The easiest and most attractive national pastime is buck-passing, especially with the bunch of leaders that we have, who can hardly peel a banana or wash an already white handkerchief. Not many of us want to take responsibility for anything, from personal to family or national life.

The blame is on the system. We do not need to create demons out of our leaders because they are already specimens of demons, so we hang our sins on them appropriately and inappropriately, too. And unfortunately, their behavior has made it easy for the critics to descend on them.

We, at most, talk, write, and discuss the Nigerian myth with a sense of fatalism. If everyone thought as much as I did about justice and fairness, life would be better. I am a critic, but I am also the critics’ critic, the unrepentant believer that the best way to keep the government on its toes is to keep harping on their flaws so they can improve.

Often, I say I believe the things I write about are as important for our nation as they are for other nations, but when it appears to me, Nigerians, especially those in authority, do not react to these issues as people in other lands do, I repeat them in new essays to remind old readers and recruit new ones to participate in the continuing dialogue.

So today, I address the real nonsense people…citizens, apologists, and crooks called politicians in Nigeria where nothing works and no one cares, when it works, it is because someone’s interest is about to be served or being served, not the people’s interest. We talk about our institutions despairingly. Our leaders do not watch network news any longer except when their faces are there on the occasion of their sons/daughters’ weddings or such. They do not need the newspapers anymore because it is full of their lies, paid adverts, and the critics’ truth, the bitter truth.

Government bashing is a national issue, and every drinking joint and any suya spot has a sitting parliament with an expert on every and any issue, but we forget that no matter the input, if the politicians and actors in our national scene have questionable lives both on a personal and domestic level, nothing will change, the best government policy cannot change the individual. It is because the policies are formulated on a bad foundation and by people with warped thinking.

We do not need the government to teach us to stop treating ourselves like animals. Do we need the government to teach us that we demand responsible leadership and representation? Certainly not, we should know that and act in a fashion that depicts that we demand more than what we are getting.

So, let me tell us, this tale by an unknown author. It is originally called the pebble and the ripples.

A man was sitting by a lake. He was throwing small pebbles into it from time to time. A young boy happened to cross by. He was intrigued to see that after every few minutes or so, the man would toss a pebble into the lake.

The boy went up to the man and said, “Good pastime, this stone-throwing?” “Hmmm, said the man. He seemed to be deep in thought and did not wish to be disturbed.

Sometime later, the man said softly, “Look at the water, it is still.” The boy said, “Yeah, it is.”

The man tossed a pebble into the water and continued, only till I toss a pebble into it now, do you see the ripples?”

Yeah, said the boy, “they spread further and further.”

“And soon, the water is still again, offered” the man.

The boy said. “Sure, it becomes quiet after a while.”

The man continued, “What if we want to stop the ripples? The root cause of the ripples is the stone. Let’s take the stone out. Go ahead and look for it.” The boy put his hand into the water and tried to take the stone out.

But he only succeeded in making more ripples. He was able to take the stone out, but the number of ripples that were made in the process was a lot more than before.

The wise man said, “It is not possible to stop the movement of the water once a pebble has been thrown into it. But if we can stop ourselves from throwing the pebble in the first place, the ripples can be avoided altogether!

So, too, it is with our minds. If a thought enters into it, it creates ripples. The only way to save the mind from getting disturbed is to block and ban the entry of every superfluous thought that could be a potential cause for disturbance. If a disturbance has entered into the mind, it will take its own time to die down. Too many conflicting thoughts just cause more and more disturbances. Once the disturbance has been caused, it takes time to ebb out. Even trying to forcibly remove the thought may further increase the turmoil in the mind.

We have exhibited in the last few weeks again that there is a continued forced political marriage in this entity called Nigeria, we do not know whether we want the accident of history called Nigeria to remain or whether we want to go our separate ways; that is if we even can agree which way it is?

The tax bills that have been temporarily put to rest have again raised questions—Are we, at best, simply cohabitating without any mutuality, or is it just a union of the very wild poor at the bottom and the very rich on top? Again, our comments have shown that we are a symmetrically antagonistic group trying hard to find a melting pot other than soccer, corruption, and neglect by those we call leaders.

There is no clear blueprint to address the developmental and poverty issues in the North – such as security, education, water, agriculture, health care, desertification, Niger River dredging, jobs, housing, etc. and sadly, these are issues also in the Southern part of the nation.

The critic’s anthem would be my end to this essay; it has always inspired me by H.G. Wells: “We are going to write about it all. We are going to write about business and finance and politics and pretenses and pretentiousness, and decorum and indecorum until a thousand pretenses and ten thousand impostors shrivel in the cold, …we are going to write about wasted opportunities and latent beauties, until a thousand new ways of life open to men and women. We are going to appeal to the young, and the hopeful, and the curious against—the established, the dignified, and the defensive…”

I will write about the nonsense in my society, once in a while, when I see good things, I will write about them, but I will not let an opportunity pass to address the real nonsense people so that they know that people are not happy, so that they come down from their hypocritical high horses, so they have the scales in their eyes removed; par adventure they can change, if only that we can have a true people’s revolution to get rid of the nonsense in our society—Only time will tell.

Nyesom Wike, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, has found himself embroiled in escalating controversies that stretch from Rivers State to Abuja. His actions, including the demolition spree in the nation’s capital and the alleged sale of land tied to the legacy of Colonel Paul Ogbebor, have stirred outrage across the country. What started as a localized land issue has now grown into a national confrontation involving political, cultural, and spiritual forces.
The Benin Kingdom, deeply offended by what they see as an assault on their pride and one of their revered sons, has vowed not to let this injustice go unchallenged. At the same time, Rivers State residents, frustrated by Wike’s high-handed approach to governance, are also pushing back against his perceived abuse of power.

Colonel Paul Ogbebor: A Legacy Under Attack

Colonel Paul Ogbebor was a national hero and a son of the Benin Kingdom, whose contributions to Nigeria remain unparalleled. As the first Nigerian enrolled in the Nigerian Defence Academy’s Cadet Course 1, he served the country with honor, earning numerous accolades for his bravery. Beyond his military career, he was a builder of Abuja, contributing significantly to the development of Nigeria’s capital city.

“This land was allocated to my husband in recognition of his service to this country,” Mrs. Rita Lori Ogbebor stated apparently. “Now, Wike, you have sold it to a Rivers State man close to you. Was there a bidding process? Was the equity rule followed? Or was it handed over secretly? This is not just about land; it is about justice and respect for my husband’s legacy.”

The Benin Kingdom sees this as an affront to their cultural identity and a desecration of the legacy of one of their greatest sons. They are determined to resist this assault on their history, heritage, and pride.

A Question of Equity: Was There a Bidding Process?

The controversial sale of Colonel Paul Ogbebor’s land to Chinda’s company has raised critical questions about the fairness and transparency of the transaction. The Benin Kingdom, alongside many Nigerians, is demanding answers about whether public bidding—an essential element of equity and accountability—was conducted as required by law.

Public bidding ensures that all transactions are subjected to open scrutiny, allowing equal opportunities for interested parties while maintaining fairness in government dealings. However, the alleged secretive nature of this sale suggests otherwise, pointing to a troubling lack of transparency in how this property, tied to a national hero, was transferred.

A Question of Transparency: Was Equity Respected?

The sale of this land is not just a routine transaction; it strikes at the core of equity and fairness in governance. For the Benin Kingdom, Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy is sacred, and any attempt to erase it through dubious processes is a direct affront to their cultural pride.

Wike, you must answer these questions, Mrs. Rita Lori Ogbebor appeared to be asking . “How did this happen? Why was this land given to someone tied to you without a fair process? Do you think the Benin Kingdom will let this go unchallenged? You are gravely mistaken.”

The alleged sale to Chinda’s company, reportedly tied to Wike’s close ally, has sparked outrage. It calls into question the principles of governance and accountability, raising doubts about whether the equity rule—which guarantees fairness in public dealings—was respected.

