engagements compared to his counterparts.

3. Olumide Akpata

Background
– Full Name: Olumide Osaigbovo Akpata
– Born: October 7, 1972
– Origin: Edo South Senatorial district, Edo State
– Profession: Legal Practitioner and Politician

Professional Experience
– Former senior partner and Head of Corporate and Commercial Practice Group at Templars law firm
– Resigned on August 31, 2023, to pursue partisan politics
– Elected president of the Nigerian Bar Association in July 2020
– First non-Senior Advocate of Nigeria in 28 years to hold this position

Notable Activities
– Hosted “KingsWeek 2023” with the Old Boys Association, King’s College, Lagos (September 2023)
– Met with the School Captain of King’s College for the 2023/2024 Academic Session

Political Aspirations
– Pursuing partisan politics (as of August 2023)
– Candidate in the 2024 Edo State governorship election

The Crux of the Matter

While Ighodalo and Akpata have been actively engaging with the media and participating in debates, Senator Okpebholo’s approach has been markedly different. His reluctance to speak directly to the public and media has raised eyebrows and sparked debate both within Edo State and across Nigeria.

Instead, Okpebholo has relied on proxies to speak on his behalf. Most prominently, former Edo State governor and current Senator for Edo North, Adams Oshiomhole, has stepped into the fray. However, Oshiomhole’s recent track record in such endeavors is questionable. His attempts to promote APC candidate Pastor Osagie Ize-Iyamu in the 2020 election backfired spectacularly, largely due to Oshiomhole’s previous criticisms of Ize-Iyamu.

A Media Misstep

The situation came to a head on August 29, 2024, during an Arise News Morning Show interview with APC state chairman Jaret Tenebe. The interview, painful to watch, began with host Reuben Abati offering to accommodate Senator Okpebholo in any language of his choice, including pidgin or Edo language. This opening, while pointed, underscored the growing frustration with Okpebholo’s absence from public discourse.

Tenebe’s attempts to justify his candidate’s media absence were not only unconvincing but also insulting to the people of Edo State. His claims that Edo residents can’t afford cable TV or data, and that they aren’t enlightened or interested in television, are grossly out of touch with reality.

Edo State: A Hub of Education and Enlightenment

Contrary to Tenebe’s assertions, Edo State boasts a rich educational heritage and an informed populace.

Education in Edo State

Edo State has made significant strides in education through its EdoBEST (Edo Basic Education Sector Transformation) program. This initiative has revolutionized learning outcomes for over 370,000 children across the state, encompassing:

– 1,029 public primary schools
– 232 junior secondary schools

The EdoBEST program demonstrates Edo State’s commitment to improving educational standards and preparing its youth for the future.

The Need for Apologies and Direct Engagement

Tenebe and the APC owe the people of Edo State an unreserved apology for these disparaging remarks. Furthermore, an apology is due to Arise News for questioning its viewership, especially given Tenebe’s own appearance on the platform.

Conclusion

As we approach this crucial election, it is imperative that all candidates engage directly with the electorate. The people of Edo State deserve to see, hear, and evaluate their potential leaders firsthand. Proxies and spokespeople cannot substitute for the candidates themselves in this vital democratic process.

The citizens of Edo State are educated, enlightened, and eager to participate in their governance. It’s time for all candidates to respect this fact and step into the public arena, ready to debate, discuss, and share their visions for the future of Edo State.

Aledeh is a journalist/Arise News Anchor and writes from Nigeria’s capital, Abuja.

On Saturday September 21, Edo State voters will have another opportunity to elect their governor who would be sworn in into office on November 12 for a term of four years in the first instance. The campaign season is on, and the frontline candidates jostling for prominence are Dr. Asue Ighodalo of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP); Senator Monday Okpebholo of the All Progressives Congress (APC), and Olumide Akpata of the Labour party (LP).

The winner of the election will take the leadership baton from the incumbent governor, Godwin Obaseki, who has been in charge for two terms of eight years – first, on the platform of APC for his first term, and PDP for his second term.

As I have argued in the past, every state in Nigeria ought to be an economic powerhouse – just like Lagos State that can survive without the monthly revenue allocation from Abuja – and attract investors, business leaders, entrepreneurs, conference delegates, visitors, tourists, students, and so on.

If all the 36 states and the FCT, Abuja, can transform into centres of commerce, enterprise and innovation, Nigeria could easily become a one trillion dollar economy. What is required of our governors is to provide visionary and exemplary leadership.

This is my major area of focus and interest in the upcoming governorship election. Edo people want a governor who can create wealth and prosperity through innovation and the power of big ideas.

So which of the three candidates has the capacity, competence, wide network, goodwill, global appeal and experience to build a first-world economy for Edo State? Who is the best fit for the job? Who can Edo people – both at home and in the diaspora – trust to lead them for the next four years?

Edo people who have been engaged in nuanced conversations on this matter, are very discerning and enlightened. I am confident they will make the right choice by voting for the candidate who will make their lives better.

Historically, Edo State has been under PDP leadership until Senator Adams Aliyu Oshiomhole became the governor as APC candidate in 2008 after a court process upheld his electoral victory. However, as Edo people cast their votes on September 21, they must look before they leap. They should shine their eyes!

I have monitored public speeches by the key political actors in all the parties. But I am worried about the egregious comments by Senator Adams Oshiomhole who, ordinarily, should be an elder statesman and leader from Edo State.

Maybe he does not know, but Oshiomhole is undermining his own candidate, Senator Monday Okpebholo. Comrade Oshiomhole keeps scoring own goals to the detriment of APC. He announced to the whole world that Dr. Ighodalo, candidate of the PDP, has no home in Ewohimi, his home town. That is a lie from the pit of hell.

He also said that Dr. Ighodalo refused to sleep in Ewohimi after a campaign stop because of “witches and wizards.” Isn’t that an outlandish statement from a political leader? What he tried to do was to de-market Dr. Ighodalo, denigrate Esan people in general and Ewohimi indigenes in particular. He should be told that such comments have political consequences.

In 24 years since 1999, the political leadership in Edo State had been shared between Edo North and Edo South regions. Oshiomhole (from the Edo North region) was governor for eight years while Edo South produced two governors (Lucky Igbinedion and Godwin Obaseki) for 16 years.

In their own wisdom, some of the political leaders believed that political power should shift to the Edo Central region in 2024. But Senator Oshiomhole spearheaded a campaign for Honourable Dennis Idahosa – his favourite from Edo South – to be the candidate of APC, thereby ignoring Esan people. But the plan backfired. Clearly, Oshiomhole did not support the idea initially for the Esan Central region to produce the next governor of Edo State. Esan people have not forgotten that slight.

President Bola Tinubu had to intervene for peace to reign in the party. A second primary, after a stakeholders’ meeting with President Tinubu in Abuja, was conducted in Benin City which produced Senator Monday Okpebholo as the party’s candidate. Hon Idahosa who was initially declared the winner of the primaries before the peace meeting in Abuja, was picked as his running mate. It was a necessary compromise to pacify Idahosa.

Comrade Oshiomhole, a former Chairman of APC and acclaimed leader of the party in Edo State, alongside his backers, tried every trick in his playbook to frustrate Governor Obaseki’s second term bid, but he failed. When Edo people launched “Edo no be Lagos” campaign in 2020, it was a protest response to the well-funded gang-up against Obaseki by the leading political actors in APC.

