OTHERS' VIEWS
SUNDAY 1-DEC
Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date
Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele
Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki
CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties
Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling
Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president
OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra
Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju
‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi
[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team
[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria
Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans
‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama
Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary
Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage
Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi
How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists
2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion
Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate
About five years ago, the Federal Government of Nigeria and China entered into a currency exchange agreement. The transaction, which was valued at Renminbi (RMB) 16 billion or N720 billion was aimed at providing adequate local currency liquidity to Nigerian and Chinese industrialists and other businesses, thereby, reducing difficulties encountered in the search for the United States Dollar. The swap was also designed to improve the speed, convenience and volume of transactions between the two countries.
But the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank which superintend the Central Bank of Nigeria have colluded with the Central Bank of Nigeria to frustrate the currency swap. The purpose of the economic sabotage is to promote the dominance of the United States Dollar in Nigeria. Even though Nigeria has since become an important source of oil and petroleum for China’s rapidly growing economy, the Federal Government has continued to demand for payment in Dollar instead of Naira.
While other nations are making arrangements to promote their local currencies the Federal Government has continued to dollarise the Nigerian economy. Just recently, the Kenyan Government signed an agreement with Saudi Aramco to supply fuel and diesel for the next six months, while Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (Adnoc) will deliver three cargoes of super petrol every month. The deal permits local oil companies to pay for oil imported on credit through a government-to-government deal in Shillings to ease pressure on the local currency. Before the deal, Kenya was paying $500 million for the importation of petroleum products per month.
In the same vein, Russia has pursuant to an agreement with China started to make payments for gas supplies to China in Yuan and Roubles instead of US dollars. In the same vein, Indian customers have paid for most Russian oil in non-dollar currencies, including the United Arab Emirates Dirham and more recently the Russian Rouble.
However, it is public knowledge that the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) have concluded plans to launch a new international currency to be used for cross-border trade by the member nations. Ahead of the August summit of the BRICS scheduled to hold in South Africa, a total of 24 nations are now looking to build a strategic alliance that will challenge the US dollar’s decades-long role as the world’s reserve currency. The 24 nations include Saudi Arabia, Iran, Argentina, the United Arab Emirates, Algeria, Egypt, Bahrain, Indonesia and a couple of African countries.
This trend to reject neo- liberal orthodoxy policy formulation is captured by the South Korean development economist of the Univerdity of London, Ha-Joon Chang, in his recent book, _“Edible Economics”_ as follows: “The rejection of the neo-liberal Washington Consensus policies has been less visible in other parts of the developing world, such as Asia and Africa. In Asia, it was mainly because the countries in the region had not followed the Washington Consensus policies in the first place as rigidly as did the Latin American countries. Their generally good economic performance has meant that relatively few Asian countries have had to borrow heavily from the Washington institutions, making it less necessary for them to adopt neo-liberal policies.”
Moreover, many Asian countries have had a less ideological approach to economic policies, so, even when they adopted neo-liberal policies, those policies were usually not implemented in their extreme forms, as they were in Latin America. The African countries, even though they have suffered even more than did the Latin American countries from the Washington Consensus policies, have found it more difficult to openly reject them, given their greater dependence the Washington institutions for financing. Even so, in the last decade or so, there has been an increasing recognition across the African continent of the need for a much more active role for the state than what is recommended by the Washington Consensus.”
The point at issue is that the Nigerian state henceforth should be more active in given a pro-people direction in the political economy. Nigeria should also take a lead in the execution of the African Union (AU)’s project of African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) which took effect two years ago. The country should strive for the benefits of promoting trade at such a regional level as an alternative to the increasing dollarisation of a vulnerable economy.
So, instead of the failed redesign of the Naira the federal government should take urgent steps to save the Naira by renewing the currency swap between Nigeria and China. Furthermore, similar agreements should be undertaken with other friendly nations so that Nigeria can pay for imports in Naira. In particular, buyers of Nigeria’s crude oil and natural gas should henceforth be made to pay in Naira. At the same, the federal government should join forces with the BRICS to promote a new international currency. This is in line with section 19(e) of the Constitution, which has imposed a duty on the Government of Nigeria to promote “a just world economic order.”
Femi Falana SAN.
Famous Nigerian afrobeats singer David Adeleke, professionally known by his stage name Davido, is celebrating 12 years of releasing his first debut song, Back When.
Recall that the hit song Back When, which featured Naeto C, marked his breakthrough in the entertainment industry.
It’s been 12 years since he released the song.
Expressing gratitude to God for the 12-year journey, Davido, in a post shared on his Twitter handle, described himself as God’s child.
He wrote, 12 years ago today I dropped my first single. God’s child.
Popular American rapper, Aubrey Drake Graham, AKA Drake has claimed he may be Nigerian following the outcome of a recent ancestry test by his family.
Drake, an American music star, is estimated to have a net worth of $250 million and reportedly receives $70 million yearly, as returns.
Sharing his Dad’s ancestry results on social media, Drake revealed he is 30% Nigerian.
He made the disclosure on Sunday in a post on his Instagram page.
He wrote, This is my dad’s results, does this mean I’m a Naija man finally?.
Drake is not the first foreign superstar to claim Nigerian roots. Beyoncé, SZA, Diddy and a host of others have claimed their ancestors were from Nigeria in the past.
Last year, Rihanna claimed her ancestors were Igbo. She later explained that she didn’t mention Nigeria because the country was nonexistent at the time her ancestors left the shores of Igboland.
However, his recent revelation has stirred reactions from his Nigerian fans:
@30bgnurse said: His DNA spread wings all over the world; his ancestors were very busy.
@ifymelo_: American musicians like Nigeria sha. Even us wey come from the country gan gan we no like am reach them.
@omojiatecovenant: I too dey suspect cause the guy too like betting, Nigerians and betting ehnn.
@therayztv: You mean Nnamdi Drake Nwachukwu.
@realtimmywrld, He is so happy his ancestors are Nigerian and some Nigerian are sad that they were born in Nigeria this life no balance,
Curvy Nigerian socialite, Roman Goddess, has revealed that her physical endowments have afforded her a lot of great opportunities.
She explained that she had to opt for liposuction to enhance her body.
She said she does not regret undergoing surgeries to enhance her beauty, adding that her bodily endowment has opened a lot of doors for her.
The social media influencer disclosed this in a recent interview with Pulse Nigeria.
Roman Goddess said, My body has opened a lot of doors for me. Big big doors. I love it, I love what I did [surgeries]. No regret.
She added that she achieved so much not just because of her body alone but her intelligence too.
In Port-Harcourt, Rivers state, last week as a guest of Governor Nyesom Wike, President-elect, Bola Tinubu, promised to fight corruption. To delink judicial officers’ minds from corruption, Tinubu’s blueprint of fighting this goblin, he said, would be to incentivise judicial officers.
“You don’t expect your judges to live in squalor, to operate in squalor, and dispense justice in squalor. This is part of the changes that are necessary. We must fight corruption but we must definitely look at the other side of the coin. If you don’t want your judges to be corrupt, you got to pay attention to their welfare. You don’t want them to operate in hazardous conditions,” he said.
Corruption has a long history in Nigeria, with some scholars submitting that it is buried deep down the skin of Africans. Indeed, one of the Africanist scholars whose commendable works tried to locate the connection between the African and corruption, late Stephen Ellis, found out that “bribery and corruption were rooted in (African) social networks and moral conventions”.
By 1970, however, as the Nigerian civil war was reaching its denouement, it had become obvious to the Nigerian military rulers that if the menace of corruption – with its twin nuance of kick-back and armed robbery – was not confronted headlong, the country was headed for ruins.
That generation of Nigerians deployed, among others, popular music to combat the evils of corruption, stealing, and robbery. Most of Nigeria’s famous musicians of the post-independence era keyed into this crusading and earned their stripes through social and political commentaries. One of them was Ilorin, Kwara state-born Salawu Woro Idofian. Salawu apparently hailed from Idofian in Ifelodun local government of the state. While Cameroonian-Nigerian highlife musician of a Nigerian mother and a Cameroonian father, Nico Mbarga, struck the soft cord of many by eulogizing motherhood with his blockbuster vinyl Sweet Mother, Yoruba Sakara music deity, Kelani Yesufu, alias Kelly, among many other social thematic concerns, intervened on the social menace that the near-epidemic which the venereal disease, gonorrhea, called atosi in his native homeland, was causing among young boys and girls of the era.
As the pandemic soared, sufferers of its painful jab on their penile part rationalised the affliction as a popular disease that only the famous could contract. In that song he entitled ‘Atosi Atogbe’, Kelani deconstructed this widely held impression and submitted, via this fluidly racing track, that gonorrhea could never be a disease of the famous – “gbajumo”. How could a disease that causes so much pain and turmoil within the male genitalia, with the patient who was, most times, reaping the harvest of his libidinal rascality and thus forced to swallow several discomforting concoctions, be an affliction of the famous? he asked.
To combat armed robbery, in 1970, the military government enacted a decree which made the crime punishable by the firing squad. On April 26, 1971, the first public execution of an armed robber took place. Armed robbery was so rampant that, by 1976, 400 such executions had taken place between its commencement and the end of the civil war. The rate of executions was so frightening, especially with the realisation that the southern part of the country recorded the highest figure of 338 executions in 1984 alone.
Salawu Woro Idofian’s genre of popular music was Apala. Almost sharing the same cadence and pattern of singing with the mellifluous voice of Epe, Lagos state-born Ligali Mukaiba who sang a similar variety of music, Idofian stood in his own right. He was widely credited with having made those public executions of armed robbers the thematic preoccupation of his music. As he dramatised these harvests of executions, you would almost feel the pain, agony, and sense of finality that the robbers felt as they were matched to the stakes.
One such song from Idofian was his 1971 album entitled ‘K’ehin S’okun‘ – literally translated to mean Execution by the Sea. April 24, 1971, the song goes, was the D-day of the execution of some condemned robbers. It was a Saturday and the crowd that gathered at the bar beach was massive. To Idofian, the public execution could be explained in the context of propitiation. Nigeria had offered the bodies of the condemned robbers to the goddess of the sea called Olokun in exchange for her concession to spare the lives of the righteous. Since creation, the Olokun had never had such a bounty of human flesh for the celebration of her annual festivity in the belly of the sea. However, this Saturday, the Olokun was lucky as three robbers’ bodies were offered to her by the military government, in lieu of her ceaseless swallowing of innocent citizens who strayed to its beach. This, Idofian, in that song, expressed thus – “Ni’jo alaye ti daye, eti Olokun o gba ore ri; a’i pa’niyan kale si eti okun pe ko ri’un mu sodun ri; ni’jo Satide, o s’ori re, a ti f’omo jaguda meta rubo si okun ko ye gbe wa l’omo mo; jaguda kekeke to nt’owo b’apo la o fi bo’ya alaro”.