Demands for Clarity

The Benin Kingdom, through Mrs. Ogbebor, has apparently voiced its concerns publicly and forcefully:
Was there a public bidding process?
Was the equity rule followed?
Who approved the sale, and under what conditions?

Wike, we want answers. How was this property sold? Was it advertised for bidding? Was the equity rule followed? Or was it handed over quietly to someone close to you? These are not questions you can ignore.

Perceptions of Cronyism and Favoritism

The revelation that Chinda’s company now owns the disputed property has further inflamed tensions, with accusations that Wike is using his position to benefit allies and cronies at the expense of fairness and justice. The perception that this transaction was manipulated to favor a select few adds to the growing discontent with Wike’s leadership style.

For the Benin Kingdom, this is not just about the sale of land. It is a direct insult to their identity, pride, and legacy. Colonel Ogbebor is one of their most distinguished sons—a national hero whose contributions to Nigeria are woven into the fabric of their cultural history.

The outrage is rooted in more than just legal concerns; it is deeply tied to cultural identity and justice. The Benin Kingdom views this alleged sale not only as a breach of trust but as an attack on their values and the legacy of one of their own.

The Benin Kingdom’s Stance: Justice Must Prevail

This issue goes beyond governance. It is about equity, transparency, and respect for the legacy of a hero. The Benin Kingdom will not remain silent as the principles of justice are trampled upon. Their demand for answers reflects the broader need for accountability in leadership.

Wike, this is your moment to clarify. The Benin Kingdom and the nation demand transparency. Without it, the cultural and spiritual resistance that has begun will only grow stronger.

Wike’s Growing Controversies

The land issue in Abuja is just one of many controversies linked to Wike, whose actions have consistently drawn criticism. His deteriorating relationship with Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara has resulted in political chaos, with allegations that Wike is orchestrating disruptions through local government appointments, manipulating vacant House of Assembly seats, and interfering in police activities.

Residents and analysts allege that Wike has used his influence with Abuja-based judges to interfere in Rivers State governance, further destabilizing Fubara’s administration. Rivers residents accuse Wike of prioritizing personal vendettas over the welfare of the state, with many questioning his leadership style and intentions.

The Pushback from the Benin Kingdom and Rivers People

Mrs. Ogbebor’s defiant stance echoes a broader sentiment of dissatisfaction with Wike’s actions. The Benin Kingdom and its people are not alone in their resistance. Rivers State residents, already weary of Wike’s perceived overreach and interference, have also begun to call for accountability.

What you have done to Rivers State—using courts, police, and political appointments to consolidate power—you will not do to the Benin Kingdom. The people of Benin will not let you trample on their legacy.

From the revocation of land rights in Abuja to the alleged destabilization of Rivers State governance, Wike’s actions have raised critical concerns about his abuse of power and the lasting damage to public trust and governance stability.

A Senate Intervention: A Temporary Halt to Demolitions

The Senate’s recent intervention has provided a momentary pause in Wike’s demolition spree. Senator Ireti Kingibe’s motion, supported by Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, called for an immediate halt to further demolitions in Abuja. The Senate has also launched an investigation into Wike’s actions, with a committee tasked with determining the legality and fairness of his administration’s policies.

Wike, the Senate is now watching. Their intervention is proof that your actions have crossed a line. Take this moment to reflect, because the Benin Kingdom will not remain silent forever.

This Is a Spiritual and Cultural War

The Benin Kingdom, steeped in centuries of tradition and cultural pride, does not take lightly to perceived injustices. Their priests and priestesses, who serve as spiritual guardians of their people, have historically acted when the Kingdom’s honor is at stake.

As a writer and psychologist, I may not practice traditional African spiritual powers, but I understand their significance, I write. Wike, you are treading on dangerous ground. The Benin Kingdom’s spiritual forces are no trivial matter. Their priests and priestesses typically await the King’s directive, but in this case, their patience may run out. Don’t wait for them to act, because once they do, you will face consequences far beyond your control.

This is not just about land; it is about the soul of the Benin Kingdom. Wike’s actions have provoked a deep cultural and spiritual resistance that will not be easily quelled.

The Benin Kingdom Stands Firm

The Benin Kingdom, known for its proud warrior heritage and unshakable sense of justice, will rally behind Mrs. Ogbebor. The Kingdom takes pride in its sons and daughters who have served the nation honorably, and Colonel Ogbebor’s contributions are viewed as a source of collective pride. Any attempt to erase his legacy is seen as an attack on the Kingdom itself.

What Wike is doing in Rivers State—bullying the people, apparently manipulating the courts, and grabbing power—he cannot do to the Benin Kingdom. The people of Benin will not let him treat us like pawns.

A National Embarrassment for Tinubu

Wike’s actions have placed President Bola Tinubu in a precarious position. While Wike was instrumental in helping Tinubu secure Rivers State during the presidential election, his growing list of controversies, including the feud with Rivers State Governor Siminalayi Fubara and the relentless demolitions in Abuja, has become a national embarrassment. The latest assault on Colonel Ogbebor’s property now drags the powerful Benin Kingdom into the fray, potentially escalating the crisis to unprecedented levels.

PANDEF’s Call for Justice

The Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) has joined the resistance, urging Wike to act with statesmanship. In a statement, the group emphasized Colonel Ogbebor’s unparalleled contributions to Nigeria and called for the protection of his legacy.

Colonel Paul Ogbebor was not just a son of the Benin Kingdom; he was a national hero. His legacy cannot be erased by reckless actions. Wike must stop this injustice and honor the memory of those who built this nation, PANDEF stated.

Wike Has Met His Match

Mrs. Ogbebor’s apparent defiance signals that Wike’s actions will not go unchallenged. “This is not just about land; it’s about the legacy of a hero and the pride of a Kingdom. Wike may continue demolishing structures in Abuja, labeling them as ‘shanties,’ but my husband’s house will not be touched. Let him try, and he will face the full resistance of a proud kingdom and a nation that remembers its heroes.”

The message is loud and clear: Wike has crossed a line, and the Benin Kingdom will not stand by. Unlike in Rivers State, where Wike’s tactics have sown chaos and weakened governance, the resistance from the Benin Kingdom is rooted in centuries of cultural and historical pride.

“This fight is not just mine; it is the fight of a Kingdom. Wike, you have pushed too far. The Benin Kingdom will not wait forever for its king to intervene. Resistance is coming, and it will be relentless. What you have done to Rivers State people, you will not do to us,” Mrs. Ogbebor apparently concluded.

Wike’s demolition spree may have bulldozed others into submission, but with the Benin Kingdom, he has met an immovable force. Resistance is not only inevitable but unyielding.

The Judiciary and Perceptions of Control
Mrs. Ogbebor’s refusal to rely on the judiciary underscores a broader distrust of Nigeria’s legal system, especially where Wike is concerned. While some justices in Rivers State have recently begun adhering to the rule of law, the judiciary in Abuja is still perceived by many as compromised.

The Benin people will not place their trust in a court system they believe you control under what many sacatically call Abuja judge. They would rather fight to the end for justice than submit to a system they see as rigged. This is about more than my family; this is about the pride of a Kingdom.

A Final Warning: Wike, Use Your Brain

Wike, the message is crystal clear: resistance is rising against your actions, and it is coming from all fronts. While the Senate’s intervention offers a temporary pause, the Benin Kingdom’s resistance is spiritual, cultural, and unyielding.
This is not just about land or politics. It is about justice, equity, and the legacy of a national hero who played a pivotal role in building this nation. Wike, you are testing the patience of a people who will not bow to power, intimidation, or arrogance. Use your brain. Do what is right before it is too late.

Leave Colonel Paul Ogbebor’s land and property alone. If there are unresolved payments or disputes, handle them equitably as part of Abuja’s municipal responsibilities. Let the family make payments in manageable installments if required, or waive any outstanding fees entirely in honor of Colonel Ogbebor’s immeasurable military sacrifices.