Pastor Ize-Iyamu, a great political strategist in his own right, lost on both counts. It is fair to concede that Oshiomhole backed Obaseki fully to become governor for his first term in office, but they fell apart and became adversaries. That was also what happened between Obaseki and Philip Shaibu, his erstwhile political ally.

But you never know the ways of politicians; they can be enemies during the daytime and become friends at night. It’s all politics; that is how they roll.

I have provided this backstory to prove that Senator Oshiomhole cannot be trusted: he is neither helping his party nor their candidate with his unguarded public utterances. Should the Senator representing Edo North Senatorial District be the one to tell the whole world that Betsy, the wife of Governor Obaseki, is childless?

That was another own goal by Oshiomhole as he mocked Betsy for being childless and not adopting children with her husband. Can you just imagine how a man who was a leader of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC); former governor of Edo State and now serving senator would descend to the level of gutter politics. To prove what point?

Oshiomhole’s reckless and perfidious statement set the social media on fire, and I hope he is able to quench the fire. He actually owes Godwin Obaseki and his wife a public apology.

Betsy did not mention anyone by name when she said Dr. Ighodalo, the PDP candidate, is the only one who has a wife. Betsy made the comment when she introduced Ifeyinwa Ighodalo, the wife of Dr. Ighodalo, during a campaign rally at Ubiaja.

But trust Comrade Oshiomhole who has become the spokesman of Senator Okpebholo to step forward to defend him. Why can’t Okpebholo speak for himself? At this rate, we do not even know who the APC governorship candidate is: Okpebholo or Oshiomhole?

Senator Oshiomhole has been pitching Senator Okpebholo to Edo people as the best man for the job of governor. Is he? I don’t think so. Nonetheless, I respect his rights to vie for any political office. Since Comrade Oshiomhole is more or less the face of his campaign, Senator Okpebholo would really have to work hard with less than three weeks to the election to convince Edo people to vote for him.

I have watched Dr. Asue Ighodalo and Olumide Akpata on television explaining their plans for Edo people, but I have not seen Senator Monday Okpebholo on any TV channel. What could be the problem?

Dr. Reuben Abati, anchor of The Morning Show on Arise News, announced more than once that Senator Okpebholo should appear on the programme for an interview in Pidgin English or Esan language with a translator to boot if speaking in English was the issue. Was that meant to be a joke?

If Senator Okpebholo is not ready to appear on a TV show to explain his manifesto, how is he going to talk to Edo people as governor? How can he be taken seriously? Will Oshiomhole or the other surrogates be the ones speaking for him? Although politics is a game of numbers, optics, perception management, messaging and nuance are also critical factors. I struggle to see Okpebholo speak on the floor of the Senate.

Olumide Akpata (Olu D) of the Labour Party brought a breath of fresh air in his political communication and engagement style, but we cannot run away from the fact that PDP and APC are still the dominant political parties in view of their legacies, spending power, political engineering experience and voting blocs. LP is still new to the game.

The power of incumbency will also be a strong factor in the political and power calculus in the upcoming election and Edo people know where the pendulum will swing to.

A dip-stick survey by an independent group revealed that Edo people are concerned primarily about their well-being which has been seriously affected by the current economic hardship. They cited increasing hunger amid the rising cost of goods and services, insecurity, development of infrastructure, job opportunities, and access to quality healthcare.

Edo people also want a strong leader that they can trust to build a vibrant economy. One way the local economy can grow is through destination marketing. For example, Wimbledon, Berlin Marathon, Rio Carnival, Dubai World Cup, Monaco Grand Prix, Paris-Dakar rally and the Lagos Marathon are globally recognised elements of destination marketing and city branding.

In Edo State, Ogbe Hard Court, the famous international tennis tournament, can be revived. Other initiatives such as the Edo Cycling Tour – similar to the Tour de France in concept and execution – can also be launched. Apart from its rich cultural heritage, Edo State has important sites and landmarks that can boost tourism. For example, the Ososo Carnival in Akoko Edo LGA can be turned into a huge touristic showcase, capable of attracting hordes of visitors.

In a previous article, I explained that revenue can be generated by state governments from the assets that they host (rental income), in addition to significant commercial opportunities in music, film and entertainment, arts and culture, real estate development, hospitality, aviation, ground transportation, clothing and foot wear, furniture, agriculture, and technology by building ICT hubs for our vibrant youth population.

As we count down to September 21, I wish to project from available data that Dr. Asue Ighodalo would be the winner of the governorship poll in a free and fair election because he is the best man for the job based on his excellent track record of performance.

The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) has its job well cut out. I expect them to rise up to the occasion. I am also banking on the security agencies to be vigilant and ensure that electoral violence and malpractices such as ballot-box snatching are checkmated.    

Braimah is a communications strategist and publisher/editor-in-chief of Naija Times (https://ntm.ng)and Lagos Post (https://lagospost.ng). He can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..

President Bola Tinubu has approved the appointment of the following qualified Nigerians to the board of the Bank of Industry Limited:

(1) Mansur Muhtar — Chairman

(2) Olasupo Olusi — Managing Director/Chief Executive Officer

(3) Ifeoma Uz’Okpala — Executive Director, Large Enterprises

(4) Shekarau Omar — Executive Director, Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises

(5) Usen Effiong — Executive Director, Corporate Services

(6) Mabel Ndagi — Executive Director, Public Sector & Intervention Programmes

(7) Rotimi Akinde — Executive Director, Corporate Finance & Risk Management

(8) Tajudeen Datti Ahmed — Non-Executive Director, representing the Ministry of Finance Incorporated

(9) Adedamola Olufemi Young — Non-Executive Director, representing Central Bank of Nigeria

(10) Isaac Adefemi Agoye — Non-Executive, representing Manufacturers Association of Nigeria

(11) Muhammad Bala — Non-Executive, representing Federal Ministry of Industry, Trade & Investment

(12) Oreoluwa Adeyemi — Independent Non-Executive Director

(13) Sulaiman Musa Kadira — Independent Non-Executive Director

Mr Muhtar’s career spans decades in finance, international development, public service, and academia.

He served as Minister of Finance, Budget and Economic Development from 2008 to 2010 and was Vice President, Operations of the Islamic Development Bank, before his recent appointment.

The President expects the new board of the Bank of Industry to work harmoniously, diligently, and with utmost fidelity to the nation in driving the mandate of this critical institution as a development vehicle for providing support for projects that enhance job creation, poverty alleviation, and the socio-economic conditions of Nigerian families.

Ajuri Ngelale

Special Adviser to the President

(Media & Publicity)

Tems, the Nigerian singer, has revealed she is open to the idea of marriage. 

In a recent chat on the ‘Shopping The Sneakers’ show, the host asked if marriage was in her future.

After a brief pause, the music star responded, “Yeah. We will see”.

Tems, born Temilade Openiyi, is not known to be in any public romantic relationship.

Previously, rumours circulated that she was pregnant with a child for Future, the American rapper, which she quickly debunked.

Recently, the 29-year-old said many men enter relationships with no other agenda than sex.

“A lot of guys, they are very obvious. There is no agenda but to penetrate,” she said.

She also spoke about the qualities she looks out for in a man, listing intelligence and humor as her favorite attributes.