The condemned robbers had been found guilty by the Armed Robbery and Firearms Tribunal for having robbed an Alhaja in the Surulere area of Lagos. Williams Oyasima and Joseph Ilogbo were the robbers in that brutal encounter. Babatunde Folorunso, Idofian’s narration continued, had robbed a man of his car and Ten pounds. As ricochets of bullets tore through the bodies of these robbers, their heads lost their hold and bowed in magisterial surrender. Brutal epilogue of promising lives, Idofian warned, awaited parents who condoned stealing by stealth by their wards: “Nigba t’ota at’etu ndun mo barawo lara, won nsori ko… omo yin o s’agbafo, o nk’aso wo’lu, ki le ti lo ma ri?”
Since the menace of armed robbery went full throttle in the immediate post-petrodollar Nigeria of the early 1970s, it has grown further into becoming a social pandemic today. Rivaling it as another menace that spreads like the metastasis of cancer, the way armed robbery has, is corruption. The spirit of acquisitiveness, the centrality and preferencing that wealth enjoys today in Nigeria is mind-boggling. This spirit has pounced upon the heart of virtually all Nigerians. Mammon today enjoys a pride of place as the reigning god of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
Mammon didn’t get here in a day. Its reign began with the fad of bribery which was common in private and government offices in pre and post-colonial Nigeria. Polish-British sociologist, Stanislav Andreski, who lived in Ibadan in the 1960s, saw the menace and coined the word “kleptocracy” for its description. This variant of corruption so galled the coupists of 1966, led by Chukwuma Nzeogwu, who held the back of his tongue for its perpetrators, who he labeled ten-percenters. This appellation was gotten from the tradition of demanding 10% kickbacks from every government contract. Today, Nzeogwu would turn in his grave to find out that awarded contracts running into billions of Naira are most times not executed at all and their total proceeds pocketed. In cases where they are executed at all, heavy shellacking of bribery and kickbacks ensure that they are so peremptorily and haphazardly executed. The result is that the projects last only in the now.
Last week in Port-Harcourt, Tinubu woke up the ghost of judicial corruption, an albatross that hovers over Nigeria like the Swords of Damocles. If the Nigerian democracy suffers spiritual legitimacy, the Nigerian judiciary is complicit. By the way, some scholars have reasoned that the lack of legitimacy, of perverted electoral justice, may be why Nigeria is this stunted and stymied.
In theory, we all know that the fundamental principle of the independence of the judiciary and the courts underpin the Nigerian legal system. This fundamental principle is predicated on the belief that the courts are independent as an organ of government. Embedded in this assumption is the philosophy of the centrality of the judiciary. This is what the concept of justice and the rule of law in Nigeria are based upon. With the role of the judiciary as central to the global concept of justice, built in and implicated in it is the need to maintain the pride of place of judicial ethics.
There is no doubt that since its inception in 1999 till now, the National Judicial Council (NJC) has brought some measure of sanity into judicial practice in general and operations of judicial officers in particular. However, there are still a lot of patent doubts about the impartiality of Nigerian judicial officers. There are flying allegations of judges’ availability to lend themselves to the whims of politicians. There have also been cogent and seemingly irrefutable allegations that the top echelon of judicial offices in Nigeria are not totally insulated from the activities and the personal caprices of politicians. The influence of money in the determination of cases is also high.
One very potent case to back this up is the recent controversy on the Supreme Court judgment affirming the victory of Senate President Ahmed Lawan as the All Progressives Congress (APC) in the senatorial contest for Yobe north. In a majority judgment, the apex court allowed the appeal filed by the APC against Bashir Machina’s candidature. The court had pronounced Lawan victorious against Machina simply because it held that, where there is an allegation of fraud, it should not be commenced by an originating summons. Arguments are weighty to back up Machina’s allegations. However, legal technicalities prevailed. While technicalities cannot be discountenanced in law, fastidious sticking to them, at the expense of substantive arguments, can continue to impugn the judiciary, especially when decided cases have spoken vehemently on the need to face substantive matters of law and urging judicial officers not to be bound wholesale by technicalities. Though perceptions may not be real and could be misleading after all, conversely, perception is everything, especially when these judicial officers are dealing with Nigerians who are not abreast of the rules of technicalities.
To combat this pandemic of corruption in the judiciary, Tinubu’s submission to tackle the epidemic is through what he called “the right incentives.” It will seem that Tinubu was just being simplistic, or at worst minimalist in his conception of judicial corruption. It is laughable that his proffer to deal with the octopodal dragons of judicial corruption is merely to throw money and comfort at judicial officers. This definitely cannot work. First is that, corrupt Nigerians today have not succeeded in drawing a line on when enough is actually enough. They amass sickening wealth that fails logic and common sense. So, if you incentivize judges, it is enough to deter them from corruption? Tinubu is apparently seeking judicial officers who live in a sequestered world, pampered so well that they are insulated from the vermin of corruption, away from the rest of the world. This can only exist in a dream world.
Tinubu’s intervention in corruption provoked cynicism in the Nigerian media on the second day of his Rivers State epistle. Newspapers that led their next-day editions with that thrust did so out of an amalgam of mockery and cynicism. Whether real or imagined, global perception is that a Tinubu presidency would battle everything but corruption. His pedigree is that of an insider-outsider in the sewage of corruption. Only during the week, the Premium Times reported the linkage of the president-elect with twenty high net-worth properties in the United Kingdom, which allegedly belong to him and his close associates and which were mostly acquired when Tinubu was the governor of Lagos State. As we match into May 29, the day of the inauguration of the new president, Nigeria will be transiting from the general perception (which is very likely unreal) of an austere and incorruptible president who is passing the baton of power, to another general perception of a robustly corrupt president (which is likely real). While the former perception didn’t keep corruption at bay in Nigeria, the latter perception may likely make the atmosphere free for corruption to luxuriate, flower, and flourish.
What can keep corruption at bay in Nigeria is leadership by example which Nigeria may not have from May 29. In spite of the general global perception that Nigerians cavort with maggots in the sewage, a stern leadership that is ready to make an example of malefactors will scare corrupt people off their perfidy. That leadership must advertise itself as ready to throw anyone, including itself, under the bus if it is caught having saturnalia with corruption. It does not appear to me that in Tinubu’s presidency, Nigeria will have this. Only a few days ago, Bloomberg reported that Tinubu’s son, Oluwaseyi, is the main shareholder in Aranda Overseas Corporation, an offshore company that bought a controversial US$10.8 million U.K. property in 2017. In the two reported damaging stories, mum was the word from Bourdillon.
If you now compare these two stories with how Nigerian petty thieves get jailed for minor offenses such as shoplifting and larceny, an empire will seem to be on the verge of being constructed for corruption to reign in at least the next four years. It is comparable to the Yoruba conception of injustice and unfairness. This was aptly depicted in a short fable that talks of a sick hired hand who is disdained for his temerity to fall sick, in comparison with a sick son of the taskmaster who is pleaded with to sip a broth of peppery soup – Ojojo nse iwofa, won ni alakori gbe’se e de; bo ba s’omo olowo, won a ni ko roju f’ata s’enu.
In my estimation, corruption will no longer strike Nicodemusly in Nigeria in the next four years, either in the judiciary or in Nigeria in general. This is because the vultures that will surround power will fertilise the ground for corruption to luxuriate. The corruption to come will share the same template with the legion demons in that famous story of the Madman of Gadarene, told in the three synoptic gospels of the bible. This story is about a demon-possessed madman with a thousand maddening spirits. When the mad spirits were commanded out of him, they begged to be sent, not out of the country, but into a herd of swine. If corruption played under the cover in the last few years under Buhari, going forward, swine with a similar demonic spirit of corruption will be openly possessed by that spirit in years to come. They will however not perish in the sea like the swine of Gadarene.
I have witnessed many elections since 1979 and I can say without any equivocation that the 2023 election was the best, the most free and fair, the most transparent.
Those who are pillorying the election and INEC, the electoral umpire are simply saying so because the outcome of the election, especially the presidential election did not match their expectation.
May God forgive them, especially the men in cassocks, who in their hallucination, had prophesied victory for their favourite candidate, claiming it was a message from God.
It must be clear to Nigerians that those clerics were not in any conclave with the Almighty God. Their prediction was their personal desires, which went unfulfilled by God.
God surely has other plans for our country and instead chose a man, who has the best leadership pedigree and espouses the best vision to pilot our affairs from 29 May.
Man indeed proposes, God disposes.
Our clergymen, not satisfied with the divine and INEC verdict have been all out disparaging the election. The latest of them was Cardinal John Onaiyekan of the Catholic Church.
News reports said the Octogenarian claimed that the election was rigged. He accused some unidentified people of masterminding the rigging and claimed that God knows those riggers.
To Onaiyekan, the alleged machination of ‘those riggers’ made impossible the manifestation of the ‘people’s will’ in the outcome announced by INEC.
This lie, nay a malicious propaganda, has been told repeatedly by the opposition parties and their supporters since 1 March when Asiwaju Bola Tinubu was declared as President-elect.
The lie has been sold abroad to people who do not have a first-hand information on how INEC conducted the poll.
The lie is simply vicious. It must stop. It is a lie for which the purveyors, no matter their status, ought to earn the wrath of God on earth and in heaven. It is not true.
Without holding brief for INEC, which has filed its defence at the Tribunal, which begins sitting on 8 May, I repeat again that the 2023 election was the best since the return to democracy in 1999. It was miles ahead of the heavily compromised 2007 election conducted by President Olusegun Obasanjo, wherein the beneficiary of the electoral heist, Umaru Yar’Adua apologised for the embarrassment. Yar’Adua atoned for Obasanjo’s sin by setting up the Justice Uwais Commission to sanitise our election process.
Since then, our elections have gotten better, election cycle after election cycle.