If the property in question is not being properly maintained, demand that it be restored to acceptable standards. The FCT authorities can work with the family to ensure that the site is well-kept, respecting both the law and the dignity of Colonel Ogbebor’s legacy. This approach would uphold justice while maintaining fairness for all parties involved.

The Benin Kingdom will not wait indefinitely for justice. Their resistance is inevitable and will be manifested culturally, spiritually, and politically. By targeting the legacy of one of their most revered sons, you have provoked a fight far larger than governance—it is now a battle over identity, respect, and justice.

This is not Rivers State. The Benin Kingdom is closely observing your actions and will not allow their pride or history to be trampled. When their response comes, it will be deep, relentless, and uncompromising.

Wike, you still have the choice to act wisely. The consequences of your actions will soon spiral beyond your control if you persist. Justice must be served, the property must be protected, and the legacy of Colonel Paul Ogbebor must remain intact. The time to correct course is now—before it is too late.

When a policy fails to factor in public response to its benefits and drawbacks, success takes the backseat. Ignoring public behaviour often results in poor implementation and unintended consequences. In Nigeria, a nation grappling with complex and diverse security challenges, the limitations of centralised policing have become glaringly evident. Rising crime rates, from terrorism and banditry to cybercrime and kidnapping, expose the inadequacies of the current federal system. The call for state police is not just a matter of political discourse; it is a necessary step toward securing the lives and property of Nigerians. This proposal has gained unprecedented traction across regional and political divides, signalling that the time is ripe for this crucial reform. The urgency of decentralising policing by introducing state police could provide the much-needed local focus to counter insecurity while fostering accountability and community trust. This vision aligns with global best practices and offers hope for a safer and more prosperous Nigeria, where localised and specialised law enforcement can effectively address the diverse security needs of the population.

Throughout history, nations have recognised the need for adaptable and localised law enforcement structures. In the early 20th century, the United States established state police forces to address rising crime and extend law enforcement beyond the capabilities of local authorities. The Pennsylvania State Police, formed in 1905, became the first uniformed state law enforcement agency in the U.S., designed to handle challenges that local sheriffs and municipal officers could not adequately address. This included labour unrest in coal mines and maintaining order in rural areas without sufficient local law enforcement. Over time, state police forces such as the Texas Rangers and California Highway Patrol expanded their scope, dealing with issues from highway safety to organised crime. These forces were pivotal in ensuring law enforcement matched the complexities of an industrialising and urbanising society.

The U.S. experience provides a critical lesson for Nigeria: decentralisation enhances law enforcement’s ability to respond to local needs. For instance, during the Prohibition era, state police units were instrumental in curbing illicit alcohol trade in their jurisdictions, a task federal authorities alone needed help to handle effectively. Similarly, the adaptability of state police allowed them to pioneer specialised units, such as cybercrime task forces in recent decades, which have become crucial in tackling modern criminal activities. Nigeria’s security challenges, including insurgencies in the North and urban crimes in Lagos and Abuja, could greatly benefit from similar localised and specialised approaches. For instance, a state police unit in Lagos could prioritise urban crimes such as theft and traffic-related offences, while a unit in Borno might focus on counterterrorism efforts against Boko Haram insurgents. This targeted approach could lead to more effective solutions than a one-size-fits-all federal system.

Globally, decentralised policing systems offer valuable lessons. Countries like Canada, India, and South Africa demonstrate how local accountability and responsiveness enhance security. Canada’s provincial police forces work collaboratively with municipal and federal agencies to address diverse security needs. In India, state police forces are indispensable in combating localised crimes and maintaining law and order, especially in states with unique cultural and geographical contexts. For example, Maharashtra’s state police in India have implemented technology-driven initiatives to combat cybercrime, which would be impossible under a rigid centralised system. These systems are bolstered by robust oversight mechanisms to prevent misuse, ensuring their effectiveness and integrity. Nigeria can draw inspiration from these examples, adapting these practices to suit its unique challenges. This global perspective further strengthens the argument for the state police proposal in Nigeria.

The current structure of Nigeria’s federal police reveals its limitations. With approximately 370,000 officers, the police-citizen ratio is about 1:650, significantly higher than the UN-recommended ratio of 1:450. This shortfall is glaring in a nation of over 220 million people, where security challenges vary dramatically across geopolitical zones. The Inspector-General of Police has highlighted the need for an additional 190,000 personnel, yet estimates suggest that Nigeria requires up to 2.5 million officers for effective policing. Over the past decade, crime rates have surged by over 30%, with kidnapping, banditry, terrorism, and cybercrime becoming increasingly sophisticated and prevalent. In 2022 alone, there were over 3,500 reported kidnapping incidents nationwide, underlining the urgent need for localised and agile policing responses. The introduction of state police could help address this issue by allowing for a more targeted allocation of resources based on regional security needs, potentially improving the police-citizen ratio and overall security.

Support for state police has grown significantly among policymakers, security experts, and civil society groups. A growing consensus is that decentralising policing would empower local authorities and enhance operational efficiency. Even state governors from historically divided northern and southern regions have united in supporting state police. One significant highlight of the 147th National Economic Council(NEC) is a new consensus by all state governments on establishing state police. However, this initiative requires a more robust but speedy engagement to align it with the local cultural context, ensuring that it is appreciated and supported by the citizens it aims to serve. Citizen engagement is not just a formality, but a crucial step to ensure public understanding and support for the state police proposal. 

Building trust between state police and local communities is a crucial advantage of this reform. Effective local policing initiatives can foster relationships that build trust and cooperation, especially in Nigeria, where the trust deficit is high. Trust is an essential component of crime fighting. Innovative local community-police liaison arrangements and other community-focused programs can strengthen these ties, creating an environment of mutual respect and collaboration. When police officers understand their communities’ cultural and societal dynamics, they are better equipped to address security challenges and maintain peace. The active participation and trust of the Nigerian public in this reform process are crucial for its success. 

Concerns about the potential misuse of state police for political purposes are valid but can be systematically addressed. Abuse of State Independent Electoral Commissions ( SIEC) by state governors is often cited. This is another reason why extensive and targeted citizen engagement is key before putting the law in place. Safeguards must be designed and implemented to prevent governors from exploiting state police for political and electoral manipulation purposes, personal gain, or to feed their authoritarian appetite. Laws prohibiting state police involvement in electoral matters and empowering oversight bodies can ensure neutrality. Clear delineation of the roles and responsibilities of state and federal police will also be essential to avoid jurisdictional conflicts. Establishing a framework for collaboration and information-sharing between the two levels of law enforcement will further enhance effectiveness. However, these measures will require careful planning and execution to ensure their efficacy and address potential challenges such as resistance to change and extensive training and capacity building.

Independent regulatory bodies are critical to ensuring accountability and preventing abuse. A State Police Security Commission (SPSC), comprising representatives from civil society, established professional bodies, legal experts, and public security professionals, could oversee state police operations. Regular audits and public reporting ensure transparency. Additionally, a robust judiciary is essential to protect citizens from potential abuses. Judicial reforms that enhance the independence and efficiency of courts would be vital in supporting this transition. For instance, in Canada, provincial ombudspersons have played pivotal roles in monitoring police misconduct, providing Nigeria with a possible blueprint for ensuring accountability.

Strengthening relationships between police and communities through genuine engagement and collaborative problem-solving must remain a priority. Establishing community advisory boards can provide platforms for dialogue and accountability. Actionable trust-building initiatives, such as open-door policies and  periodic town hall meetings, should replace superficial slogans like “Police is your friend.”

 Addressing insecurity also requires holistic solutions. Investments in education, healthcare, and youth empowerment are essential for tackling the root causes of crime. Integrating vocational training and social services into crime prevention strategies would complement policing reforms, creating a foundation for sustainable security. For example, a similar approach in India’s Kerala state led to a 40% reduction in youth crime over a decade.