Tems gained popularity in 2020, courtesy of her collaboration with Wizkid, the Afrobeats singer, on the song ‘Essence’.

In the same year, she released her debut extended play (EP) titled ‘For Broken Ears’.

She released ‘Born In The Wild’, her debut album, on June 7.

She has received several awards and recognitions for her talent.

Last year, the songstress won her first-ever Grammy award for her role in ‘Wait for U’, the 2022 hit song by Future featuring Drake.

Her song ‘Love Me Jeje’ recently made the summer playlist of Barack Obama, the former US president.

Education Minister, Professor Tahir Mamman had attempted to fire a gunshot into a crowded gathering earlier in the year, when he took the floor at the 2024 Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board’s Policy meeting on education, which was held in Abuja on July 18. The minister had seized the opportunity of the meeting to affirm his position on the age limit for university admission, which he had pegged at 18. The hall, filled with professors, education stakeholders, and professionals immediately became charged. The Nigerian No gree for anybody spirit overtook the acadas in the hall as their shouts of No! No! Dwarfed Maman’s presentation. The minister could not proceed as he had to ask: “Are we together?”

Though he eventually delivered his message, by announcing the decision to benchmark university admission at age 18 henceforth, the signal that a major resentment lies ahead was already sent to the authorities by that micro gathering. The commotion that took over the meeting venue made the minister bid a temporary retreat as he agreed that implementing the 18-year benchmark for university admissions would be delayed till the 2025/26 admission cycle, a one-year delay. He, however, gave a strong hint that the 18-year rule would be firmly implemented from next year.

Last week, Professor Mamman returned to the unfinished business. He announced while speaking on a Channels Television programme, Sunday Politics, that students under 18 would not be allowed to write WASCE, NECO, and JAMB unless they were 18; the same age qualifies them for admission into the universities.

Though the minister’s position is not an innovation by any means, it sounded like an invention in the ears of many. The piece of news he released sounded the alarm across the land. Parents, teachers, education enthusiasts, and stakeholders have been weighing in on the matter from different angles. If I may recall, the 6-3-3-4 education policy was mooted in Nigeria in 1983, while its full implementation kickstarted in 1988. The 9-3-4 education system was equally mooted in 2009, a supposed upgrade on the earlier policy. Whichever policy we are talking about, each recognises that a child should be enrolled in primary school at the age of six, spend six years and another six years in secondary school, while he completes tertiary education with the last leg of four years. The essence of the 6-3-3-4 policy was to promote technological education and ensure that several students embrace technical skills along the education channels such that the rush for university education is reduced to its barest.

As it has always been with the implementation of government’s policies and programmes in this clime, everyone interprets the law his or her way. Education, incidentally is on the concurrent legislative list, which means that the federal and state governments can legislate on the item. Even though the policy by the federal authorities was acceptable to all parties, its implementation was left to the mercy of To Whom It May Concern. The states took their path, the same for the federal and the private stakeholders in the sector. So a situation the Abami Eda, Fela Anikulapo Kuti called confusion break bone was unleashed on the sector.

Whereas the entry point into primary schools was well defined, hitherto, no one knows exactly what the entry or exit age from primary schools looks like anymore. Incidentally, the method adopted in recruiting children into primary schools in the 1970s was regarded as crude. A situation by which a child’s hand touching the ear across his head is a determinant of age six wasn’t scientific, but it worked. With the 6-3-3-4 system, some states adopted the British education model, some adopted the American system. Some schools run a creche, pre-KG, KG, and primary class. Some schools canceled primary six, while some allowed their wards to graduate to secondary schools from primary four or five. So you start having 13, 14-year-olds graduating from secondary schools. I doubt if all such children are classifiable as high flyers. But they ended up being pushed by parents who were worried by societal vicissitudes.

One, the fact that the housewife culture was evaporating from our sphere meant that working-class mothers had little time to spare unlike the years before. Then many were concerned with the uncertainties around the education system due to incessant strikes by ASUU, NASU, SSANU, and their equivalents in the tertiary institutions.

So, it became a situation of catching them young, or the earlier the better, because children end up spending seven, or eight years for four-year courses in the universities. But the push from parents has its drawbacks. While it worked for some children, it never worked for others, who got lost along the line. The effect is what we see today as the falling standard of education.

Opinions have been varied on this matter. Some have tagged the minister’s position as a North versus South battle. Some have said it will retard the children who are already in secondary school. Lots of implications are out there, especially if the government insists that children who would not be 18 in the graduation year won’t be allowed to write the next WAEC or NECO. Renowned lawyer and elder statesman, Chief Afe Babalola weighed in last week by saying the 18-year admission policy would amount to an affront to university autonomy. Others have expressed differing views.

The argument by the National President, Parents Teachers’ Association (PTA). Alhaji Haruna Danjuma and the CEO of Flourishgate Consult, Mrs. Dideolu Adekogbe on the matter, however, appear appealing. Danjuma said that the idea being projected by Minister Mamman was not a new one, adding that when children write WASCE or NECO at 18, it means they have reached the maturity age. Adekogbe harped on the National Policy on Education, saying: “If the National Policy on Education is the guiding document for our nation’s education plan, then it should be followed to the letter-unless we decide to review it. As long as it remains unchanged, it must be fully implemented.”

The situation we have, however, found ourselves in is such that the Bible recognised as “for all have sinned and come short of the glory of God.” (Romans 3: 23). Given that situation, I will not advocate a blindfolded implementation of the rule as Adekogbe stated above.

As it is now, more than half of the children presently in SS1, SS2, and SS3 would miss the age cap when they are due to register for WASCE, NECO, or even JAMB. So what do we do to these children who are already in the trap? The Federal and state governments should henceforth admit their laxity, while they resolve to henceforth enforce the entrance age of children into primary schools, exit age from secondary schools, and the university benchmark. If we insist on shutting the door against the under-18 children in the next WAEC, NECO, and JAMB, millions of children would have been nailed to the cross and their future dropped in the dungeon. In fact, we are already hearing that some unscrupulous parents are resorting to procuring declaration of age affidavits and altering the birth certificates of their wards to beat the rule.

As much as one will agree that it is not right to circumvent the law, the minister and stakeholders just have to find a middle-of-the-road approach by creatively implementing the age cap to avoid a huge commotion in education starting from early 2025.

Last week, August 27, 2024, was the 39th anniversary of the coup that toppled Gen Muhammadu Buhari, erstwhile GOC 3rd Armored Division of the Nigerian Army. On that day, Fatima Gumsu, daughter of military despot, Gen Sani Abacha, who is also wife of Yobe State governor, Mai Mala-Buni, sparked a debate. It led to a comparative assessment of military autocracy and civilian dictatorship. Gumsu had posted a photograph of her father in full military regalia on Facebook. On the photo, Gumsu merely wrote, “Baba na” – my father – with an emoji of “Love”. In the photo, Abacha was flanked by then Chief of Army Staff, Major Gen Ibrahim Babangida, who later became military president; and Gen Joshua Dogonyaro, who announced the palace coup on radio. The trio, who had just seized power, accused Buhari of high-handedness, incompetence and failure “to rejuvenate the economy”. Earlier, on December 31, 1983, all of them had violently brought to a rude halt Nigeria’s Second Republic.