The introduction of BVAS made a significant difference and made the 2023 election, the most technologically driven poll ever conducted in our country. And the best. BVAS made it impossible for parties to record outlandish numbers in their strongholds. It ensured that only the accredited voters voted. INEC deserves praise not ridicule.
All the critics of INEC, on account of the non-transmission of the results recorded at the 176,000 polling units are purely doing so for mischief. The criticism is most misplaced as the so-called result transmission was additional to what happened at the polling unit. It is superfluous.
In the presidential and National Assembly elections, all polling units tallied votes cast and each party polling agent was given a copy of Form EC8.
Collation of polling unit results was done at the ward level and from there to the council level and then the state level. Political parties usually know how they fared in the election by the time votes are tallied at ward or council level.
Parties do not need to wait for INEC upload of polling unit results on its portal to know the entire result of the election. They do not also need to wait for the results announced at the Abuja Collation Centre. In 2015, President Goodluck Jonathan conceded to President Muhammad Buhari before INEC’s announcement, because he and his agents had the figures from all the states. He conceded because he knew the election was already lost to Buhari.
In a development that is extremely strange to our politics, the Labour Party and the PDP initially sponsored calls for an interim government. When that did not get traction, they mounted vicious attacks on INEC for not uploading the results on time, using this lapse to vilify an election that was the best in our country. It’s like condemning your bank for not printing a receipt for a credit payment, when the money is already sitting pretty in your account and you have received the alert.
The Labour Party and the PDP and their surrogates, some of them lawyers, clerics and some ethnic groups have also mounted desperate campaign for the postponement of the inauguration of the President-elect Bola Ahmed Tinubu on 29 May.
Some other groups, including the leading labour and partisan unions, the NLC and TUC, in league with some equally partisan civil society organisations are blackmailing the judges that will handle the petitions against Tinubu’e election.
We have never had such post-poll desperation, except this time that we have a Peter Obi on the ballot and an Atiku that is cocksure he has lost his last chance to gun for the nation’s No. 1 seat.
Since 1999, every election held has always been disputed by losers. The winners are allowed to be sworn in, while litigation goes on. This was the case in all elections. This is also the trend in the states.
This has been the convention. It was the convention when Labour Party Vice presidential candidate, Datti Baba-Ahmed became a senator, representing Kaduna North in 2011 under the platform of Congress for Progressive Change. His challenger went to court. Baba-Ahmed’s victory was upturned, after some months, when he had been sworn in as senator.
We cannot change the convention now because some people believe that the men who came second and third in the poll, are pursuing cases in court.
They should exercise patience for the judiciary to decide whether they have any strong case to invalidate Tinubu’s victory. The judiciary has always supported litigants when they have ‘substantial’ proof that they were rigged out of an election.
As the tribunal begins sitting today, let Labour and its senior partner, the PDP stop further blackmail of the judiciary. Enough is Enough.
The one who hasn’t been hit by war calls himself a man (Eni ìjà ò bá níí pe ‘ra è l’ókùnrin). The word for ‘fight’ in Yoruba is ‘ija’; but ‘ija’ is much more than ‘fight’. It means battle; it is also war. If you’ve never been caught up in or overtaken by war, it is possible you yell and tell the world that you are more manly than man. But, there is really no ‘man’ anywhere. In luster and bravery, people rise and fall in the battle of life. That is one big lesson in the Ike Ekweremadu tragedy. He is not the first wealthy man to die in the backyard of the wretched; he won’t be the last. In this world, in all lands and across oceans, from the Atlantic through the Pacific to the Arctic, the Indian to the Antarctic, everyone is fighting a battle; visible for some, invisible for many.
A judge in London declared on Friday that Ekweremadu’s conviction and sentencing for an attempt at organ harvesting represented “a significant fall from grace.” What does that mean?
Ekweremadu was a council chairman in 1997; he was a private-practice lawyer in 1998/99 who wanted again to be a local government chairman; he lost that council election bid but was made Chief of Staff by Governor Chimaroke Nnamani in June 1999. His unrelenting stars fought hard and soon convinced Governor Nnamani to carry him further upstairs. He was made the Secretary to the Enugu State Government. He got that big post but his chi was still not done with him. In 2003, re-elected Governor Nnamani thought it was time for his Ike Ekweremadu to play in the Abuja big boys’ league. The all-powerful governor proceeded to make Ekweremadu senator to represent Enugu West. Since then, Ekweremadu has remained a senator of the Federal Republic. He will be there till June 2023, even in absentia. The UK judge’s fall-from-grace statement was very heavy. It was a reminder that everything achieved since 1999 by Ekweremadu did not matter again. The judge was right. Ike is in jail in a foreign land and will remain there for the equivalent of two of his five terms in the Senate.
There is no permanent victor in life. People rise, people fall; some in defeat at the battlefield; some in victory at the home front. Remember that there was a Senate president called Evan(s) Enwerem. He was temperate and restrained in behaviour but he still saw war and fell. There was another called Chuba Okadigbo, the one who called the great Zik a “ranting ant” twenty years earlier. He too became Senate president, saw war and fell. Adolphus Wabara was another solemn Senate president who met his own war and fell in battle. These great people fell in tragic succession, then Governor Chimaroke Nnamani, in April 2005, stepped in. He thought Ekweremadu should become Senate president. He moved from Enugu to Abuja; from the Villa to Apo to everywhere, he walked and crawled for Ike’s sake but senators and their Senate were unanimous: they wanted another Nnamani called Ken as their leader. Ken made it; Ekweremadu lost in that bid but he survived all his victorious brothers to remain perpetually in that house of power. Ike Ekweremadu’s contemporaries, like feckless dew on afternoon leaves, evaporated long ago. The man kept rising and riding high. He even rose to become deputy Senate president for many years while his benefactor, Chimaroke, sat in that same Senate as a floor member. Ike will be ending his twenty-year reign in the Senate next month on the floor, inside the opposite of freedom.
If you have been following the stories around you, you will know that it is not only the Ekweremadus who are in trouble and fighting a bewildering war. In the Ekweremadu case, every Nigerian is a casualty; including the asylum-seeking David who told the white man that his Nigeria is now one hell that no longer offers him security. The young man apparently wants to stay forever in that beautiful country where the sun never sets. Now, what is in a name? ‘Ike’ is the Igbo word for strength. The young ‘nobody’ who captured Ike, the strongman, is named David (full name: David Nwamini Ukpo). There is a David in the Bible who, with tentative fingers, slew both lion and bear, added mighty Goliath to his victims and proceeded to have permanent residency in the heart of God. Someone also said that if the David in the Ekweremadu story is an Izzi-Igbo man from Ebonyi State, his Nwamini name will mean Child-born-while-it-is-raining – a child of blessing. Whatever he is, he is one young hunter who has killed an elephant with his hat. He has his eyes on permanent residency in King Charles’s country. Like the biblical David, the odds are on his side.
But this case has got Nigerians, as usual, very divided. I can see three groups: the first group condemns Ekweremadu; it says Ike is a wicked and selfish big man who wanted to use a poor boy as a sacrifice to keep his own daughter alive. The second group sees the matter this way: How do you console a farmer who throws his cutlass at a rabbit, rabbit escapes, cutlass can’t be found? That is a very bad situation but it is not as bad as that of a hunter who has a big snail for supper but abortively uses it as stone to kill a bird. Bird escapes; snail escapes; hunter is empty-handed. This second group sympathizes with Ekweremadu and his family and prays that his daughter gets well; that they do not lose everything like the hunter in the above story. The third group is aghast that Nigerians and the world are hypocritical, pretentious in their reaction to this Ekweremadu/David guy’s matter. They are surprised at the drama all around as if this attempt at illegal organ harvesting is the index case.
Ekweremadu’s nemesis, David, has told his Lagos-to-UK story and the court believed him. Was it an isolated case? I don’t think many Nigerians think so. The unimaginable happens here so tragically regularly; and they are seen as quite normal. There must have been tens of other criminal harvest sessions (seasons) that have gone undetected or detected but not punished. Many more may be happening as we argue and contend over Ekweremadu and his judgement. On July 4, 2020, the newspaper I edit published a deep report on organ harvesting business in Lagos. I reproduce part of that report here: For the initiated, a ‘life giver’ in Katangua market, Lagos, is one who is into organ-harvesting business; a donor that has sold one of his two kidneys to a patient that required a kidney transplant. They are in their numbers in the market, Saturday Tribune was told. At Katangua, also known as ‘supermarket’, traders sell virtually all human needs. They sell shirts, trousers, blazers, jackets, shoes, cars, and food items; they also sell human kidneys, according to an informant, Ogor (not real name). All these come at affordable prices. Human kidney, according to Ogor, sells for between N750,000 and N1million, depending on the bargaining power of the ‘donor’. Obviously out of breath and exhausted, Ogor laid his body on a stall to get some fresh air with a few of his wares hanging loosely on his hands when Saturday Tribune walked up to him, having been linked up by a contact. Katangua is mostly known for Okrika but Ogor claimed that those who know the inner workings of the market know where the real money is. He was introduced to the deal. He said: “The guy who introduced me narrated to me how he sold his kidney and invested the money in his Okrika business. He also narrated how many traders in the market had gone through a similar process to expand their earnings. At first, I was nervous but when I thought about what lay ahead of me and the fact that there was nobody to lean on, I summoned courage. I later got to know the guy as Paul. He was an agent working for an organ vendor whom I later got to know as Obinna (real name). They both had sold their kidneys, too. Paul took me to Obinna’s house where we had a lengthy discussion. He told me I would be paid N850,000 after the whole exercise. He took me to a diagnostic centre in Oshodi (name withheld) where my kidneys were checked and certified healthy.
“I also got to know that Obinna had someone he worked for but I never got to meet him throughout the processing. He contacted someone in India and my travel documents and medical reports were ready within a short period. I was prepared to embark on a journey to sell my kidney to an unknown person in order to add value to my life. I never knew I was on the path of destruction. Obinna instructed me that if the doctors in India asked me any question, I should tell them that I didn’t understand the English language. And true to his instructions, doctors at the hospital in New Delhi asked many questions. They asked me if I was forced to donate my kidney. They asked if I would like to change my mind; they asked other questions. After the questioning session, a young black Nigerian woman was brought in. She lives in India. I was told she would act as my wife and she signed some documents on my behalf. We took pictures together and the doctors recorded us with their camera and after this, they embarked on the surgery to remove one of my kidneys. After the surgery, I spent about five months in India to recuperate before I returned to Lagos.