Introducing state police in Nigeria represents a transformative opportunity to address the nation’s security crisis. While challenges are inevitable, they should not deter progress. Beginning the decentralisation process will allow for the identification and resolution of potential issues as they arise. The widespread consensus around reforming Nigeria’s policing architecture underscores the urgency of this change. With proper safeguards, political will, and public support, state police can become a cornerstone of a more secure, equitable, and prosperous Nigeria. A prerequisite is the government’s robust publicengagement and orientation programme to get the complete buy-in of all stakeholders, including the National Assembly, the state assembly and the masses. The time to act is now, and this reform must be embraced as a step toward a brighter and safer future for all Nigerians. Establishing state police would signify a shift in policy and a bold reimagining of Nigeria’s approach to security—one that prioritises the people, respects regional diversity, and lays the foundation for sustainable peace and progress.

Everything that has a beginning must have an end. For every hello, there will eventually be a goodbye which in its turn contains the seeds for another cry of welcome. There is a lesson to be learnt in the fall of any empire or kingdom or dynasty. Every dictator looks unconquerable until Father Time ticks his box and harvests his scalp.

As Amy Poehler argues, “You have to remember that goodbyes are temporary because no one ever really leaves and nothing lasts forever. People are always with us, because they are in our hearts and in our memory. The only thing we can depend on is change… Life is just a series of moments — a string of pearls that make up the necklace of your life and so every once in a while, to complete the circle, you need to end a chapter.”

Time Up!

For the Butcher of Damascus, Bashar al-Assad, the long horrific chapter of his perch at the top of the man-eating power game in Syria came to a screeching halt last week, almost anticlimactically. Even though the world knew that the dictator was living on borrowed times, no one knew that his end would be as ordinary as a dog folding its tail between its legs and voting with its paws!

In my neck of the woods, the old Oyo Empire, the king (Alaafin) was second only to the gods. He was the father and mother of death. But he was not omnipotent. If he was considered to have committed a serious infraction against the Earth or misruled in a way adjudged anti-people, he would be presented with a ritual calabash which was a symbolic invitation to man-up and commit suicide. He wasn’t expected to cut and run as Bashar did. The same society that honoured him with so much power and wealth had also designed a “heroic” way of exiting the throne if he had to be shown the door. It was unthinkable that an Alaafin would exit like a plebeian, or, like a Bashar, be found hiding between the legs of Vladimir Putin!

One of the lessons that mankind must learn from the failed Assad dynasty is the good old saying that man proposes but God disposes. Imagine, Bashar’s father and predecessor, Hafez al-Assad, had not planned to have Bashar on the throne. Bashar’s elder brother, Basil, was the heir apparent until he died in a high-speed car crash in 1994, thus forcing the father to start grooming his second son, Bashar, a quiet medical doctor born on September 11, 1965, for succession. The new heir was soon entered into the Syrian military academy at Homs, and rose through the ranks to become an army colonel in 1999.

Bashar had given the impression that he would be a modernist and so, many people looked up to a new era when his father passed away in June 2000 after more than 25 years in power. His father’s loyalists in the security forces, military, ruling Baath Party and his minority Alawite religious sect ensured that he was appointed commander of the armed forces and secretary-general of the Baath Party, before a referendum confirmed him as president.

Bashar tailored his foreign policy to align with his father’s precepts. He maintained a hardline posture towards Israel. He was one of the few anti-war voices against the United States (US)-led invasion of Iraq which was, indeed, a treasure hunt, not an anti-terror intervention.

Repression

Historians and political analysts have characterised Assad’s presidency as a highly personalist dictatorship, which governed Syria as a totalitarian police state and was marked by numerous human rights violations and severe repression. While the Assad government described itself as secular, various political scientists and observers noted that his regime exploited sectarian tensions in the country. Assad’s early economic liberalisation programmes worsened inequalities and centralised the socio-political power of the loyalist Damascene elite of the Assad family.

Twenty-three years ago, Assad decreed a Press Law that tightened government control over all literature printed or published in Syria; ranging from newspapers to books, pamphlets and periodicals. Publishers, writers, editors, distributors, journalists and other individuals accused of violating the Press Law are imprisoned or fined. Censorship has also been expanded into cyberspace, and various websites are banned.

The civil war made matters worse. Homs, like many Syrian cities and towns, was devastated by the fighting as rebels seized control of large parts of the North and east of the country, and the opposition National Coalition was recognised as “the legitimate representative” of the Syrian people by more than 100 countries. When the death toll passed 60,000, Bashar ruled out negotiations with the rebels, labelling them “enemies of God and puppets of the West”.

Chemical Weapons

Pro-government forces in early 2013 launched attacks in southern and western Syria with some help from the Lebanese Shia militant group, Hezbollah. The Syrian army reportedly deployed its arsenal of chemical weapons to decimate the ranks of the enemies. Hundreds of people died after rockets containing the nerve agent Sarin were fired at rebel-held towns in the Ghouta region.

The Syrian government suffered a string of defeats in the first half of 2015, losing control of the northern provincial city of Idlib to rebel factions and more territories in the East to IS. Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered a major air campaign in support of Assad that September. Russian military signatures could be seen all over eastern Aleppo in 2016. The intervention swung the conflict heavily in Assad’s favour.

Russia was accused by a joint UN-OPCW mission of being behind a Sarin attack on the rebel-held northern town of Khan Sheikhoun in April 2017. Almost one million people were displaced by the fighting in Idlib in 2019 and 2020. In late 2019, Assad’s forces resumed their offensive. Hundreds of people were killed and almost a million fled their homes before Turkey and Russia agreed another ceasefire in March 2020.

Fragile

Only two weeks ago, Assad had seemed so secure after Russia, Iran and Iranian-backed militias had helped the military push the rebels trying to overthrow him into a small enclave in the north-west. His newfound confidence made him reject calls to engage in negotiations with the rebels.

But the fragility of Assad’s government was exposed by the launch of a lightning offensive led by the Islamist militant group, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. Assad’s foreign allies were busy with their own wars, and were not in a position to help,

If you look properly, you’ll see that history keeps repeating itself. Bashar may not have cut the picture of your favourite cousin but the US and its allies were okay with him when he professed liberal inanities and cut the picture of a potential puppy, as Osama bin Laden once did. The fact that America prefers the Islamist rebels to Assad tells you that it’s all about interests. Ask Afghanistan. America doesn’t care what happens to a country after getting rid of the strong man. Libya is today a land of warlords after the US helped to get rid of Gaddafi.

My prediction: With the dominance of the Islamist ideologues, the new Syria may eventually slip into a protracted sectarian war.

Assad may not have been my idea of a president. Nonetheless, with a friend like the western powers who are now dancing on his political grave, Syria does not need to light a lantern in search of enemies.

A few years ago, our fathers said gambling was sinful. They warned us to stay away from it as they warned us to stay away from narcotics. They said those who embraced gambling ran the risk of becoming slaves to it and ruining their lives. When we passed by pool betting houses, they didn’t let us cast sustained glances at them. Now, almost everybody is a gambler.

Before the prosperity preachers seized the pulpits, gambling was leprosy. The church didn’t just regard it as a financially debilitating addiction; it was a satanic get-rich-quick habit that could tear to pieces the moral fabric of society and church weaved with threads of hard work, merit and contentment. 

When prosperity preaching replaced the Repent or Perish dogma in the late 80s, the socially exuberant breed poured in. The abundance of grace and a little room for the flesh made the new church a win-win enterprise. Pentecostalism became the fad. The old Scripture Union fastidiousness has been supplanted by something more mellow, effervescent, and promising yet as redemptive. The new spirituality didn’t demand the old rigour. The promise of instant wealth by miracles spread to the tired orthodox churches and conditioned the youth. And normalised gambling. 