No matter the global stench oozing out of the Abacha name, Gumsu had every right to celebrate her father; after all, back-flipping that celebration, the Yoruba say that every child is a hero in the eyes of their parent (gbogbo omo l’óńjé Jagun l’ójú ìyá è).

One thousand five hundred people commented on Gumsu’s attempt to beatify her generally loathed father. Virtually all the comments were positive, literally submitting that Abacha was worthy to be canonized. While one Ibrahim Musa wrote “Brave patriot General(,) may Allah be pleased with his soul”, one Oladipupo Michael wrote “Cow does not know the value of it’s (sic) tail, until it is cut off,” while a few others wrote: he “was a great man” by a Kene Kenneth, and an Oluwayomi Oyedepo, wrote “RIP sir, it pains me you didn’t kill Balablue, now he is killing everybody.” Generally, however, the comments were reflective of ethno-geographical sentiments, with some delivering their comments in Hausa. So, was it the passage of time that purified Abacha, making him worthy to be made a Canon? Was it ignorance by the respondents? Was it their naivety of the crookedness of military rule? Or, the fact that, successive Nigerian governments have shed democracy of the beautiful people-centric furs that citizens, like Plato, wore on this 5th century Greek city-state of Athens concept?

Perhaps coincidentally, on same August 27, Chief of Army Staff, Lt.-Gen Taoreed Lagbaja, assured Nigerians that the Army would not yield to calls by people he called “powerful interest blocs” to re-enact the infamous hijack of power by Abacha and other military adventurists. He said this in Uyo, Akwa Ibom State. Lagbaja spoke against the backdrop of recent calls for military intervention in Nigeria, especially during the August 1 to 10 #EndbadGovernance protest. Lagbaja attributed the calls to “young Nigerians who never experienced the era of Nigeria’s extensive military rule” and stated that, with “the image-bashing” the Army received for planning coups since 1966, it “is not poised to lose the new prestige it has painstakingly built in the past 25 years.”

Lagbaja’s homily notwithstanding, Nigeria and indeed Africans, have begun to subject the democratic waves that took hold of Africa in the late 1990s to some interrogations. They place the waves side by side the backsliding into military autocracy in some other African nations in the last two years or so, the grueling poverty and absentee governance in Africa and the clear inability of so-called democratic governments to tame insecurity and hunger. The question they ask is, can what Nigeria/Africa practice today be called democracy? Or, is democracy on the decline? A case study is the current Nigerian government which has made a fatal botch of democratic rule.

Philip Schmitter and Terry Carl, both of Stanford University, in their What democracy is… and is not, (Journal of Democracy, June 1991) attempted to identify what democracy is not. They concluded that democracy is not necessarily a system of regular elections. Such understanding of democracy, they said, is a fallacy because a system of regular elections, rather than democracy, can be better defined as “electoralism”. Democracy is also not majority rule because it could be tyrannical. However, democracy, they submitted, is everything about a most distinctive element called citizens. Leonardo Morlino, in his What is a ‘Good’ Democracy? (Democratization, Vol.11, No.5, 2004) also said that democracy needs liberty and equality, rule of law, accountability, full respect for rights, freedoms and a progressive implementation of greater political, social and economic equality. Larry Diamond, in his Is democracy in decline? (2015) even submitted that there is a strong relationship between economic performance and the survival of democracies. Thus, if the definitions above constitute the irreducible minimum of what democracy is, it may be right to submit that what most parts of Africa practice today is not democracy.

Since it will be Afghanistanism, similar to a dog abandoning its soggy nose and choosing instead to bark at bystanders, (ajá ò rán ti’mú è tí ò gbe…) let us Nigerianize the issues involved. It looks pretty obvious that in the last 25 years, Nigerians have been shortchanged. In the last 15 months specifically, situations have gone direr. Life and living are worse for the people now than under military rule. For example, so much hoopla has been made about the Tinubu government’s absenteeism in the lives of the people. His 15 months in office has triggered about the worst economic downturn in Nigerian history, comparable only to the great depression era. Cost of living is kissing the firmament and Nigerians are convulsing under unprecedented socio-economic seizures and death. Like fiddling Nero, the president and his appointees breakfast in Lisbon, lunch in Paris and dine in the Antarctic. They literally buy mansions in Uranus with people’s wealth.

Life is searing hot for Nigerians. It reminds one of a 1981-written track by Immortal Peter Tosh called Solution to this Pollution: “Gas gone up/Bus fare gone up/The rent gone up/For meal gone up?/Lighting gone up/The tax gone up/Car parts gone up,.. /Onion gone up/Red beans gone up/Black pepper gone up/Chicken gone up/And the parents dem angry/Cause the pickney (pikin) dem hungry”, he sang, as if his beef was with today’s Nigeria.

More than the economic regression under the Tinubu government, what is of greater concern is its peremptory walk down river road of oppression and strangulation of free speech. It seems envious of the Sani Abachas’ footprints. Under the toga of a Decree 4-like Cybersecurity Act, a regime of repression is gradually being unleashed on Nigerians, chiefly journalists. Fear of the blood-baiting claws of the Villa looms like a pestilence. A few examples abound. Daniel Ojukwu of the Foundation for Investigative Journalism (FIJ) was abducted by the Intelligence Response Team of the IGP, Kayode Egbetokun and detained incommunicado for three days. Segun Olatunji, editor of FirstNews, was arrested by heavily armed military personnel and detained in an underground cell for 14 days on the orders of Femi Gbajabiamila, Tinubu’s CoS. Kasarachi Aniagolu of The Whistler was allegedly arrested for covering an EFCC raid in Abuja. So also Achadu Gabriel of Daybreak Newspaper and Godwin Tsa of The Sun, assaulted and detained for covering a peaceful protest in Abuja. Last Sunday, Adejuwon Soyinka, Regional Editor of The Conversation Africa, was arrested at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport. The most recent of this media repression is that of Shafi’u Tureta, a social media critic. He was ordered arrested and taken into custody by heavily armed police in Sokoto State. His crime? He posted the viral video of Hajiya Fatima Aliyu, First Lady of the state’s lavish birthday party.

Contrary to Schmitter, Carl and Morlino’s definition of democracy above, citizens’ welfare takes backstage attention. “Liberty and equality, rule of law, accountability, full respect for rights, freedoms and a progressive implementation of greater political, social and economic equality” seem to be regressing into abeyance. Those who know, claim that the quantum of corruption under this government in the last 15 months is benumbing. However, in the eye of the state, the interest of the Leviathan is more important than the welfare of the people.

Former governor of Jigawa State, Sule Lamido, in yesterday’s edition of the Tribune, called Nigerians’ attention to what may be in the offing. With the awesome, raw powers at the disposal of the president, it will be wishful thinking dislodging him in 2027. He said, “Tinubu today is somebody who has a grip on Nigeria, who owes obeisance to nobody in Nigeria, who believes that God made him and he made himself and he is now lording it over the Nigerian people and nobody can challenge him. He was adept at studying the system, manipulating it. He exploited it and he did it well. I wish he could use his sagacity, his talent to help Nigeria’s development. It would have been wonderful. But he is using it negatively. He has everything but not for the development of Nigeria and it is affecting you, it is affecting me.”