“Truly, I was not forced to sell my kidney but I did it out of poverty and hunger. I regret every step I took on that journey because I have been feeling unwell since I came back from India. When I started having health challenges, I went in search of Obinna at his residence but I was told that he had moved out of the place. He is still in Katangua where he sells Okrika to deceive the people. He lured innocent young Nigerians into the organ selling business. In fact, he has made many young traders in Katangua sell their kidneys, giving them little. Just walk round the market and ask to see their stomachs, you will be surprised at the cut marks you will see on them.” The (then) image maker of the state police command, Bala Elkana, in his reaction said what the traders did was “a punishable offence. It is against the human trafficking law in Nigeria.” End of story. Read again and come to your own judgement. There is nothing the desperately poor are not willing to sell; nothing is too sacred for the desperate rich to buy. The poorer people get, the more frantically stupid they become to escape poverty. It is the same when the rich and comfortable are in distress. They throw money at the problem; they do what the world takes to be silly, stupid things. Does this tell you anything about Ekweremadu? May God save us from desperate situations.
Human organs fail but modern medicine has said failure needn’t be fatal. Transplantation has evolved as a viable remedy to organ failure. But, are there no legal ways of getting these parts? If there is none, pioneers in this field, from Joseph E. Murray to Alexis Carrell and Thomas E. Starzl and others, home and abroad, would have laboured in vain. The truth is, there are lawful ways of doing it; the problem is with the rich; they avoid taking personal risks; they always cut corners.
Apart from the two gentlemen and a lady jailed in the UK on Friday in that David Nwamini case, who else was involved in that particular matter? We may never know. The depth of dark business is always deep. How entrenched is the ‘business’? Even the United Nations appears perplexed, without a clue yet. The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crimes (UNODC) reported in August 2022 that its flagship 2020 Global Report on Trafficking in Persons “indicated an increasing prevalence of reported cases of trafficking in persons for the purpose of organ removal (TIP for OR).” It added, however, that “existing barriers to reporting suggest that the full scale of this phenomenon is not yet known.” We may never know who else does this business, who has done it and who may do it despite the global odium in the Ekweremadu case. Do the buyers and sellers know that what they do is bad? “People sell their souls in such small quantities – a seemingly trivial compromise here, a rationalization of a minor evil there – that they don’t realize what they’re doing until it is too late” (Mike Klepper). How much really is the cost of evil? In August 2020, The Sun of UK published the story of a Malaysian reportedly involved in organ trafficking. He did his dark business by luring what the paper described as “poverty-stricken victims from around the world” to sell their organs. That is what he does for a living, and he boasted to the UK paper that he had masterminded 45 illicit kidney sales with more than 100 potential sellers on the queue. “They’re all serious. Nobody wants to sell their kidney if there is no financial problem,” the man told The Sun. The newspaper said the man initially charged its undercover reporters a fee of £55,000 for supplying a kidney and an additional £65,000 for payment to the clinic. They haggled and the man dropped the total fee to £85,000. How did he do it without his evil finding him out? The man who operated from Manila, Philippines, explained to the reporters that “in Manila, cash is king. Money talks.” Remove Manila in that boast and put Nigeria there; you will be very correct. Here, the rich buy everything; they buy anybody; the poor sell anything, from body to soul. The country is cash-and-carry. It will remain so until we bite the bullet and make a fresh start.
General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, the Dean of Coups in Nigeria, finally staged a coup for himself on August 27, 1985. The veteran coup plotter could sniff coups years away. On December 17, 1985, he rounded up over 100 military officers for allegedly conceptualising a coup. Some, including his childhood friend, Major General Mamman Vatsa, were sentenced to death.
When it was announced that the ruling military junta was to meet in the evening of March 5,1986 over the death sentences, Nigeria famous literary triumvirate: Wole Soyinka, John Pepper Clark and Chinua Achebe, rushed to meet Babangida in the morning. The dictator vowed to them: “I wish to give you my word of honour – I shall go into the crucial meeting determined to do everything in my power to save them. I assure you, I shall not be party to their execution. That I can promise you.”
But as soon as the trio left, the meeting was convened so that by the time Soyinka got to his Abeokuta home, Vatsa and the other military officers had been executed. So, when on Sunday April 22, 1990 an actual coup attempt, called the ‘Orkar Coup’ was carried out, Babangida and his gang went into frenzy. Hundreds of military officers were arrested with an unknown number murdered before they could get to trial. The junta also used the opportunity to shut-down some newspapers and detain 19 senior journalists, accusing them of participating in the coup.
It then turned on lecturers whom Babangida for years had accused of “teaching what they are not paid to teach”. The Gestapo on May 2, 1990 descended on the Obafemi Awolowo University. But the philosopher, Dr Dipo Fashina, escaped the dragnet. Then they abducted Professors Toye Olorode and Idowu Awopetu. As the convoy sped off, the alert students of the campus gave chase, caught one of the abductors, a secret service officer, whom the students detained for 12 days despite threats by the regime to invade the campus.
The Gestapo also went to Ibadan where they abducted famous historian, Professor Obaro Ikime of the University of Ibadan. While the OAU lecturers were unapologetic radicals, Ikime, who was also a well-known sports administrator and Anglican priest, had no such inclinations. So his abduction came as a surprise.
In Lagos, Olorode was detained at the Security Service detention centre on Awolowo Road; Awopetu at the centre on Kingsway Road; and surprisingly, Ikime was taken to the notorious Inter Centre, built into the Ikoyi Cemetery where the most ‘dangerous’ elements and many of the alleged coup plotters were kept. In the 95 days he spent in detention, he was allowed to wear just a pair of clothes.
The three professors were reunited at the Military Tribunal chaired by Brigadier Rufus Modupe Kupolati where they were charged as conspirators in the Orkar Coup. Olorode and Awopetu were jointly charged. The ‘evidence’ against them were that a conference against the World Bank was planned for the day of the coup attempt and that the duo belonged to a radical organisation called the Ife Collective which had produced a publication on ‘Alternative to SAP’ (Structural Adjustment Programme). Both defenders said they were opposed to coups and did not believe in replacing one set of coup plotters with another. Rather, they wanted the military’s exit from politics and the enthronement of ‘Peoples’ Power’.
The case proffered against Ikime was that he provided the intellectual basis for the Orkar coup, including campaigning for a religious upheaval and ethnic division which saw Orkar purporting to excise part of the country. In 1990, Ikime who was the Chairman of a committee on the Chapel of Resurrection, had read a communiqué to the church in which he warned those talking about dipping the Quran into the ocean in Lagos, advised against religious war and entreated the church to pray against it. The prosecution brought some members of the church, including an organist, to testify; but once they came face-to-face with Ikime, they buckled, and the case collapsed.
In order to avoid this type of collapse, the prosecution in the case of inciting ethnic hatred and conflict, decided to use Ikime’s published works against him. It produced his Keynote Address delivered at the National Seminar on the National Question held in Abuja on August 4, 1986. In the paper titled: “Towards Understanding The National Question”, Ikime had submitted that Hausa, Yoruba, Ijaw and other such nationalities did not exist before the 17th Century, so they were recent creations. Secondly, that unlike Islam and Christianity, traditional religion often serve as integrative forces and were accommodative.
Thirdly, that while Islam brought Islamic culture and made no separation between the state and region, Christianity brought Western European culture and education and secularism. So, while the Jihad created a religious and political entity in the Sokoto Caliphate resulting in a greater Northern togetherness, there was no such cohesion in the South.
Fourthly, that the colonialists in 1939 deliberately broke the South into two regions but left the North intact, thereby not just creating Igbo, Yoruba and Hausa-Fulani majorities, but also giving the impression that the North was larger than the South and awarded it double the seats than the South. He argued that if it were based on population -there was no national census until the controversial 1952/53 –the East and the West would not have been awarded equal number of seats. This colonial legacy, he said, led to politics being conceptualised as largely a trade-off among the three, while the other nationalities were “treated as mere pawns”.
Fifth, that contrary to Bala Usman’s claims that the lines between the Hausa and Fulani had become blurred, the Hausa elites are conscious that following the Jihad, they lost the top political positions to the Fulani.
Sixth, that in appointments, lower qualifications were required from candidates from the North rather than promote greater equity.
Ikime’s solution was that in a federation, there must be equal ownership and greater equity for all. In the argument before the tribunal, the intellectual took the prosecutors to the cleaners. On August 1, 1990, Ikime was released but compulsorily retired on October 15, 1990. Professors Olorode and Awopetu were similarly treated. Their retirement was illegal and they challenged it in court. But the state approached them informally that if they withdrew the cases and appealed to Babangida as the Visitor, they would be recalled. While Ikime seemed to have fallen for this ploy, Olorode and Awopetu refused and Justice Moni Fafiade ordered them recalled. Thus, the country lost the active services of a father historian who still had 26 years in the university where retirement for professors is 70.
On Thursday, April 25, 2023, at 86, the mobile African library departed on a one-way flight.
Twenty-five members of the Rotary Club of Lagos in District 9110 embarked on a Friendship Exchange visit to the Rotary Club of Marrakech-Menara in Morocco from April 23 -29, 2023. The trip had all the trappings of fun, excitement, adventure, cultural exchange, hospitality and friendship. In the past, our members had also visited Rwanda, Ghana, Kenya, Togo, Senegal and Benin Republic for the same reason.
On our delegation were two visiting Rotarians: Francis Nwankwo, of the Rotary Club of Festac Central and Eniola Elegushi, a member of the Rotary Club of Admiralty whose charter was recently sponsored by the Rotary Club of Lagos. Eniola is the daughter of Saidat Olayinka Oladunjoye, a former Commissioner of Education in Lagos State and member of the Rotary Club of Lagos.
Saidat chaired the Friendship Exchange Committee that was responsible for planning the trip: flight tickets, accommodation, and tours. She was actively supported by Rotarians Abayomi Adeyeri and Adenike Iyelolu. By all accounts, the committee’s performance was impressive. There were many Instagram moments depicted by photographs shared instantly to tell the story. To sum it up, the Marrakech trip created an unforgettable experience for the delegates.