In truth, the old church had annual bazaars that allowed children to scratch cards and spin wheels, but only for a day or two. A week of licensed flirtation with it didn’t efface the stigma the church and society cut out for gambling. Gambling was concretely abhorrent. That was then. Now, the new church won’t do bazaars. They will pinch their noses at it. They are too righteous for such activities. For any activities reminiscent of that which drew the ire of young Jesus, forcing him to whip people in the temple. However, some tolerate raffle draws: you buy a ticket of 5000 naira for a dinner and qualify to win a car. That sort of thing. But we need not split hairs because the tragedy lies elsewhere.

 The new church’s devotion to miracles, including things like ‘miracle money’ and other magical financial concepts, have conspired to undermine the once sacrosanct spiritual illegitimacy of gambling. Many serious pastors now pray for their congregation to win jackpots. A thing that was peculiar to white garment sorcery. The relegation of hard work and merit by a devotion to the miraculous has blurred the boundaries and allowed young Christian consciences to permit sudden wealth, covetousness and foolhardiness. 

To quote the Director General of the Cross River State Lottery Gaming Agency, “People are beginning to understand the essence of gambling as the gaming industry sells hope and helps in wealth redistribution, creation of jobs, and revenue generation. The governments at various levels are doing their best to upgrade their platforms and working very hard to ensure all operators are brought to the tax net.”

So the horses have bolted. Governments are encouraging gambling habits so they can collect more in taxes. But they need not make the roguishly comical argument that it helps wealth distribution. That’s like saying that cocaine makes frustrated people happy. Mbappe, the French football star, has said he would never partake in advertising gambling. But football stars in Nigeria and other celebrities aren’t that thoughtful. The endorsement fee from gambling companies doesn’t leave them room to evaluate the morality of their involvement 

Data says 60 million Nigerians engage in daily betting. That figure probably doesn’t include the youth in rural areas who plough half of their miserable earnings into betting on the outcome of football matches in Italy and Russia. Some say it’s now a billion-dollar industry. The politicians are happy that it’s blooming. Lagos makes hundreds of millions from it annually. No politician seems bothered about the menace. But if gambling culture lasts and continues to dispossess the youth of cash and hope, the consequences will be an inexorable rise in drug and substance abuse, homelessness and crimes. 

A few months ago, I walked into one of the betting offices that have mushroomed across the country. No seat was empty. Young boys sat in front of computer screens, wincing and sweating. Digitalisation has made the addiction easy to cultivate and challenging to break. Their wallets and the betting apps are all on their phones. The improbable stories of the fortunate one-in-a-million who come by a win are also spread by phone to create the illusion of wealth distribution. 

Gambling in Nigeria is perpetuated by lousy governance and pervasive hopelessness. Everyone daydreams. Reality is often too bleak for comfort. People are willing to stake their only meal for the day, taking shots in the dark. They feel wretched. The idea is they can’t fall any lower. Then there is the other pressure. Society doesn’t give a hoot about the source of wealth. Money, including illicit money, brings instant honour and power. Everyone worships the rich man. So, the most effective role models are drug dealers, guy men, and thieving politicians. They are the personification of sudden wealth. Their negative influence is amplified by the obsession with exhibitionism, which this strain of riches comes with. 

If the new church weren’t as permissive, it would have been a dampener. But devotion to prosperity brings other demons. The new church is trapped in rivalry, outlandish projects and Hollywood ideas. Rather than being the biblical preservative salt, it has become the facilitator, the inveterate accomplice. The new church lacks the capacity for sober reflection and introspection. It’s nearly always suffocating in the stranglehold of unending financial deadlines. So, it can barely have the mental serenity to interrogate its insidious emasculation by mammonism.

 So, with a broken religious compass and myopic political leaders, the nation marches on relentlessly into bondage. Any hope in political manifestoes is now a joke. The hope in gambling is a mirage. But how did we lose collective compunction? Often, the truth can’t be seen because sportspeople and celebrities owe nothing to their fans. They sell gambling as an investment. And since ‘Ego mbute’ is allowed by the policing agencies to be so loquacious that it seems ubiquitous, its enticing power is quadrupled. 

The overall effect is that many poor people walk around with imaginary hopes that leave actual perforations in their pockets. As the betting companies multiply, the total impoverishment of the desperately poor appears unstoppable. The betting companies are milking them to crime and death. 

The church needs a revival. The country needs a rebirth. 

Numerous are the streams that lead to social prosperity; but all of them spring from the same source and that is public education.  Gaspar Jovellanos, 1744-1811.  

The British established five Government Colleges – Kings College, KC, Lagos, Government College, Ibadan, GCI, Government College, Umuahia, GCU, and  Government College, Ughelli, GCU — to complement the efforts of faith-based secondary schools. This narrative is about Government College, Ughelli, GCU; founded in 1945; and, which will be 80 years old in 2025.. Christian Churches, Anglicans, Catholics, Baptist and Methodists – had established primary and secondary schools primarily to train people who would serve the churches in propagating the tenets of their faith; secondarily to provide low level public servants and lastly to provide low and middle level manpower for private firms like the Royal Niger Company, now UAC of Nigeria, John Holt etc. 

 The first set of African rulers were drawn from among the best educated at the time; educated by the colonialists in the best tradition of institutions of learning globally. Thus, a successful graduate from any secondary school in Africa could go to the United Kingdom and get enrolled in a university without missing a step. We can blame the colonialists for anything else; we must, if truth be told, exonerate them from blame for the deterioration of educational standards in Africa generally and Nigeria in particular. One of Nigeria’s greatest colleges the British founded, GCU, will serve to illustrate how we derailed with regard to excellence in secondary school education; but also how we can retrace our steps.

 For the record, I did not attend GCU; Igbobi College, Yaba, trained me. But, I grew up around KC and was at GCI several times when at Ibadan. I visited GCU twice in 1959 and 1961, when one of my Uncles, a food contractor to GCU took me during the holidays to Sapele; and from there to GCU to deliver foodstuff. To be  candid, there were times when I felt like joining the Mariners in order to KEEP ON SAILING. It was the most pleasant campus I ever saw. 

I have stopped by on at least 24 occasions between 1974 and 2020, while on official duty; and I was once a Guest Lecturer on the invitation of the GCUOBA – Warri Branch — during the hot debate about the VISION 2020. I was the only economist to announce that what charlatans called vision was a mere dream. Nigeria was not ready to become a top 20 economy. Events have proved me right.

It will be 40 years in 2025 when my uncle died and 80 years of GCU. What has become of the legacy left for us?

GCU IS RISING AGAIN

“Give an African a good thing; and he will spoil it.” Anonymous

 The legacy issue reminded me of a private experience in 1960. A literature book recommended for us in Form Three was about an English adventurer in South Africa. The statement quoted above was in the book. In the year of Nigeria’s independence, that was abominable to me. I tore out the entire page; which was a cardinal breach of school rules if discovered. My mother would definitely not have condoned it. But, I was being patriotic in my own view. Instead, unsolicited, I wrote an essay, gave to one of our Senior Tutors, Mr John Sagay, to mark. I projected how, with leaders like Ahmadu Bello, Azikiwe and Awolowo, Nigeria would soon overtake Britain as an economic power. With our endowments in natural resources and manpower, greatness could never elude us. I was totally wrong on every count. The nation bequeathed to us in 1960 was far better than what we have now. If truth must be told, the British left us “a good thing” and Nigerians have spoilt it. It started with education. GCU illustrates it.

GCU’s excellence was based strictly on meritocracy. Admission was based on merit not connections. We have the list of ALL the Old Boys from 1945 to 2005; which is being carefully studied. What was most remarkable about the years before 1960 was the number of national and international life achievers the school produced. Soon, we will isolate a dozen. Their contributions to Nigeria and humanity are simply enormous. The question is how was GCU able to achieve so much?

ORGANISATIONAL STRUCTURE

“An [organisation] is the lengthened shadow of one man”. 

Ralph Waldo Emerson, 1803-1882.