The Nigerian state is not only in the president’s kitty, anyone who doubts that a civilian dictatorship is afoot would be fooling themselves. The Nigerian president today is a potential palace despot. He has a lickspittle parliament, headed by Villaswill, a marionette whose fancy he tickles at will; an allegedly pliant judiciary and a hugely troubling coercive apparatus. The IGP today used to be his police lapel, so brewing a police state to babysit autocracy is a done deal.

On July 23, 2024, a bill to amend the Nigerian Police Act 2020 was speedily passed by Villaswill’s Senate. Tinubu had asked that the No 1 Sheriff continued to leech to his trousers for more years, despite having reached the statutory 60-year terminus. Statutorily, 60 years or 35 years in service is the age civil servants disembark from service train. If you listened to the IGP’s oily and adulatory speech in service of Tinubu recently, you will realize how he is an icing on the cake of a potential imperial rule. Almost tearfully appreciative, Egbetokun recalled how he “met President Bola Tinubu in 1998, and that meeting produced a positive transformation in my life within 24 hours.” That is a major ingredient with which a police state that abets an imperial power broth is cooked.

In the words of Udenta O. Udenta in a television interview last week, democracies no longer die by the wielding of guns as it used to be through coups of 1966, 1983 and 1993. Once a government, which controls huge coercive apparatuses, dismantles press freedom, human liberties and sows fears as Tinubu is doing in the hearts of the people, then, we must be ready to sing nunc dimitis to democratic rule. Eleko orun np’olowo – the heavenly hawker of corn meal porridge – must then have started advertizing its wares. Nuhu Ribadu, like his predecessors as NSA, is demonstrating a conceptual naivety of what his beat, the national security, is all about. In the words of Margaret Vogt, former Nigerian diplomat and political scientist, national security isn’t state security, nor is it the security of ‘His Imperial Majesty.’ National security is security of jobs for the unemployed, foods and good living for the citizens. By failing to provide these essential ingredients, the Tinubu government has left its democratic food unattended to and flies of calls for military rule are perching on it.

If you study the manifestations of military governments in Nigeria from 1966 to 1999, what you can call a milder version of their repressiveness and recklessness are on display today. In 1973, Yakubu Gowon’s governor, Alfred Diette-Spiff, shaved the head of Meneri Amakiri, a reporter. Today, Sokoto State governor, too shaved off Shafi’u Umar Tureta’s freedom. As Sani Abacha jailed TheNews’ Kunle Ajibade for life under trumped up charges, the Tinubu government equally detained Olatunji in a dark cell, in a replica of Abacha’s Frank Omenka style.

The Nigerian economy under the military was even comparatively munificent and people-friendly. As military Head of State, to curtail ostentation, Gen Olusegun Obasanjo decreed modesty across board in Nigeria. Obasanjo himself lived by example and drove Peugeot 504 car as official car. Today, the Tinubu government asks Nigerians to tighten their belts but he and his officials live the profligate life of an Oil Sheik. Drunken stupor wastefulness is the middle name of government. It has no empathy for the people, and to compound matters, has no respect for people’s freedom, free speech and human rights. The people’s rule we thought we would have today, for which we fought hard yesterday, during which we lost many of our fathers, mothers and siblings and lost our freedom, is indistinguishable from the Khaki rule we fought yesterday.

As Gumsu Abacha did with her father’s photograph last week, I challenge Iyaloja Sade or Seyi Tinubu, the president’s daughter and son, to post their father’s picture on Facebook today and say, affectionately, like Gumsu, “Baba mi.” If it equally attracts 1500 respondents as Gumsu’s, not less than 1490 of the comments would rain curses on their father. It shows that something is fatally wrong with that thing we call democracy in our land. In any case, what we have today is what can be called the triumph of Abachaism. Abacha’s Prime Minister, the Chagoury brothers and his bagman are top henchmen of this government, back to their PM roles. NADECO, which fought Abacha tooth and nail, losing some of its soldiers in the process, didn’t realize that it had fallen into what soldiers call an ambush. It escaped from a house of infirmity only to land in the bedroom of death.

Having said all the above, however, let me borrow that timeless cliché and say, the most benevolent Abacha-kind rule can never be compared to a flip-flopping democratic government like Tinubu’s. When anyone loses their newborn child, Yoruba console them by saying, it is only the water that poured away; the pitcher remains intact (Omi l’ó fó, agbè ò fó). Yes, we lost a democratic government but we still have the spirit of democracy. For a Nigerian pollution this rank and damp, we must find solution, as Tosh counseled. But the solution can NEVER be military rule. Those of us who grew into the power manic of Khaki will never pray for its shadow in Nigeria again. We must knead the raw dough of what we currently have into a tantalizing meal.

Yes, Lamido has painted a very grim picture of the probable renewal of this imperial rule in 2027. Quoting him, he said, “even Pharaoh’s empire collapsed. So, no matter how daring you are, ultimately, it won’t end well.” However, apologies to our physically challenged compatriots, Yoruba, in their witty best, say that whoever coveys the lame to a party must convey them back to their destination (Ení gb’áro wá, ni ó gb’áro lo). Our vote was what was claimed to have brought this áro here. It must be what would wheel it back.

“It is President Bola Tinubu I pity more here. What his minister is toying with is a decision that will affect every home where education is prized above politics. You can’t ask sixteen-year-old children of the rich and the poor not to write their final exams and be greeted with love and thanks. No. What would those students be doing between their present age and when they would clock 18? Marriage or street trading or banditry? I should think Tinubu is too smart to own this gamble and be buried in its rubble. He will certainly find out that this matter is far more dangerous than mass hunger and oil subsidy removal. This journey is an ambiguous adventure which will likely drag his government into a forest of a billion troubles.”

At 89, old age has confined Dr. Omololu Olunloyo to the wheelchair, but he remains as sharp as he was 29 years ago when I first met him. He still does not wear eyeglasses, even to read. A genius who proved his prodigy as a toddler. I thought I should visit him and inform him how lucky he is that he was born in 1935 and not now. I sauntered into his genial presence last Friday; his back facing my arrival. He was born and raised at a time genius and youthfulness were not crimes and disabilities. Today’s children do not have his kind of luck – the girls can be married off at any age but can’t go to school at any age. From next year, both boys and girls in Nigeria are barred from seeking admission into the university at the age Olunloyo sought his.

On 16 July, 2013, our senators fought over what should be the age of maturity for the Nigerian girl. The Senate had sat to review Section 29 of the 1999 Constitution. Section 29(4)(b) says “any woman who is married shall be deemed to be of full age.” Popular Senator Ahmed Sani Yerima from Zamfara State, supported by Senator Danjuma Goje from Gombe State, stoutly opposed a recommendation that that Section 29(4)(b) be deleted so that 18 years contained in Section 29(4)(a) could be affirmed properly as the age of maturity in Nigeria. Senator Sani argued that once girls of any age are married, they are considered mature and “of full age.” The Senate upheld his argument after a storm. The provision was retained and it is there in our constitution as I write this.

Some actions and decisions are as hot as 20-year-old pounded yam – they burn fingers. Senator David Mark who presided over the voting exercise on that clause in 2013 warned his colleagues that they were “on the threshold of history.” He asked each of them to “vote according to (their) conscience.” And they did, endorsing marriage (not 18 years) as the marker of maturity for girls. Could it be that today’s education minister, Tahir Mamman, is unaware of that provision in our constitution which his senators championed and endorsed eleven short years ago? Minister Mamman told a national television last week that age 18 is the minimum for writing the Senior Secondary School Certificate exams and the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination. He said he was enforcing an old, existing policy.