The president of our club, Joe Akhigbe and the immediate past president, Babawale Agbeyangi, got to Marrakech in two separate flights before the delegates. Past assistant governor Gbolahan Ayodele was appointed by the president as leader of the delegation based on his experience on similar visits in the past and for being the most senior past president.
We flew out of Lagos at 5.10 am with Royal Air Maroc, the national carrier of Morocco, and touched down in Casablanca after four hours and 30 minutes. The connecting flight to Marrakech was ready when we landed and the flight lasted for 30 minutes.
You need a paper visa or e-visa for $100 before you can travel to Morocco. Some of our delegates were delayed by immigration officials on account of visa verification but they were cleared after a few minutes.
Marrakech is an exotic destination and tourists flock to the ancient city in much the same way bees are attracted to honey. With several hotel options to choose from for a population of roughly 1.5 million people, according to our guide, Azeez, Marrakech is known as the “Red City” because their buildings are covered in clay.
But the weather was hot, very hot when we visited, with temperatures as high as 42 degrees Celsius. From any corner of the city, the Moorish minaret of the 12th century Koutoubia mosque is clearly visible and unmistakable. This is why no building in the city has more than five floors.
Members of the Rotary Club of Marrakech-Menara waited at the airport to welcome us and we posed for photographs with the Rotary wheel. A bus ride took us to our hotel. We stayed at Riu Tikida Palmeraie – an upscale and all-inclusive 4-star hotel on several acres of landscaped grounds dotted with palm trees that are surrounded by lush gardens.
Riu Tikda is an enchanting resort offering three restaurants, three bars, a fitness centre and spa plus indoor and outdoor pools; it became our home for the next six days – a shouting distance from the medina; you can get there after driving for 30 minutes.
The outdoor swimming pool was permanently brimming with visitors from around the world, sun tanning and generally enjoying themselves. A major attraction in Marrakech is the Jardin Majorelle Garden, a one-hectare botanical garden, designed by French artist, Jean Majorelle, in the 1920s when Morocco was a protectorate of France.
The medina is a mazelike medieval quarters built with clay walls stretching for more than 16 kilometres dating to the Berber empire. It is a densely populated fortified city within Marrakech with alley ways and thriving souks (markets).
All the markets in Marrakech are known for their vibrancy and brisk sales. In the heart of medina, you will find the famous Djemaa el-Fna market square where you can shop for brass wares, ceramics, handicrafts, traditional textiles, pottery, jewelry, metal lanterns and herbal remedies.
Marrakech is a former imperial city in western Morocco famous for its mosques, palaces and gardens. Tourism is big business in Marrakech with an incredible value chain and the cultural influences from Europe on the Berber and Arabian communities are evident.
If you want snake charmers or fortune tellers, you will find them. But don’t miss out on the camel ride, hot-air ballooning and riding in carriages propelled by horses.
Casablanca, on the other hand, is a port city and commercial hub of the country fronting the Atlantic Ocean. You can describe Casablanca as “their Lagos” while Rabat, the capital of Morocco, is “their Abuja.” Other notable cities are Agadir, Fes and Tangiers.
A train ride from Casablanca to Marrakech will last for two hours but a road trip will take up to three hours. Part of our itinerary was a road trip in a coach to Casablanca on the second day. It was a smooth ride all the way and I struggled in vain searching for potholes.
I was captivated by the picturesque landscapes flanking the highway and breathtaking view of large swathes of plains. On our way back, you could see the golden colour of the sun cast a wide blanket on the sky – a mixture of grey and royal blue – but it gradually disappeared behind the clouds as it began to set.
On the third day, we joined members of the Rotary Club of Marrakech-Menara in District 9010 for their meeting at La Mamounia – a luxurious, vibrant, mythical, authentic hotel and celebrity hangout with enchanting gardens regarded as one of the best hotels in the world.
Our friendship partner-club was chartered on March 14, 1998 and it has 26 members comprising Muslims, Christians and Jews. Morocco was grouped alongside Tunisia, Algeria and Mauritania to form District 9010. There are over 530 Rotary districts in the world.
At the end of our meeting, a partnership and cooperation agreement for mutual benefits was signed. Thereafter, we drove to the home of past president Jalal Zemmama where he hosted us to a lavish garden reception that will not be forgotten in a hurry.
The next day, it was a long drive for about an hour with members of our host club to Douar Ougog, one of the rural communities, to meet with children in a prep school (5 – 6 years old) built by the club. The same road leads to Ouarzazate, another suburb. In the last three years, our host club completed five schools and they are currently building the sixth school.
Initially, the kids were shy, as we had “invaded” their privacy but they loosened up and chatted with their visitors. When it was time to go, they stood up and sang the Moroccan national anthem with pride.
Jalal told me he would be attending the next Rotary International Convention from May 27 – 31, 2023 in Melbourne, Australia. It is the greatest gathering of Rotarians in the world at the same venue.
In his appreciation note, Khalid Bounouis, president of the host club, said they were honoured to host us and share precious moments during our stay. “The visit was one of our goals this year to strengthen the relationship of our club with other clubs in the continent,” he explained.
We made new friends and it was an opportunity to learn new things about the people and their culture. Dr Amre Mouabad is a medical doctor who told me French was the language of instruction in the medical school he attended; Jalal Haddouchi is their president-elect while Ilham El Yacoubi runs a kindergarten.
Throughout our stay, electricity supply was constant; it means the Moroccans do not have any need for petrol or diesel powered generators. Fatima Zaha El-Allaoui is a Moroccan and member of our Rotary Club in Lagos but she is married to a Tunisian and they live and work in Nigeria.
Fatima also served on the Friendship Exchange Committee, making sure we had a wholesome experience in Marrakech. She travelled ahead of us to prepare the groundwork with members the Rotary Club of Marrakech-Menara. She was also helpful as an interpreter.
When I asked her about the electricity situation in Morocco, she told me the light is very steady. “I have never experienced blackout since I was born,” Fatima, who is over 40 years old, said confidently. Water supply is also regular. We were shocked to learn that petrol cost N1, 225 per litre. When compared to the pump price in Nigeria, it is quite expensive.
But context in terms of GDP per capita of both countries is important. Available 2021 data indicates that Nigeria was 2,065.75 USD while Morocco was 3,795.38 USD but this does not mean Morocco is not struggling with its economy; all that glitters is not gold.
However, the three leading exports of Morocco are agricultural produce (citrus fruits and market vegetables), semi processed goods and consumer goods (including textiles) and phosphates and phosphates products. One US dollar is exchanged for 9.8 Moroccan Dirham.
Morocco has a population of about 40 million people but Casablanca with a population of about 7 million people is the country’s largest city. The Atlas Mountains – a series of mountain ranges – is dotted with Berber villages and covers a large area of Morocco. It stretches across northwestern Africa, also spanning Algeria and Tunisia, separating the Atlantic and Mediterranean coastline from the Sahara Desert.
Morocco is a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary national legislative system (bicameral parliament) under which ultimate authority rests with King Mohammed VI, who presides over the Council of Ministers. The Monarch is the head of state and he appoints the prime minister who serves as head of government
Riu Tikida Palmeraie hotel workers were very polite which should be the standard protocol for a tourist city. The rooms are spacious, designed in rectangular shapes with mainly twin beds for $180 per night, but the housekeepers struggle to speak English.
In the absence of interpreters, I used sign language to communicate with them as I could neither speak Arabic nor French.
Although alcohol sales are restricted as you would expect in a Muslim country, you can drink in licensed bars, restaurants and tourist areas. However, if you want a Moroccan wife, you must be a Muslim.
Our return flight from Marrakech to Casablanca was cancelled for reasons the airline refused to disclose even after we asked their representatives. Our president-elect, Abiodun Role and his wife who left the day before, had a similar experience.
A coach was provided which left Marrakech airport at 6.00 pm. We got to Casablanca airport at 8.45 pm under a flood of street lights and arrived in Lagos in the wee hours of the following day.
The Rotary Friendship Exchange is an international exchange programme for Rotarians and friends that allow participants to take turns in hosting one another in their homes and clubs. Rotary International says friendship exchanges should be organised around at least one of three themes: culture, service and vocation.
Participants may travel as individuals, couples, families or groups and may be Rotarians or not. Some of the benefits of friendship exchanges include the opportunity to broaden international understanding, explore profession or job in a different context, build enduring friendships, establish a foundation for peace and service, gain opportunities for active project involvement and support; learn about a region’s people, food, languages, customs and history and finding partners for grants.
Braimah is a public relations strategist and publisher/editor-in-chief of Naija Times (https://ntm.ng)
Education is a critical priority for Nigeria, as it is for any nation serious about growth and development. Unfortunately, in the past ten years, we have not seen any focus on or dramatic improvement in education. Our best efforts at addressing education have put us steps behind our peer nations in all key development indicators. We inadvertently signal to the world that we do not care about the future. Education is a fundamental human right that should be available to all citizens, regardless of socio-economic status or background.
This is different in Nigeria. Nigeria’s literacy rate, put at 62% by Globaldata does not make us competitive among nations and shows the dysfunctional state of our primary schools . At this point, we do not need talks, sound bites, and pretensions. We need radical reforms backed by action to change the status quo. The Nigerian government needs to take a holistic approach to education reform that focuses on improving the quality of education, increasing access to quality education, and promoting innovation and technology in education. Acknowledged , education is on the concurrent list and Local Governments have a pivotal role to play . The federal government still has a responsibility to set policy direction for the nation.
As a first step, it may be necessary to establish a “Special Office on Education Reforms at the Presidency”, working with other levels of government and stakeholders, to fashion out a 25-year ‘Marshall plan’ to reposition education and follow up the plan with a measurable implementation strategy. It must establish policies and regulatory framework to increase literacy rates and encourage gender equality in education. While the federal government should strengthen regulatory regimes for standards nationwide, state and local governments should establish their competitiveness standards to be measured by academic performance in public examinations and evidence of high levels of numeracy and literacy skills among the children.
State and Local Governments’ proactive actions are desperately needed given the cultural dichotomies and multiplicities of geopolitical differences in both access to education and quality of education in Nigeria. There are by far too many differences in standards in the Nigerian system, and state-by-state differences, regional geopolitical differences, and differences between public and private institutions exist. The education challenges in the Muslim North are peculiarly different from those of the South. Insecurity in the North has compounded the problems.