Below is the Organisation Structure of the leadership of the GCU. In the beginning, it was not just a series of boxes with titles written in; it represented people with shared vision of excellence and who embarked on the mission annually, monthly, weekly, daily, hourly and every minute. As will be shown presently, once launched in 1945, GCU was an organisation which never slept. Its responsibilities to its students were discharged round the clock. 

Retiring Spanish football legend Andres Iniesta bid farewell to his playing career Sunday in an exhibition match between Barcelona and Real Madrid greats in Tokyo and will now look to go into coaching.

The 40-year-old announced in October that he was hanging up his boots after a career that saw him win two European Championships and the 2010 World Cup.

He gave a crowd of more than 45,000 fans in Tokyo one last glimpse of the skills that also saw him win nine La Liga titles and four Champions Leagues during his 16 years with Barcelona.

“I think it was a great game for the Japanese fans,” said Iniesta, who played in Japan for five years after leaving Barcelona in 2018.

“If they went home satisfied then I’m very happy.”

Iniesta lined up alongside former midfield partner Xavi Hernandez, with Rivaldo, Rafael Marquez and Javier Saviola also in the Barcelona line-up.

Roberto Carlos, Fabio Cannavaro and Iker Casillas were among the players in the Real team.

Iniesta said he had “a lot of fun” playing with Xavi, with whom he helped take Barcelona and Spain to new heights.

“Of course neither of us is at the same level that we were before but a lot about the way we used to link up came back to me during today’s game,” said Iniesta.

Iniesta came up through Barcelona’s famed La Masia academy and made his first-team debut aged 18.

He made 674 appearances and won a total of 32 trophies during his time at the Camp Nou.

He moved to Japan’s Vissel Kobe before playing one final season in the United Arab Emirates.

Iniesta said he wanted to stay involved in football.

“I’m thinking about getting my coaching licence and I want to see where my career takes me,” he said.

Vanguard News

This past Monday, Nigeria’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima, held the fèèrè (flute) and blew it admirably. However, bystanders listening to the rhythm of his flute didn’t know whether to cry or laugh. Moyo Okediji, Assistant Professor of Art at Wellesley College, Massachusetts, in his “Art of the Yoruba” Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies, (Vol. 23, No. 2) described the flute held by Shettima as a symbol of the trickster god Esu, also known as the divinity of the crossroads. According to Okediji, Esu was so powerful that he could help or hinder the craft and life of man. The fere was so influential in traditional Africa that it was equally a symbol of royal might.

If you went to the palace of the Alaafin of Oyo during the reign of late Oba Lamidi Olayiwola Adeyemi 111, as you approached the palace court, traditional flutists demonstrated their craft in magnificent candour. As they blew the flute, their eyes popped out like an ostrich’s, cheeks inflated like the rotund belly of a toad.

It is the same with drums. Apart from the rhythm they provide, drums are communicative instruments. So, while blowing the flute and beating drums, the crafters are engaged in the powerful medium of communication. Oba Adeyemi once told me that, shortly after the Ooni of Ife, Oba Enitan Ogunwusi, was enthroned, he, Alaafin was with the Ooni at an event in Ile-Ife. Palace drummers, continuing the decades-long tiff between Oba Adeyemi and Ogunwusi’s predecessor, Oba Okunade Sijuwade, suddenly changed the tone of their drumming.

They then began to drum out abusive messages to Alaafin with each descent of their sticks on the drum. Being ardent in the mastery of language of drums, Alaafin told me he immediately called the attention of Oba Ogunwusi to it. Ooni was apparently unschooled in drum language, and couldn’t penetrate the rain of expletives. “Kìlò fún awon onílù re” – warn your drummers – he told me he said to the Ooni to cease the tirades or he would storm out of the occasion.

The art and craft of flutists however arrest the attention of the audience who marvel at the beauty oozing out of their mouth. So, if a flutist is unfortunate to suffer from goiter, what the Yoruba call gègè, at the time he is blowing it, it will be double jeopardy for him. Goiter is an irregular growth at the thyroid gland which, as a result of its enlargement, makes its sufferer present with a big swelling on the neck. So, Yoruba say, the King who employed Onígègé– goiter patient – as a flutist will have a large audience of scorners watching his craft. In which case, the object to watch by the audience will be two – the flutist’s enlarged neck and the rhythm that comes out of the flute.

British-born Nigerian UK Conservative Party Leader, Kemi Adegoke, otherwise known as Kemi Badenoch, has been in the eye of the storm for her unflattering comments about Nigeria. Kemi became British as a result of her birth in 1980 at St. Teresa’s Private Hospital in London. Her professor of physiology mother, who taught at the University of Lagos and in America, had brought her pregnancy for birth in the UK on January 2 of that year before the British Nationality Act 1981 abolished the automatic birthright citizenship in England. She got married to Hamish, British banker. Since her climb up the ladder of British politics, Kemi has regaled Britons with the “very tough upbringing” she had in Nigeria, especially how it was enveloped by fear and insecurity.

She had said, “This is my country. I don’t want it to become like the place I ran away from. I grew up in Nigeria, and I saw firsthand what happens when politicians are in it for themselves, when they use public money as their private piggy banks, when they pollute the whole political atmosphere with their failure to serve others… I saw poverty and broken dreams. I came to Britain to make my way in a country where hard work and honest endeavour can take you anywhere. I grew up in a place where fear was everywhere.  You cannot understand it unless you’ve lived it. Triple-checking that all the doors and windows are locked, waking up in the night at every sound, listening as you hear your neighbours scream as they are being burgled and beaten, wondering if your home would be the next.”

Apart from insecurity, Badenoch has consistently described Nigeria as a country plagued by corruption. Her family was said to have resided in the harsh middle-class neighbourhood of Surulere in Lagos, while she schooled at the Lagos International School.

But, like an obstinate or deaf King’s flutist afflicted with onígègé, Shettima didn’t care about the embarrassing swelling on his neck. In the process, both his message and the affliction on his neck became a laughing stock for the global audience. During a speech on migration in Abuja last week, Shettima was quoted to have said that the Bola Tinubu government was “proud” of Badenoch, “in spite of her efforts at denigrating her nation of origin.” However, Shettima said, “She is entitled to her own opinions; she has even every right to remove the ‘Kemi’ from her name but that does not underscore the fact that the greatest black nation on earth is the nation called Nigeria.” Continuing, the VP compared Badenoch’s unpatriotic treatment of her country of birth to that of Rishi Sunak, her predecessor, who became UK’s first Prime Minister of Indian heritage and noted that, Sunak was that “brilliant young man” who “never denigrated his nation of ancestry”.

Badenoch’s office did not allow the melody from the “Onígègé onifere” – the flutist with goiter – to subside. It responded accordingly.” She (Badenoch) is the leader of the opposition and she is very proud of her leadership of the opposition in this country,” her spokesman told reporters. “She tells the truth. She tells it like it is. She is not going to couch her words.”

What we should ask Shettima and people of his persuasion is, was Badenoch wrong because she is Nigerian-born or she was wrong by the certitude or otherwise of her claim? We must get his beef right. In other words, is Badenoch’s reminiscing a painful recount and frustration with the stagnation of her country of birth, or a mere demonization? Why didn’t she say this about Ghana? It is simply because she has no affinity with the Kwame Nkrumah country. Why would Badenoch take pleasure in the destruction of her fatherland? Let us even agree that those snide comments were meant to demonize; are the comments true about Nigeria? If they are true, should they be glossed over or spoken of, peradventure, the runners of Nigeria, who can be typecast as in the same trove with the Ifeoma Okoye novel’s title, Men Without Ears, (1984) can turn a new leaf?

The only issue I have with Kemi is her excessive patronizing of the British. While she may be British, she is not English. People have cited John Fashanu, the British footballer’s travails in the hands of the British press when he landed in trouble. It reminds me of Ilorin Dadakuada music exponent, Odolaye Aremu, who sang about the “Adìye òpìpí”, a rare species of featherless hen which looks like the hawk. It came into the world with scant feathers. In a moment when the Opipi hen forgot herself and identity, she thought herself to be hawk, until she was torn into pieces by this carnivorous bird.