If a girl of 14 years is considered “of full age” by our constitution because she is married, shouldn’t that her “full age” automatically qualify her for university education? And, shouldn’t this, in fact, apply to boys also because the same constitution – Section 42(1a & b) – expressly forbids discrimination on the basis of sex? If the married are qualified because they are married, the unmarried ones have Section 15 (2) of the constitution to run to. The section adds discrimination on the basis of “status” to the list of the prohibited. Marriage is a social status.

Senator Sani Yerima is out of the Senate but Goje is still there. So, can Goje please come out against this education policy as boldly as he and Yerima did in 2013 for marriage? If he needs to foment trouble for the Senate president as he did for David Mark in 2013, he should for the sake of the future. He should be heard loud and clear telling our minister and the president that anyone who is mature enough to read through Senior Secondary School up to the point of writing the final papers should also be deemed “of full age” and “of university age”. Whatever (and whoever) is good for marriage should be good for education – except there is something else hidden in this 18-years policy enforcement. Or is it a distraction from the existential pains of the present?

Someone should tell the minister and his boss, the president, that they cannot climb this tree from the top. The policy they are vowing to implement is 6-3-3-4. If they want to enforce the 18-years-or-nothing policy, the place to start is the point of entry into primary school – the first year of the first six years of schooling. That is, if they can do it without first expunging Section 29(4)(b) from the constitution.

It is President Bola Tinubu I pity more here. What his minister is toying with is a decision that will affect every home where education is prized above politics. You can’t ask sixteen-year-old children of the rich and the poor not to write their final exams and be greeted with love and thanks. No. What would those students be doing between their present age and when they would clock 18? Marriage or street trading or banditry? I should think Tinubu is too smart to own this gamble and be buried in its rubble. He will certainly find out that this matter is far more dangerous than mass hunger and oil subsidy removal. This journey is an ambiguous adventure which will likely drag his government into a forest of a billion troubles.

“A righteous man regards the life of his beast: but the tender mercies of the wicked are cruel.” The system appears not done with helpless parents who are condemned to life perpetually spent on petrol and palliative queues. It has moved its afflictive fingers to their children. But why?

A horde of regime choristers are online and offline singing endorsements for this hemlock. Tinubu should run away from them and check them out. Those ones and or their own children graduated long ago at ages younger than what they prescribe now. They now say today’s young ones are too much in a hurry. The median age at death is what the white man calls life expectancy. The WHO says it refers to “the number of years a person can expect to live.” In the United States, it is 79.25 years. In Nigeria, as I write, it is 56.05 years. Out of those 56 short years, ASUU will take its own which is infinite; NYSC will take one. Very crucial is unemployment which will take years that are indeterminate in number. How many do we really have to live? And you want these super kids to waste away waiting for your magic year before trying their luck by going to the university?

I met Olunloyo last Friday sitting exactly the way an Einstein would in a lab. First Class (Honours) Mathematics; PhD Applied Mathematics at age 26; commissioner at 27; former governor, Oyo State. He was there, profoundly deep, all sorts of printed materials around him. I saw him immersed in the soul of what was playing from a sound box by his side stool.
“Classical,” I said of the tune wafting in the air.
“Yes. Heavenly. W.A. Mozart, 1756 to 1791. Genius,” he told me.

Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, composer and pianist. Mozart started playing music at age 3; he started composing at age 5. By the time he was 17, he had played in European royal courts and palaces. A biographer described his physique as “remarkably small”; another agreed that “he was small” and added that “his large intense eyes gave no signs of his genius.” Mozart had a total of 626 compositions: symphonic, operatic, chamber, choral. He did all he had to do and died at thirty five. His number 626 composition is named ‘Requiem.’

“He was a prodigy. He had no time to go to school,” Olunloyo told me. I replied that if Mozart was born here and now and would want to go to school, our government would say no. He cannot; he must wait for his age and time. Even if he smuggled himself into a school, the system would wait for him at the port of disembarkation. He would not write his final papers until the year our government decreed him ripe. We laughed. Olunloyo described the government policy of outlawing writing WAEC and NECO exams before age 18 as nonsense. “I wrote mine at 17,” he stressed.

If you meet your gist mate, you become talkative. We launched into a long session, discussing the age and life of geniuses, plunging deep into music and mathematics, particularly the marriage between the two disciplines. He brought out his secondary school class four result sheet. I looked at it and smiled. He asked why. I told him his Biology looked like mine. I never scored more than 68 in that subject. He was a one hundred percenter in mathematics. I told him I had that too, not once, not twice. Maths was my forte before I was abducted by literature and the arts. Really? Yes, but that was where the comparison ends. I was not described as “very heady” by any of my own teachers. At the university, Olunloyo consistently beat his own records where he took “first place in all his mathematics classes.” He was described as a gold medallist at the 611-year-old University of St Andrews, Scotland, where he did his PhD. What does being a gold medallist mean? I asked him. He said it meant being first among the first.
“For instance, in an exam, I scored 132 over 100.” He told me and I couldn’t understand how that arithmetic was possible. I asked him how.
“If you are asked to answer five questions for full marks and you go on competitively to do as many as you wished, you get more than 100,” he explained. I asked if that happened to him once. “More than once,” he answered and I laughed. He asked why. I told him, here, he would fail; you can’t be asked to answer five questions and you proceed to answer all eight questions contained on your question paper. The system will fail and ‘jail’ you for not following instructions. You will be guilty of a crime called ‘too know.’

We went back to Mozart.
“His music makes the smart smarter”, I teased the old genius. He looked at me, flashed the old blithe smile and pointed at my phone.
“Yes, the Mozart Effect. Let’s ask Google for details on that.” I checked. The Mozart Effect is a scientific theory that links music with smartness. It is popular and proven. It claims, with more than an assumption, that listening to Mozart’s compositions and other classical music increases spatial intelligence. “Yes,” Olunloyo chipped in his experience: “When I was in school, his number 525 was always the last music we played before entering the exam hall.”
“Oh. It was your talisman, Mozart’s music?”
“It worked,” he said, smiling.

My people say a song that is not difficult to lead should not be difficult to follow. They say when a good leader says “haaay”, he wouldn’t long to hear behind him “haaah”. Given the right place and age, brilliance can be contagious. Mozart produced another music genius in a man called Ludwig Beethoven. At age seven, this child prodigy had his first public performance. He also never had formal schooling but is remembered today as “one of the most revered figures in the history of Western music.” He was lucky that he was born where he was born and when he was born. His youthful age would be of no value here – except for marriage and associated conjugal bedroom benefits.

We moved to Évariste Galois (1811-1832). Remarkable mathematics genius. People of Mathematics, and generally of STEM, remember him with thanks for giving their world Abstract Algebra and Group theory from which computer science, physics, coding theory and cryptography evolved and got their buga. What is astounding is that Galois did almost all his mathematical ‘magics’ as a teenager. History records him as that tiny boy who solved a mathematics problem that had been open for 350 years. He died at 21. If he was here, his genius would have long died before him.

There was also Carl Friedrich Gauss, one of the founders of Geophysics. Our government people who are making fetishes of age 18 should read the history of this genius who is called the ‘Prince of Mathematics’. History says at age three, Gauss corrected a maths error made by his father. There are other stories about this genius which may teach our husbands some lessons in how to implement policies without killing the star in our kids.