Education statistics in Nigeria are frightening, as it faces many challenges in providing quality and inclusive education for its large and diverse population. Nigeria has the world’s highest number of out-of-school children, with about 10.5 million children aged 5-14 years not attending school. Nigeria has a low literacy rate of 65.1% according to World Bank data with significant gender and regional disparities. It has a low gross enrolment rate in primary schools of 68.3%, with 22.4 million children in public primary schools and 4.2 million in private primary schools. Nigeria ranks 124th out of 137 countries in terms of quality of primary education according to World Economic Forum . It has a low school completion rate of 63% for primary education, 44% for junior secondary education, and 17% for senior secondary education.
It allocates only about 5 to 6% of its federal budget to education, far below the recommended 15-20% national budget by UNESCO. The expenditure on education as a percentage of GDP is also low at 1.95%.
Furthermore, to underscore the crisis in our education sector, only 450,000 to 550,000 applicants who sit for JAMB out of 1.761 million in 2022 were admitted to universities. These 450-550,000 persons are 0.013% of 40 million youths aged between 15 and 24 (2020 data) eligible for university education. This lag in tertiary education opportunities is part of the reasons we are crawling as a nation. The astronomical rise in private universities from 3 in 1999 to 30 in 2009 and 111 in 2022 is evidence of the gap in university education but not necessarily about quality or affordability .
Apart from the issue of access, Nigerian Universities are plagued with poor quality of instruction and learning, leading to a generation of unemployable Nigerian university graduates because they need more skill, cognitive ability, and critical thinking capacity. This gap can be traced to the quality of our basic education which is under the purview of local governments. Research output, which is the main criterion for ranking universities globally, of Nigerian universities and Nigeria academics is comparatively low behind countries like Botswana and South Africa. And knowledge accumulation, which leads to social and human capital formation and economic development, gives developed countries an advantage over developing countries. Our low research output partially accounts for why our growth is stagnated and the rentier economy is thriving.
Conversely, estimated 5-7% of our seasoned Academics leave Nigeria annually to go overseas because of a better research environment. Several special NUC intervention schemes started earlier are either abandoned or discontinued. Such innovative schemes as Linkages with Experts and Academics in the Diaspora Scheme (LEADS) designed to attract Nigerian academics in the diaspora, Presidential Scholarship for Innovation and Development (PRESSED) for first-class graduates, and Transnational Education Scheme (TES) to boost foreign investment and partnerships between Nigerian universities and their foreign counterparts have not made the intended impact on our tertiary education sector.
The education infrastructure in Nigeria is old, decrepit, poor, and sometimes abysmal. Successive governments have failed to build new public schools commensurate to the community need, or where they do, no real investment is made in infrastructure and facilities. Most public schools’ conditions are terrible, and no one wants to study there. The school buildings and premises are “not fit for purpose”. There is an extreme level of negligence towards education. The teachers are neither well-trained nor really motivated. Private schools are personal businesses and are squeezing the living daylight out of most parents who struggle to pay the cost of private education. The curriculum emphasises cognitive knowledge (memory-oriented learning) aimed at passing examinations instead of skill base, analytical and independent thinking needed for mental and economic progress. The theory is emphasised more than practice. Education technology is significantly unavailable in most schools.
Neglect of education by government at all levels is a critical indicator of a failing state. When a state fails or is failing, the effective educational systems are privatised, or the public facilities become increasingly decrepit and neglected. Teachers and others who work in the education sector are ignored or relegated to the background, and reports to the relevant ministries are ignored.
I must acknowledge the effort of Dr Oby Ezekwesili as minister of education under Obasanjo’s presidency who embarked on comprehensive education reform, but this was dumped as soon as the government wound down. At the sub-national level, attempts by Ekiti State under Fayemi, Edo under Oshimole, and Kaduna under El- Rufai to kick start the reset of education by improving the quality of teachers was resisted by the organised labour and other entrenched interest. This, unfortunately, is the dilemma.
Recently, the federal government has devised various initiatives to deal with the education problem in Nigeria. These include Universal Basic Education (UBE) Programme, Education Tax, Safe Schools Initiative, Teacher Professional Development (TPD) Programme, National Education Policy, and the Private Sector Participation Programme. These initiatives, at best, had minimal positive effects on our education sector. Little wonder the education statistics still evoke horror reading. No doubt our education sector is broken.
I call for a state of emergency and a complete reset in education. This means a holistic education reform that will position our education sector as the social and economic growth engine. Asian Tigers, referring to Singapore, Malaysia, and South Korea, amongst others, can attribute their success to the fact that they scaled up investment in education, as well as research and development, that enhanced human capital development to improve the productivity of the workforce across all sectors. Nigeria needs to do the same. It behoves the new administration to restructure the whole education system on a priority basis and align it with modern education techniques.
Improving education in Nigeria requires a multifaceted approach that involves the government, businesses, educators, parents, and the broader community. Government should first devise a means of sustainably funding education and allocate a significant portion of the national budget to the sector. Second, improve teacher training and professional development to ensure teachers have the skills and knowledge necessary to teach in a 21st-century classroom. Third, prioritise expanding access to education, especially in rural areas. Fourth, prioritise science , technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM), then invest in vocational and technical education to equip students with practical skills relevant to the job market. Fifth, champion curriculum reforms by reviewing and updating the curriculum to ensure that it is appropriate and responsive to the needs of the country and the global economy. Sixth, embrace digital learning and promote the use of technology in education. And finally, improve monitoring and evaluation to assess the quality of education and track progress in achieving academic goals.
The benefits to Nigeria of a robust education sector providing good access, high quality, and skill and practice-driven education are evident. A good education sector can contribute to economic growth by producing a skilled workforce better equipped to meet the job market’s needs, attract foreign investment, and boost economic productivity. Quality education is a powerful tool for poverty reduction, promotes better health outcomes, and promotes social cohesion by fostering a sense of national identity and shared values. Education can also promote understanding and tolerance among different ethnic and religious groups, therefore reducing ethnic and religious tensions and insecurity. It fosters innovation and entrepreneurship by providing individuals with the skills and knowledge necessary to start businesses and develop new technologies whilst enhancing Nigeria’s global competitiveness by producing a skilled workforce that can compete in the worldwide marketplace. We, therefore, implore the new administration not to play Russian Roulette with our education sector. They must remember that a robust education system catalyses sustainable, social and economic development.
More...
As Nigeria wraps up its election, attention shifts to the judges. With over seven hundred cases filed at the tribunals, the judiciary will be overworked. Yet we expect wisdom, courage, and intelligence to correct all errors, deliberate or otherwise, made by the political branches of government. We rest our hopes on the judges, and their power of judicial review, to rebuke impunity, reverse error and strengthen us toward electoral justice.
It is ironic that whilst we think that increasing involvement of judges in determining who gets elected as political leader is inimical to consolidating democracy, we are forced to continue to call on judges to intervene in electoral matters for the sake of justice. Of course, courts are called temples of justice because they are fit and proper to receive the intercessions of a people who are brutalized, oppressed, and deprived of justice. So, the irony is not so depressing because when we beckon on judges to act in the name of justice, we are giving concrete expression to the expression that courts are temples of justice.
The conventional theory of constitutional democracy holds that there are two political branches and one non-political branch. The political branches are the executive and the legislature. Members of these two branches are elected by the people and have the liberty to act in furtherance of their interests. The theory of representation by foremost parliamentarian and jurisprudent, Edmund Burke, is that legislators are trustees of the people. As trustees, they are free to decide public interests according to their own understanding of what is in the best interests of the people. A contrary theory of representation argues that the legislator is but an agent of the people: he must do what the people want him to do, not what he thinks is best for the people. Whether legislators are agents or trustees of the people, the common logic is that the legislator act politically. To act politically is to advance the interests of one group notwithstanding that such interest is not rationally compelling. That is why we do not excoriate legislators who fight to ensure that projects are sited in their constituencies notwithstanding that economic rationality does not favor those places. We consider them good representatives. But we shame a judge who delivers judgement in favor of his relatives because of consanguinity.
So, the judicial branch is not so designed. Judges are not representatives of the people. A judge does not represent his family, his friends, or his constituency. He represents God in the religious sense, or rationality in ultra-rationality. Judges do justice. And justice is giving people what they deserve, not what they desire. We can see from this social portraiture that judges have more gravitas and bona fides to act as statesmen in times of troubles than representatives and executives. As we say, politicians care about the next election, but statesmen care about the nation. Judges ought to be statesmen.
The concept of judges as statesmen has a strong implication for sustaining democracy in difficult times and places. In good times and places democracy is safe even with interest-based politics. The foundations of democracy rest on the rule of law. The rule of law means that all persons and authorities are subject to the law; that the law respects basic equality of all persons and the law is executed without deference to prerogatives and merits, apart from the merits of justice. Overlaying the foundations of rule of law is accountability. There is no exemption from the rigor of the law because the institutions of law enforcement are professionally commitment to fair and equitable implementation. In such a society where justice is routinized in administrative practices, the court plays a passive role and is self-restrained. Judges merely adjudicate in matters where vagueness obscures fair and equitable administrative of justice by the political branches.
But in a society where justice is not routinized as administrative practices become of political capture by a powerful minority or a numerical majority, the court moves from passivity to activism to reestablish the rule of law. The legendary Justice Oputa put this pointedly thus: “Whenever the law is used to foster social, racial, economic or sex oppression, the judiciary should quickly intervene to redress the imbalance and thus restore justice”. The court does not act when justice is routinized. The court acts when justice is denied, especially when it is structurally denied.
This articulation of judicial activism bodes well with a powerful theory about the judiciary propounded by Harvard professor Abram Chayes. It is the ‘governance’ theory of the court. Chayes argues that the court has a right to govern just like the other branches of government when the other branches fail to do the job. Ordinarily, the court forebears to govern trusting the more ‘political’ branches to govern. But where the two fail to govern, the court steps in. Then, judges become statesmen. This explains the various curves of judicial activism.
US Supreme Justice Stephen Breyer traces the context of judicial activism in the constitutional history of the United States. He shows different periods when the US Supreme Court shifted the gear to promote justice or to disrupt structural violation of the people’s rights. For example, he argues that before Justice Warren, the US Supreme Court “overly emphasized the Constitution’s protection of private property ‘as against rights of political participation. In the Warren era, the Supreme Court interpreted the constitution to move away from the logic of property right in the Lochner v. New York case and find a basis in the constitution for ‘active liberty’ for citizens to govern themselves through the principle of ‘one man one vote’. By so doing, the Supreme Court under Chief Justice Warren reconstructed the United States away from the legacy of Jim Crow.