Today, there are two schools of thought on the travails Nigeria is grappling with. None of them can be considered less patriotic than the other. While one believes in the methodology of alarm for redemption and shaming the devil, the other subscribes to the tactic of domesticating the rot (k’á se egbò l’égbò ilé). In other words, whilst both agree that there is a cancerous sore on the leg of Nigeria, one believes finding remedy should be domesticated, while the other says remedy should be escalated to the whole world. At the intersection where they both meet, however, there is an agreement that their country is the proverbial sickly child. Should its condition be broadcast so that intervention could come, perhaps off-coast or, the condition be lidded, in which case, it could worsen and the child dies?

Whether you are a Nigerian living in Nigeria, outside its shores, a friend of Nigeria or observant of Nigeria from afar, the truth is that Nigeria isn’t really a good story. Tomes of publications have been reeled out about our country’s journey into its present stasis. Political scientists, historians and anthropologists have struggled to locate the gene of destruction inside the pod of Nigeria that is responsible for its poor harvest. One of the most apt capturing of the Nigerian situation was given by foremost political scientist, Eghosa Osaghae who, as title of his book, called it a Crippled Giant. Whenever I remember Professor Osaghae’s descriptive book title, I remember a line in the song of Ayinla Omowura, Yoruba Apala music songster. He sang, “ijó ńbe nínú aro, esè ni ò jé,” meaning that dance is innate within the bones of the crippled but they are disenabled by wobbly feet. Very many attempts to explain Nigeria have failed. Nigeria takes one step forward, ten steps backwards.

Let us even confine ourselves to the period between 1999 and now. For decades before military handover of power, Nigerians wasted blood, flesh, resources and hope believing that once the “enemy” – the military – retired into the barracks, an end had come to the underdevelopment of their country. However, 25 years down the ladder, we have lived ruinous years. The period is comparable to an attack by termites. Their comparison with termites here is instructive. Termites, over the centuries, are one of the greatest enemies of man. Wherever they strike, their presence is concealed and undetected, until they have visited the most rapacious and severest damage on timbers and woods necessary for man’s use. As the devastation goes on, while man sees a normal thin exterior layer of wood, at discovery, it is almost always too late to reverse the colossal ruins.

So, let us do a breakdown of Badenoch’s allegations. Is Nigeria broken? I recently saw a book entitled Leaders Eat Last written by Simon Sinek. It contains nuggets on how leaders, who are the highest ranking officers, should “be the last to fix their plate at mealtime in order to ensure the people in their command were fed and catered for.”  Is that what Nigerian leaders/politicians do as compared to other saner climes? Do our presidents, ministers, governors, legislators and their allies, since 1999, as alleged by Kemi, turn public money into private piggy bank? Is an Accountant General of the Federation on trial for stealing N109 billion? Did a public servant build 753 duplexes in Abuja? Do we know what job Bola Tinubu has done between 1999 and now that makes him one of the richest Nigerians alive? Is our judiciary corrupt, fantastically corrupt, a la David Cameron? Have Nigerian leaders failed in the last 25 years? Is our country plagued by corruption? Isn’t the Nigerian school so badly run that students carry chairs to school? Should Britain be a dormitory for residue of the failure of Nigerian leaders? Is everything broken in Nigeria?

It will be difficult not to answer the above posers made by Kemi in the affirmative. Only recently, David Adeleke, a.k.a. Davido, the singing sensation, courted the ire of those who are too blind to see the Nigerian situation. He, too, had thrown mud (ògúlùtu) at runners of Nigeria from far away in the United States. The Tinubu government is all movement and no motion, what in street parlance is called “efisi”. While Sinek tells us that leaders eat last, Tinubu and his minions are growing rotund cheeks while this Christmas, Nigerians face the most barren festivity ever. The ruining gang has almost finished the food on the dining table while even crumbs are not left for the ordinary people.

Whilst this column was going to bed, Badenoch’s reply to Shettima’s tirade and her late father, Femi Adegoke’s interview with the BBC Yoruba, surfaced on social media. Kemi had been quoted to have said, “I am Yoruba: I have nothing in common with the people from the north of the country, the Boko Haram where Islamism is.” If you listened to the elderly Adegoke’s interview, you will understand why Kemi’s bluntness and boldness are an inherited gene. In the interview, apparently conducted before 2022, the year of Adegoke’s passage, he said anyone who saw Tinubu becoming Nigeria’s president with the hope that he would right wrongs against the Yoruba, needed their head examined. In very sharp, deep Yoruba, Adegoke said the idea behind Tinubu’s “Yoruba” presidency was “òrò òpònú gbáà, tí kò m’ógbón wá” – it is a brainless argument. He based this on Tinubu’s silence as his kin were kidnapped and murdered by Fulani herdsmen whilst he mouthed the shibboleth of “gedegbe l’Èkó wà” – Lagos is non-aligned – all because of Lagos’ wealth. Adegoke believed that the 1999 constitution must be abolished if Nigeria wants to make any progress.

Again, Kemi, Adegoke’s daughter, has come under visceral attacks for her latest remarks. As usual, that comment is perceived on social media from an ethnic filter. Igbo compare her with the novelist, Chimamanda Adichie and Hausa/Fulani see her comment as the usual superiority complex of the Yoruba. An examination of it will show that every word Kemi uttered was in line with her avant-garde opposition role in the British parliament and reflects her usual down-to-earthness. Is Kemi Yoruba as she claimed? Very correct! Does she have anything in common with any other part of Nigeria? Certainly, not! Should she have? Yes. Today, many Yoruba, rightly or wrongly, believe that “the Gambari” is the axis of evil in Nigeria.

Kemi belongs to that persuasion. Is the north the epicentre of many of Nigeria’s current challenges, including Boko Haram and out-of-school children, the latter which gave birth to the former and the former which manifested from the Vice President’s home state, Borno State in 1999, especially under Shettima’s leader, Ali Modu Sheriff? Yes. Nigeria spends a considerable part of her budget fighting insecurity, almost 80 per cent of which is located in the north. So, should Kemi have couched her words so as to patronize the rulers of Nigeria? Certainly, not! If she did, she would not be an Adegoke’s daughter, the man whose friends nicknamed “Fariga” – disputation.

It is obvious that Shettima is the orange which attracted bystanders to pummel its mother, the orange tree, with stones and woods (omo osàn tíí kó póńpó bá ìyá è). He is also the King who employed the services of a flutist afflicted with goitre to sing his praise. The lesson therein is that challenged flutists should not blow the flute. Shettima’s Nigeria is the flutist’s goitre that attracts mockery of the world. Let Shettima and his boss remove the goitre from Nigeria’s neck by doing right with the power given them.

To Kemi and her deification of the British system: Since she affirmed she is Yoruba, I enjoin her to listen to the counsel of her people to the “Adìye òpìpí”. Because she has no feathers which help hens to fertilize their eggs, keeping such eggs warm and thereby producing offspring, Yoruba warn the Adìye òpìpí to lay controllable eggs which her scant feathers can fertilize. This is to enable her be a mother like other hens. I hope Kemi understands this wisdom of her forefathers.

A mere four years after emerging from a civil war, in 1974, Nigeria was at the beginning of an oil boom. Then, as today, the country was in the middle of a debate about fiscal federalism and revenue allocation. Unlike today, however, there were significant differences: the country was under military rule and the men leading the debate were all soldiers. In the fifty years since then, the structure of this debate and the geo-political symmetries that define it have evolved only a little.

The immediate spark for the debate fifty years ago was the publication of the statutory allocations to the twelve states of the federation then for the fiscal year 1974-75. With a population of 2.5 million, Mid-West State received 139.9 million Naira or 23.7% of the allocation. Rivers State, whose population was 1.5 million, received 101.1 million Naira. 