At age 10, Gauss found a shortcut for calculating the sum of an arithmetic progression. The story goes that one afternoon, Gauss’s schoolteacher was tired of teaching. He thought the way to find some rest was to keep his troublesome class busy. He gave his little pupils what he thought was a maths exercise that would sweat them for at least 10 or 15 minutes. Teacher asked students to sum the integers from 1 to 100. In simple English, the teacher asked his students to do 1+2+3+4+5+…up to 99+100. In less than five seconds, Gauss told teacher he had found the answer. What is the answer? Gauss replied that the sum was 5050. History says the boy’s classmates and teacher were astonished. All others fumbled and failed to get the correct answer within the allotted time. How did Gauss do it? Dr Olunloyo said precocious Gauss simply calculated 100x(100+1) and divided it by 2. He said he had his (Olunloyo’s) own way of doing the same sum – also in record seconds. My host picked a piece of paper, collected my pen, and proceeded to demonstrate the method to me, his student. I thought his is simpler and faster than Gauss’. Carl Friedrich Gauss went on in life to confound the world with his genius. He had his PhD at age 21 – a feat that would be classified irregular and unacceptable by the education policy of today’s government in Nigeria.

There was also Blaise Pascal (1623-1662). He too made his mark in maths, physical science and philosophy. He had a father that behaved almost like our minister of education who is saying that you can’t proceed in learning unless you are 18. Pascal plunged himself into studying geometry at a very young age. At age 12, he found what we still use today in our study of angles and triangles. Pascal theorized that “the inside angles of a triangle always add up to the total of two right angles.” His father, also a mathematician, was alarmed at his son’s precocity. He thought the boy was too young for what he got himself into. The way to save the boy from himself was to remove all mathematics textbooks from the house. But because the boy was on his way to meet his destiny, he found a way around his dad’s sanctions: He started doing geometry whenever his father was out or he was too busy to look his boy’s side. The father soon surrendered to his son’s genius and encouraged his flower to bloom. And it did, spectacularly. He invented the world’s first calculator in 1642 among other great things he did. Then he branched into philosophy where he used maths to prove the existence of God. He donated to the world what is known today as ‘Pascal’s Wager’: Believe in God “is a wise wager…If you gain, you gain all; if you lose, you lose nothing. Wager then without hesitation that He is.”

Tortoise wishes to fight with his fists, but he has no fingers. The helpless people of Nigeria are that Tortoise. This fact the sword holders know. What is so special about the corpse of this 40-year-old policy that it must be exhumed from the cemetery to pollute the progress of our kids? And, why now, why ever?

I had a university classmate who graduated First Class at age 19. That was 34 years ago. She is doing very well today in the United States. Immediate past governor of Kaduna State, Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai, was born on 16 February, 1960. For his secondary school education, he attended Barewa College, Zaria and graduated there at the top of his class in 1976. How old was he when he achieved that feat? He was certainly not 18. Around me at home and in the office are exceptionally brilliant young men and women who left the university by or before age 20. Today’s homes are dormitories of geniuses. As Chief Afe Babalola argued in a newspaper report last Friday, “children are now demonstrating exceptional academic intelligence which is not common in their ages.” This government cannot be allowed to stop their momentum. The uproar against this government’s war on genius is loud in the air. It will remain loud. If the pesky lice of this regime stay stubborn in the hems and seams of our babanriga, our thumbs will not stop crushing them; bloodstains on the fingernails won’t be our bother.

Good governance is universally acknowledged as a critical factor in the progress and development of any nation. In Nigeria, both the elite and the common people share this profound understanding of governance’s impact on the country’s trajectory. However, despite this shared understanding, these groups have a significant divide in their conception of what constitutes “good governance.” For the masses, good governance is primarily about tangible improvements in living conditions—such as access to necessities, healthcare, education, and security. The elite, however, view good governance through a broader lens, encompassing systematic approaches to resolving public policy challenges. Meanwhile, technocrats and academics emphasize key principles like participation, transparency, accountability, responsiveness, equity, effectiveness, and inclusivity as the hallmarks of good governance. Despite these varied perspectives, there is a consensus across all sectors that good governance is sorely lacking in Nigeria.

This column explores the reasons behind Nigeria’s persistent struggle with good governance, even after sixty three  years of independence and twenty-five years of representative democracy. The question arises: why, despite numerous opportunities for reform and change, does good governance remain elusive? To find an answer, we might consider Joseph de Maistre’s assertion that “every society gets the kind of leadership it deserves,” or Jimmy Carter’s observation that “a government is as good as its people.” However, I argue that the root causes lie deeper than these philosophical reflections. Corruption, underdevelopment, lack of political accountability, misuse of power, insecurity, and nepotism are not the root causes but symptoms of a broader deficit in good governance.

To explore this issue further, I engaged in informal discussions with ten members of Nigeria’s elite circle. Several recurring themes emerged from these conversations, offering insight into why good governance remains so elusive in Nigeria despite regular elections and changes in leadership.

One of the fundamental reasons for Nigeria’s governance challenges is the high rate of illiteracy, which is fundamentally incompatible with the demands of a functional democracy. Democracy relies on an informed citizenry that can actively participate in governance, demand accountability, and advocate for their rights. However, in Nigeria, high illiteracy levels have created a populace that cannot effectively participate in the process leading to or  demand good governance. This situation has allowed the elite to maintain power with minimal resistance, perpetuating a cycle of poor governance. Without an educated and informed electorate, the necessary pressure for good governance remains absent.

Illiteracy not only weakens the  citizenry’s ability to hold leaders accountable but also makes them vulnerable to manipulation by unscrupulous politicians. In many cases, illiterate voters are swayed by short-term incentives, such as cash handouts or promises of immediate benefits, rather than assessing the long-term implications of their choices. This dynamic perpetuates a cycle of poor governance, as leaders who are elected based on populist appeals rather than merit are less likely to prioritize the common good once in office.

Another significant factor contributing to Nigeria’s governance challenges is the weakness of civil society. A robust civil society is essential for fostering participatory democracy, holding leaders accountable, and ensuring that governance serves the public interest. Unfortunately, Nigeria’s civil society remains fragmented and largely ineffective. High illiteracy, economic hardship, and a lack of civic consciousness exacerbate this weakness. Historical evidence suggests that strong civil societies are correlated with better governance outcomes. For instance, countries like China and Japan experienced significant improvements in governance following periods of strong civil society engagement. China was post Chairman Mao, during the reign of Dieng Xiaoiong and Japan under Junichiro Koizumi.  In contrast, Nigeria’s weak civil society continues to contribute to the persistence of poor governance.

The limitations of civil society in Nigeria are partly due to the country’s socio-economic challenges, including poverty, unemployment, and inequality. These issues have made it difficult for many citizens to engage in civil society activities, as they are preoccupied with meeting their basic needs. Additionally, the government’s often hostile stance towards civil society, including restrictive regulations and harassment of activists, has further weakened the sector’s ability to influence governance positively.

A robust civil society is essential for fostering good governance, as it provides a platform for citizens to voice their concerns, advocate for change, and hold leaders accountable. In countries where civil society is strong, such as in many Western democracies, there is often a higher level of political accountability and better governance outcomes. In contrast, Nigeria’s weak civil society has struggled to mobilize the populace effectively or to challenge the entrenched power structures that perpetuate poor governance.