The court is a political institution. So said Robert Dahl. The court is a political institution because of the role that it plays in the political management of the society. In his book about the Nigerian Supreme Court. Professor Isa Sagay paints a picture of the Nigerian Supreme Court that rose up to defends fundamental rights against the corrosion of military dictatorship. That heroic Supreme Court of Eso, Obaseki, Oputa, Uwais and others understood that in times of crisis the court become a political institution that defends the rule of law from new threats. The Uwais court would not have done such if the structure of justice had not been eroded by military dictatorship.
The greatest seduction today will be to believe that we are now an entrenched democracy and therefore the court should carve for itself a routinized retail work that does not override the iniquities of the political class. That is a recipe for disaster for the commonwealth and irrelevance for the court. The true description of Nigeria today is, as the University of Guttenberg’s acclaimed ‘Verities of Democracy’ report 2022 puts it, ‘an electoral autocracy’. Nigeria is not yet a democracy by the evident capture of state institutions by ruling elites. The 2023 election has further cemented this reputation. The election has seen the recklessness of Nigerian politicians who refuse to respect the most fundamental tenets of electoral democracy.
We have always had electoral irregularities and frauds. But we have never had this level of criminalization of elections and wanton collapse of regulatory oversight. The election manager, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) refused to apply its own electronic safeguards in a bewildering capitulation to political banditry. Even the basic regulatory tasks like determining the eligibility of candidates to stand for elections and whether candidates have multiple nominations, regulatory oversight that could be established without expending resources, were abandoned. The regulator did not bother to apply simple rules, even rules that it made pursuant to its statutory powers.
The Supreme Court has inherited the regulatory failures of the election manager. It has been saddled with correcting the impunity of the political class. It beholds that the country is disintegrating on account of reckless disregards for basic rules of justice. It sees the continuing immiseration of the people whose anger is boiling over. The judges know that unrebuked impunity has established a powerful incentive structure that will inexorably lead to the total collapse of the rule of law. In such situation, judges must become statesmen to save their beloved country. They have many things challenging them. They will contend with fear for their lives. They will contend with favors from corrupt politicians. But they should brush aside all these and do justice, even if the heavens fall.
All eyes are on the judges.
Cast your mind back to your secondary school days. English was the only legitimate language of communication. There were students from the hinterland who couldn’t measure up to the requirement and so had to run afoul of the law and face the inevitable sanctions.
There was the case of one such student who had a problem with pronouncing any word with the fricative sound, ‘sh’. So, he would pronounce education as educasonn and attention as attensonn. Only God knows how many times he had been made to pay fines for expressing himself in ‘vernacular’, as the local language was derisively tagged.
On this fateful day, the long-suffering teacher decided that he would do whatever it took to cure our friend of his phonetic disability. He wrote ‘tion’ on the blackboard and ordered the student to say ‘shun’.
The student said, ‘Tayon’
The teacher wondered if the student had gone bunkers. “Where did that come from? Where did you get ‘tayon’?” He asked the distraught boy.
“Sir, t-i-o-n is tayon. Sorry sir”.
The teacher hit the ceiling. He called down all the terrors of Hades on the hapless native at the end of which the boy’s problem had become compounded with terror-induced stuttering. “Ta-ta-ta-yon!”
Wherever he is today, I’m sure he wouldn’t be giving his grandchildren the full details of his linguistic apprenticeship. Suffice it to say that he graduated with his fricative affliction and went on to make something admirable of his life.
Today, the raging discussion in many intellectual circles, especially online, is how to deploy more native resources into the development of our children with the ultimate aim of producing surefooted achievers who can hold their own against the best from other parts of the world. Would it be worth our while to try to implement Prof Babs Fafunwa’s recommendation of using our various local languages as the medium of instruction in schools, especially at the primary level?
Fafunwa actually conducted an experiment to validate his thesis that the use of mother tongue in the education of young people is necessary for cognitive, cultural and nationalistic reasons. His famous Ife Six Year Primary Project (SYPP), carried out between 1970-1979, established that the Nigerian child will benefit immensely if schooled with mother tongue. Fafunwa’s findings ran against the accepted wisdom of the times that the English language was the only possible language that could handle the sophisticated process of imparting education.
When he was appointed as Minister of Education during the Babangida years, Prof Fafunwa tried to practice what he preached by encouraging the use of the mother tongue for teaching in primary schools to enable the children glide painlessly from the local language they were used to, and the colonial one they were being forced to assimilate. The issue was beyond patriotism, explained the celebrated don. It was how nature had ordered cognition. If children are taught in the same language their parents speak to them at home, they learn in a relaxed atmosphere without the obstacle of transliteration.
Several other scholarly studies have since been conducted to validate Fafunwa’s postulation. The renewed interest in the subject will further help in redefining our approach to education and the cognitive tools we deploy.
Patrick O. Akinsanya and Damilare G. Tella, in their scholarly presentation quoted Fafunwa as saying that since the English child still had problems in understanding his or her language, the Nigerian child suffered double jeopardy because he or she had to learn the second language first, before using it as a tool for learning, and this hampered his or her mental and social development.
When you separate home language and school language you trigger what has been described as an “epistemological torture” for the African child who is first exposed to his mother tongue at the early stage of his education, whose in-built learning mechanism is internalizing and structuring the grammar and technique of his mother tongue, but he is all of a sudden introduced to a foreign language as he begins schooling. This will maim him emotionally and have ripple effects on his mental and social development.
I once had the privilege of asking Prof Fafunwa about the feasibility of his campaign for the use of the mother tongue in education. Ever genial and ready to share ideas, he asked if he could shock me. I told him to try. He then said, “Do you know that those village children you’re talking about will learn English faster if English as a subject is taught to them in their mother tongue?” That shocked me. How do you learn English from a Hausa-speaking teacher, for example? But the good professor went on to explain the results of his experiments which had been replicated by other scholars with similar results
The first nine years of formal education (Primary 1-JSS3) are crucial for the educational development of a child. The problem in Africa is not just the structures established by the colonialists to serve their own purpose during colonialism but the sustenance of such archaic structures by African political elite who erroneously think that multilingualism is a weakness rather than a strength.
All that could be traced to inferiority complex or the black-skin-white-mask syndrome which makes the African elite deify the chains that have been holding him down for centuries while despising his own umbilical linguistic ties. According to T. Ngugi, colonialism taught African children “to associate their mother tongues with stupidity, barbarism, humiliation and low status, and the language of the colonisers, English, with intelligence and success. This has made the educated African think that only the language of the colonisers is strong enough for imparting knowledge.”
A further development of this faulty thesis is the contention that African languages are not sophisticated enough to convey scientific ideas. That is a fallacy that should be laughed at, as evidenced by Leopold Senghor’s translation of Einstein’s Theory of Relativity into Wolof, a lingua franca of Senegal. Other African languages which have a long history of orthography can easily be used for teaching the most complex of concepts.
Another expert, Prof Bamgbose, believes that one of the reasons for lack of belief among Nigerians is the failure to implement the three years use of indigenous language policy, as most people have never witnessed or experienced the use of mother tongue in instruction in a formal setting and have unconsciously downplayed it in the informal setting where they have witnessed it. “Whereas, they entrust their vehicles, electronic appliances and gadgets to artisans who have acquired the skills through the use of mother tongue and purchase furniture, shoes, etc, made by these sets of people with their money. Yet, they argue vehemently against the use of mother tongue in class…”, he notes.
In 1953, UNESCO endorsed he use of mother tongue, stating that, “It is axiomatic that the best medium for teaching a child is his mother tongue. Psychologically, “It is the system of meaningful signs that in his mind works automatically for expression and understanding. Sociologically, it is a means of identification among the members of the community to which he belongs. Educationally, he learns more quickly through it than through an unfamiliar linguistic medium”.
There is now a treasure trove of literature on the similarity between Ifa divination of the Yoruba of Southwest Nigeria and the computer. Ifa predated Christianity, Islam and the computer age by thousands of years. Although the alienated modern African may treat it as an obsolete relic of our savage past, its relevance to modern technological advancement is now being propagated by outsiders. If foreign languages can be used to explain Ifa’s binary system and geomantic revelations, why can’t Yoruba language be used to teach Chemistry?
The Chinese, Indians, Japanese and others in Asia have shown us that there is no single route to development. They unashamedly use what they have to navigate their way to their developmental destination. Nearer home, Ethiopia and Eritrea are two African countries noted for their own alphabet which predates many civilisations. If Russians can educate her children in Russian, why can’t the Ethiopian use Amharic?
I suspect that our reluctance to take the first meaningful step in liberating our future generations from the shackles that have held their forebears down can be traced to a lack of political will. There will be challenges, not least among which are the battle against the mono-lingual tendency of the central government, perception of English language as the global language; inadequacy or lack of trained teachers in the use of indigenous languages; under-development of orthography of some Nigerian languages; etc.
But, firstly, you have to believe in the dream. You won’t know that science can understand vernacular until you summon the political will.
Often people ask me why I write on certain topics and issues all the time, like bashing the government, and seeing very little good in people in government and government actions and my takes on education, health and power, conflict, politics of ethnicity and more.
My answer is that I do because I believe that such subjects are important for Nigeria and Nigerians as they are for other nations, but when it appears to me Nigerians and our leaders particularly do not react to these topics the way they should, I repeat them in new essays to remind old readers and recruit new ones to participate in the continuing dialogue.
Like we say in local parlance the May 29 don nearly reach, except events of seismic proportion happens, and I know it won’t happen at the court, Mr. Bola Ahmed Tinubu would be President. He comes on board with so much expectation and with so many problems, such is the fundamental nature of the problems that they have become part of us. However on many occasions we have been provided with the opportunity to get it right but many times we let go of such moments.
The just concluded Presidential polls, presents such moment again, while I have refused to discuss the elections, not as an act of cowardice, but truly, who am I, to discuss, an election many think was fairly accurate despite all the controversies, and many others see as having further divided the nation, or one that has realigned the nation.
There was this young, poor and wretched hunter. His family was nothing to write home about. He was very poor and miserable.
One day, the king of his village died and when they consulted the oracle, this young man was picked to be the next king despite the fact that his lineage has nothing to do with the kingship.