Isawa Elaigwu, semi-official biographer of Yakubu Gowon, the army general who was Nigeria’s military head of state at the time observed about this that “while both Rivers and Midwestern States, comprising 7.3% (4 million) of the country’s total population, shared between themselves 40.83% (N241.00 million) of the total allocation to the states, the ten other states which accounted for 92.7% (51.6 million) of the country’s population, shared among themselves 59.17% (349.2m) of the statutory allocation.”

Usman Faruk, the Commissioner of Police who governed the North-Western State was unhappy with the dissension over the sharing of the allocation because, he said, all of them in the Supreme Military Council then agreed it. Joseph Gomwalk, another Commissioner of Police and then military governor of Gowon’s own Benue-Plateau State; and Jacob Esuene, who governed the South-Eastern State called for a more objective system of revenue allocation. If they knew what such a system looked like, they didn’t say. Kwara’s military governor, David Bamigboye as well as General Abba Kyari of the North-East went on record to call for a review of the allocation formula. For their part, Oluwole Rotimi and Mobolaji Johnson, military governors respectively of the Western and Lagos States advocated for “a revenue allocation formula that would guarantee responsible and stable government for Nigeria.”

Nigeria’s search for a workable federalism in many ways can be reduced to the search for precisely such a formula. It has proved elusive. If anything, it may have got even more so. In the 36 years between 1946 and 1980, spanning the colonial and post-colonial periods and including  military as well as elected civilian regimes, the country burnt through the reports of at least eight blue ribbon panels on the question of fiscal federalism. 

On the eve of independence in 1958, the report of Raisman Commission recommended the creation of a Distributable Pool Account (DPA) into which was to be paid 30% of revenue from mineral rents and royalties and from import duties. The regions retained 50% of the revenue from mineral rents and royalties from their region while the central government took 20%. 70% of the revenue from import duties went to the central government. 

Six years later and four years after independence, the Binns Fiscal Commission increased the DPA share of the income from import duties from 30 to 35% at the expense of the share of the central government. Importantly, the report set its face against the principle of derivation, replacing it with that it called the principle of “financial comparability.” On this basis, it recommended the sharing of the DPA receipts as follows: Northern Region 42%; Eastern Region 30%; Western Region 20%; and Mid-Western Region 8%. Lagos was then the federal capital. Up to this point, the fiscal balance largely favoured the regions who contributed resources to the central government. 

In 1968, Nigeria’s post-colonial crisis of state legitimacy had already exploded into a year-old civil war. Under pressure from both the economic costs of the war as well as its structural antecedents, Yakubu Gowon, the war-time Supreme Commander (as he was then known), called upon Chief I.O Dina, a former history lecturer at the University College Ibadan, to lead what the regime called an Interim Revenue Allocation Review Committee. 

The legacy of the Dina Committee recommendations was very far reaching and suited the regimental mood of the military. The Committee addressed frontally the issue of taxation and public goods. It recommended a centralization of taxation as well as the harmonization of the produce marketing boards which were until then mostly regional. The Dina Committee also recommended a centralization of the funding of higher education and the replacement of the DPA with what it called a State Joint Account. Additionally, the committee recommended that states should retain 100% of rent from onshore extractive operations on the basis of derivation and also receive another 10% of royalties revenue as derivation. 

Even in the midst of an existential conflict at the time, the fuss that followed in the wake of the Dina Committee report was deafening. Officially, the Federal Military Government rejected the Dina Committee Report. In reality, Isawa Elaigwu recalls that “….Gowon did not raise dust over the issue but quietly implemented most aspect of this report through the back door at the appropriate time.” The result is that the Dina Committee Report has been quite influential in shaping Nigeria’s version of federalism. 

Gowon enjoyed three advantages at the time in his handling of the unitarising tendencies that underpinned the recommendations of the Dina Committee. First, the civil war was an extenuating circumstance. Second, the regimental traditions of military government limited the degree of elite dissension. Third, as a military ruler, he ultimately did not have to suffer any institutional constraints similar to those imposed by a parliament or its equivalent under elected civil rule. 

For the current incumbent fifty years later, a civilian seeking to accomplish what would be the most far-reaching restructuring of Nigeria’s fiscal fundamentals in 110 years, none of these advantages exists and he suffers many more debilitations besides. 

By some coincidence, in the year that Gowon constituted the Dina Committee, the celebrated Kenya political scientist, Ali Mazrui, explained the challenges of structural stability in post-colonial African states in terms of two underlying crises of state legitimacy and of regime legitimacy. 

Fiscal reform on the ambition evinced by the proposals now under consideration in Nigeria assumes the existence of a capable state which enjoys affinity among citizens, an overwhelming percentage of whom should be documented. None of these can be taken for granted in Nigeria. The evidence from across the fields of financial inclusion, electoral participation, and taxation suggests that the proportion of documented Nigerians does not exceed 40%. It will take more than a few convenient ebullitions to address this. 

Any government will be challenged in addressing it. An administration that suffers from manifest issues of legitimacy lacks the currency to trade with in this situation. The crisis that afflicts the current proposals is that of a government unwilling to put in the work required to redress deficits of state and governmental legitimacy around the country. To address what is evidently a political problem, the government has chosen instead to escape into self-inflicted technocratic gobbledygook. 

Fiscal governance and reform is not as complex as the administration and its mouthpieces would like to suggest. Taxation is more than mechanical computation. It is the centrepiece of the social compact between a state and its citizens. With considered inadvertence, the administration of Bola Ahmed Tinubu has done itself a world of good by inspiring these increasingly raucous debates about the state of that compact in Nigeria or the lack of it. It will be best served by listening to the debate in humility while it learns.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it. 

Tajudeen Abbas, speaker of the house of representatives, says the 10th house passed 89 bills across priority areas in one year.

Speaking during a workshop organised for the house of representatives press corps in Kaduna on Saturday, Abbas highlighted the performance of the lawmakers in the past 17 months.

“I am pleased to highlight our significant strides in the past seventeen months. Our One-Year performance assessment scorecard reveals remarkable achievements, including passing 89 bills across our priority areas,” he said.

“These include the Electric Power Sector Reform (Amendment) Bill, 2023; the Federal Audit Service Bill, 2023; the Control of Small Arms and Light Weapons Bill, 2023; the Armed Forces Act (Amendment) Bill, 2023; the National Assembly Library Trust Fund Act (Amendment) Bill, 2024; the Student Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2024; the Cybercrime (Prohibition, Prevention, Etc.) Act (Amendment) Bill, 2024; the National Anthem Bill, 2024; and the Traditional Complementary and Alternative Medicine Council of Nigeria (Establishment) Bill, 2023.

“These laws address critical aspects of governance, security, and economic reform.”

The speaker said besides lawmaking, the house of representatives undertook various initiatives to deepen public engagement and enhance the legislative process.

He said the house organised the national dialogue on state policing, a national discourse on Nigeria’s security challenges and a retreat on the effective implementation of the petroleum industry act (PIA), tax reform modernisation dialogues and the citizens’ town hall on the 2024 appropriation bill, among others.

“Beyond legislation, the House has undertaken various initiatives to deepen public engagement and enhance the legislative process,” he added.

“These include the National Dialogue on State Policing, the National Discourse on Nigerian Security Challenges, a retreat on the effective implementation of the Petroleum Industry Act, tax reform modernisation dialogues, the Citizens’ Town Hall on the 2024 Appropriation Bill, and the pre-legislative presentation of tax reform bills.

“These engagements underscore our commitment to ensuring that governance is inclusive, participatory, and responsive to the needs of all Nigerians.”

Abbas urged journalists to be cautious in their reportage of the activities of lawmakers to avoid misinformation.

At a separate event, the speaker announced the establishment of four new tertiary institutions in Zaria.

The institutions include a federal college of education, college of health sciences, a National Open University campus, and a college of legal studies.

He said the institutions will enhance Zaria’s educational infrastructure and provide critical resources for the region.

[TheCable]