Effective leadership does not occur in a vacuum; it requires strong institutional frameworks that guide and support the governance process. In Nigeria, the absence of these frameworks has resulted in unstructured and ineffective leadership. Institutions play a critical role in ensuring continuity, stability, and accountability in governance. When these structures are lacking, leadership becomes arbitrary, and the delivery of public services suffers. Without strong institutions, governance becomes a matter of personal discretion rather than a structured process to serve the public good. The absence of effective checks and balances allows for the concentration of power in the hands of a few, leading to the abuse of authority and the perpetuation of corruption.  Nigeria’s governance system lacks the uniform standards, benchmarks, and guardrails necessary to ensure consistent and high-quality governance.  Strengthening these institutions is essential for improving governance in Nigeria, as they provide the necessary framework for ensuring that leaders are held accountable and that public resources are managed responsibly.

Nigeria’s leadership selection process is another significant barrier to good governance. A credible governance system should be meritocratic, ensuring that the most qualified individuals ascend to leadership positions. However, the political party system in Nigeria is far from meritocratic. It is dominated by cronyism and clientelism, resulting in the selection of leaders who prioritize personal gain over public service. This flawed system perpetuates a cycle of ineffective governance, as leaders selected for their loyalty rather than their competence are unlikely to deliver the kind of leadership that fosters development and progress.

This flawed selection process is deeply rooted in the country’s political culture, where politics is often seen as a means of personal enrichment rather than public service. Political parties, rather than serving as platforms for articulating and advancing policy ideas, are often vehicles for advancing the interests of powerful individuals or groups. This results in a political landscape where the most qualified candidates are frequently sidelined in favour of those who can mobilize financial resources or secure the backing of influential figures.

Nigeria’s cultural norms and attitudes also significantly hinder good governance. These norms often create an environment resistant to public accountability, a key pillar of effective governance. In many Nigerian communities, particularly in the northern regions, there is a preference for strong, autocratic leaders, and dissent is often discouraged. This cultural disposition aligns with the ruling elite’s aversion to accountability, further stifling the development of good governance practices. In such an environment, the principles of democracy—debate, dissent, and accountability—are often viewed with suspicion or outright hostility.

Moreover, the cultural acceptance of corruption and the normalization of unethical behaviour further entrench the governance deficit in Nigeria. In many communities, corrupt practices are not only tolerated but are also seen as a necessary means of survival or advancement. This creates a vicious cycle where corruption is perpetuated at all levels of society, from the grassroots to the highest echelons of power.

The country’s diverse geopolitical, regional, and socio-cultural differences have produced a fragmented governance system with little uniformity in standards. While well-intentioned, policies such as the Federal Character and affirmative action have further complicated the governance landscape, creating disparities across regions and leading to uneven governance outcomes. The absence of clear standards and benchmarks allows for a wide variation in governance quality across different parts of the country, further complicating efforts to achieve good governance on a national scale.

The challenge of achieving good governance in Nigeria is multifaceted, rooted in a complex interplay of high illiteracy rates, weak civil society, the absence of robust institutional frameworks, a flawed leadership selection process, anti-democratic cultural norms, and the lack of uniform governance standards. Addressing these challenges requires a comprehensive approach that includes improving education, strengthening civil society, building robust institutions, reforming the leadership selection process, promoting democratic cultural norms, and establishing clear governance standards. Only by addressing these underlying issues in a comprehensive manner can Nigeria hope to overcome its governance challenges and achieve sustainable development.

The federal government has acknowledged that fuel smuggling from Nigeria to neighbouring countries is an issue that can not be entirely eradicated. The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Heineken Lokpobiri, highlighted this at the 2024 Energy and Labour Summit in Abuja, explaining that the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) lacks the funds necessary to rebuild the nation’s aging pipelines, which contributes to the problem.

Lokpobiri pointed out that the old, corroded pipelines, some of which date back to the 1960s and 1970s, are easily vandalized, facilitating the illegal transport of fuel. The Minister also said that if NNPC imports PMS and sells to marketers at perhaps N600 or below, there’s no way that smuggling can stop and that the situation is exacerbated by security agents at the borders who are complicit in the smuggling activities.

Although the Minister was honest to indict the Federal Government in the smuggling of PMS which he blamed on lacks of funds necessary to rebuild the nation’s aging pipelines and security agents at the borders who are complicit in the smuggling activities, the reason adduced for smuggling are totally misleading. The Minister cannot be unaware of the deliberate encouragement of smuggling of PMS by the Federal Government and the deliberate sabotage of the national economy by the NNPCL.

In 2010, the federal government and a private company, TPMS, operated the policy on the basis of a PPP arrangement. Even though the system dealt a heavy blow to smuggling of petrol and oil theft, the arrangement was terminated in 2011. Since then, all efforts to restore the Cargo Trafficking Note have been frustrated. However, on August 9, 2018, the Federal Executive Council (FEC) approved the installation of technology monitoring schemes and structures under the Petroleum Equalisation Fund (PEF) for N17 billion.

The then Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Dr. Ibe Kachikwu, disclosed that the deployment of the automated fuel system management and censor network would ensure 100 per cent tracking and monitoring of petroleum products as the system would enable Nigerians to know how much PMS is consumed in Nigeria; volumes of products moved out illegally and the whole impact on Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC). But the 

automated fuel system management was never installed, while the contract sum of N17 billion was stolen. 

On July 13, 2024, the Federal Executive Council announced the award of a $21m contract for the metering of 187 crude oil flow stations in Nigeria, to properly account for the country’s production and exports. It was also disclosed that the council awarded another contract for the deployment of software that would enable the government to monitor the movement of Nigeria’s crude from the point of loading of every cargo in Nigeria up to the point of the cargo’s destination.

Mr. Heineken Lokpobiri, who disclosed Nigerians about the award of the two contracts, stated that “It is a major development that has never happened in this country. And this project is meant to be completed within six months, within 180 days." He also pointed out that the approved cost for the deployment of the meters was $21m, adding that it would be complemented with advanced cargo tracking technology.

Having awarded contracts for the metering of 187 crude oil flow stations in Nigeria complemented with advanced cargo tracking technology, a software for tracking and monitoring of petroleum products including PMS, the Federal Government cannot turn round to say that oil theft and smuggling of petrol out of Nigeria to neighboring countries will continue unabated to the detriment of the national economy.

Apart from the acquisition of the software to stop the smuggling of petroleum products from Nigeria, the NNPCL had embraced the suggestion to establish mega stations in the neighbouring countries. Both policies were, however, discarded by the NNPCL in order to boost the smuggling of PMS from Nigeria. 

In view of the foregoing, Mr. Lokpobiri should be advised to stop exposing Nigeria to ridicule by saying that the federal government lacks the capacity to curb the nefarious activities of smugglers. However, the federal government should come out clean if it has added to the monumental suffering of the Nigerian people by increasing the price of PMS. After all, from less than N700 in July, a litre of petrol has since risen gradually to above N1,000 in most filling stations since the beginning of August. The upward trend of the price of PMS has continued with no successful attempt to stop it as of today.

Femi Falana SAN,

The Chair,

Alliance on Surviving COVID-19 and Beyond (ASCAB)