On the day of coronation, he wept so bitterly as he could not imagine the crown being put on his poor head.
After the coronation, he asked that an extra room should be built in the palace compound and the things to be kept in that room are just his catapult, hunting boots, hunting dresses and all his hunting instruments.
Anytime, he is tempted to be proud, arrogant, think too highly of himself or talk rudely to his subjects, he will go into that room and once he sees all his hunting instruments and dresses; they remind him of his humble beginning and make him humble the more.
He said that the room was the most beautiful room in the whole palace.
Though what was in that room was not beautiful, they helped him remain humble before GOD and men. In addition, it also gave him a beautiful and peaceful reign, and perspectives.
Already there is a call for time and patience, how much of it, we have only time will tell, our experience is that the government has to start all over again and the same old music is remixed and a few months after we notice the same old thread in action.
And fearfully, the same issues that the last administration sought to solve or made comic off, are the same ones we will face again.
Bola Tinubu has to, not just by his will but by his powers, thread a new path--or else we may still tow the known path. It is the only road we know for now...road contracts that will be abandoned, commissioning of hospitals without facilities. Schools that would be neglected, strikes within various sectors of the economy amongst many short and longfalls will characterize the administration with a couple of its own fair share of 'elephant and hippo' projects.
As Tinubu is sworn in, and he prepares his cabinet, I am not one of those that will really bother about whether he has a kitchen cabinet or even has a kitchen in the first place. The fact is that one; the kitchen belongs to his wife, whether as wife of the president or first lady...so I would concern myself to his ministers and yes men, and of course women.
The incoming president must stand his ground, we already are starting on a combination of contradictions, whether it is the people’s mandate, with all the ranting and noise, or INEC mandate only posterity will judge.
The fact is that Mr. Bola, will be in the first line of offensive, he will be between making sure it's not business as usual and settling politicians with aggrieved pockets on one hand. Mr. Bola will have to resist the temptation to be Minister for Petroleum, or give Mr. Shetima his veepee the power to be this or that, he should be wary of the politics of senior special assistant or some commission or body doing something and nothing about one industry or sector.
Whoever he picks, or someone suggests and demands, or the party hierarchy nominates, for whatever position, the administration is already faced with a conglomerate of jobless politicians, jobbers and ex-this and that, who require settlement of one form or the other. Can Bola damn them?
There will be a need to create a balance with intellect, hard work and patriotism in the zoning thing that has led us nowhere. How Mr. Bola is able to come out with any fascinating cabinet that will thrill Nigerians is a big question. For example, the questions to be answered will be what will the Ministry of water resources do differently, as many Nigerians would want to see water run from a tap courtesy of their effort.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu is going to be faced with giving or sharing the bounty for very mundane reasons. Ministers who failed as governors, legislators who contributed nothing and persons who lost elections and others whose father and mother was former this, and former that will be everywhere.
Mr. Bola must stop sharing the cake; he needs to shock Nigerians by his appointments. This is my admonishment, Mr. Bola…does not have an enviable job but with passion he can make it a worthwhile one and start to leave a legacy. Get off all the talk, because it is cheap and could come back to hunt and haunt him.
Nigerians want Ministers, advisers, and aides, legislators that will perform miracles. For a nation that has a very low expectation ratio, for sure we are ‘not’ asking for the impossible from Mr. Bola considering the rot he has to contend with, but he must importantly often go into that room, seek inspiration from that room, he must tell the truth…he must be transparent, and accountability to man and God, and Nigerians, how it will end—only time tell!
On New Year’s Day in 1991, 81-year-old Siad Barre, Somalia’s third (and last) president, fled the capital city, Mogadishu, under assault from the combined forces of a prolonged insurgency. 16 days later, in a supposedly unrelated development, President George Hubert Walker Bush of the United States of America launched Operation Desert Storm against the occupation of Kuwait’s oil fields by Iraq’s president Saddam Hussein. Four months later, in May 1991, Siad Barre went into exile in Nigeria where he lived until his death in 1995.
Back home, the vacuum created by General Barre’s departure in 1991 triggered a messy contest between various warlords and militias for control of the country, which posed a grave threat to both Somalia’s neighbours in the Horn of Africa and to the strategic maritime theatre of the Gulf of Aden.
Somalis are not only found in Somalia. They are also in Djibouti, Ethiopia and Kenya. Siad Barre was initially committed to a policy of uniting all Somali populations under one territory. In pursuit of this ideology, he invaded Ethiopia’s Ogaden region in 1977, triggering a war in which Ethiopia eventually prevailed with support from the Soviet Union. Somalia, which had until then proclaimed itself Socialist, thereafter shifted its strategic orientation towards closer cooperation with the United States.
The cost of the degeneration of Somalia into a messy gang-land war was heavy. By the beginning of 1992, one year after Siad Barre’s departure from power, “as many 350,000 people in Somalia died from starvation, with another 80,000 people having fled to neighbouring countries”. Somalia’s biggest neighbour on its western borders, Ethiopia, which hosted the headquarters of the then Organization of African Unity, OAU was itself preoccupied with a political transition after the ruinous misrule of Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam’s Dergue regime, and its main priority was to prevent a Somali contagion on its territory. Still reluctant to abandon its foundational commitment to non-interference in the affairs of member states, the OAU could not mobilise consensus on how best to respond to the Somali meltdown. Within Somalia itself, there was no leader who could invite international action with legitimacy.
In that season of the brief interregnum of the unipolar world, there was much talk of humanitarian intervention. Somalia was seen as a good case for it and the United States, fresh from what was seen as the diplomatic and military success of its campaign in Iraq, was under pressure to act. On April 24, 1992, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 751 which deplored “the magnitude of the human suffering caused by the conflict” in Somalia, formally declared it a threat to international peace and security and established the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM).
The best efforts of the limited UNOSOM team were, however, no match for the menace of the Somali militias. So, on December 3, 1992, the Security Council adopted Resolution 794, which complained about the “continuation of conditions that impede the delivery of humanitarian supplies to destinations within Somalia, and in particular reports of looting of relief supplies destined for starving people, attacks on aircraft and ships bringing in humanitarian relief supplies” . It, therefore, authorised member states to “use all measures as may be necessary to ensure” effective humanitarian operations in Somalia. Six days later, on December 9, 1992, a contingent of US Navy SEALS landed on the coast of Mogadishu at the beginning of Operation Restore Hope under considerable media attention.
In March 1994, Operation Restore Hope ended in disarray. One outcome of Operation Restore Hope among many was to force the OAU to urgently re-evaluate its doctrinal commitment to non-interference. At their meeting in Cairo in June 1993, the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU agreed to establish within the organization, a Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Resolution, and Management, effectively bringing to an end the fiction that instability in a given country was of no consequence to its neighbours. Sudan’s then ruler, General Omar Al-Bashir, and Eritrea’s Isaias Afewerki were the two voices of dissent against this decision.
From this tentative beginning, the OAU evolved rapidly in seven years to the point of its own replacement in 2000 by the African Union (AU). At its adoption in 1963, the founding charter of the OAU complained of subversion by neighbours against one another and prohibited interference by one African country in the domestic affairs of their neighbours. It was not a very African approach to coexistence in a continent in which looking out for one another had for long been an axiom of good neighbourliness.
In a dramatic departure from this position, the African Union’s Constitutive Act, which was incidentally adopted at the turn of the Millennium, commits the continent’s rulers to “respect for the sanctity of human life” and recognizes a duty and a “right of the Union to intervene in a Member State…. in respect of grave circumstances, namely war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity”. To supervise this new commitment, the AU, as the successor to the OAU would become known, established a Peace and Security Council to “promote peace, security and stability in Africa, in order to guarantee the protection and preservation of life and property, the well-being of the African people”. It comprises 15 African countries elected by their peers and represented at the highest levels by their presidents, prime ministers, or kings.
Underlying the mission of the AU supposedly is a commitment to a different and united way of addressing the continent’s security crises. In a contemporaneous retrospective on the failure of Operation Restore Hope in 1994, Ghanaian-born economist, George Ayittey, deplored the contest over super-power control of Africa’s destiny. Cautioning that durable solutions to the continent’s myriad problems can only come from Africans themselves, he launched the now popular mantra of “African solutions to African problems”.
With the persistence of a multiplicity of foreign stakeholders in many of the continent’s problems, however, the challenge always was with figuring out what kinds of problems could be described as African and at what point the solutions could be seen as African. In any event, this doctrine implied that African leaders had a responsibility to take initiative and provide leadership in the search for solutions to the continent’s problems. This has been missing in the three weeks since the mutual antipathies between Sudan’s implacable generals descended into urban warfare in Khartoum.
The result is that the AU has abdicated both initiative and ideas. With nearly 1.2 million refugees before the onset of these hostilities, Sudan housed the second largest population of refugees in Africa behind only Uganda, and the seventh largest in the world. Setting them to pasture is not going to be cost-free to Sudan’s neighbours nor is that merely a humanitarian occurrence. It is also a profound security concern. Equally, the AU does not appear to have heard that some Western countries willfully shredded the passports of African nationals while evacuating their missions in Khartoum.
With over 400,000 internally displaced, nearly 150,000 dispersed across Sudan’s borders into neighbouring countries in Chad, Central African Republic, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, and South Sudan and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated an exodus of over 860,000 people from Khartoum and its neighbourhoods, the leaders of the African Union have not seen fit to meet at any level even for symbolic purposes other than half-hearted meetings convened on Zoom at almost risible levels. Separated by over three decades, the response of the AU to the unfolding crisis in Khartoum reprises in slow motion the self-inflicted incapacities of the OAU in Somalia.
In the face of arguably the continent’s most serious crisis since the Rwanda Genocide, the AU’s response has been inexplicably somnolent. It has no plan. Chad’s former foreign minister, Moussa Faki Mahamat, who heads the Commission of the African Union in Addis Ababa, appears to be slow-walking the organisation to considerations determined by the imperatives of his home country (which shares borders with Sudan) rather than the collective wellbeing of the region and the continent. Under him, the promise of the Constitutive Act is being squandered; over two-thirds of the AU’s budget is funded by non-African countries and nearly half of the member states are unwilling or unable to pay their assessed budget contributions. Under Moussa Faki Mahamat, the AU increasingly acts neither African nor like a Union.
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.