OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

SUNDAY 1-DEC

 

Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date

Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele

Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki

CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties

Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling

Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president

OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra

Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju

‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi

[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team

[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria

Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans

‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama

Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary

Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage

Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi

How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists

2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion

Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate

 

Much as the jury is out on the underwhelming performance of Buhari’s presidency these past eight years, the octogenarian never misses any opportunity for vainglorious adulation. At the unveiling of a housing project in Zuba on the periphery of Abuja the other day, Buhari sustained his predilection towards self-celebration. According to him, his “administration has fulfilled its election promise of change to Nigerians.” Really? Maybe. Buhari may be deploying instruments of obtuse appraisal, though to arrive at his conclusions. He famously told us before he came into office in 2015, that he would drag Nigeria from “top to bottom.” He has done just that and we are effectively at that basement now. He will be correct therefore to have so positively rated his aggregate endeavours in office. In his revisionist narrative, Buhari wants us to believe he is the best thing that ever happened to Nigeria. 

The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria, (HURIWA), spontaneously shot down a recently released 91-page book of platitudes extolling Buhari’s achievements, as articulated by his communications office. The publication is consistent with the tendency towards the propagandist logorrhoea which has typified the night before Buhari fades from the nation’s socio-political scene. Famous and respected Kenyan professor of law, who is also a good governance advocate, Patrick Loch Otieno Lumumba, popularly known as “PLO Lumumba”, made a pertinent observation in one of his characteristically spellbinding public engagements. He theorised that “if a leader has to spend so much time and energy explaining what and what he has done while in office, then that leader has done absolutely nothing.” For Lumumba, “a leader’s achievements should speak for him.” Buhari’s trenchant loquaciousness on the eve of his departure from the presidency therefore is tailored to paper up his serial failings, foibles and fumbling. 

 

The flag bearer of the Peoples’ Democratic Party, (PDP) at the last presidential election, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, who is understandably hurt by the obvious and deliberate figure-tweaking and gross violations which characterised the last polls, has maintained enviable stoicism. His interventions in public discourse are few and measured, even as he pursues a legal course to unravel the jigsaw. Atiku is doing this not particularly because of himself, but on behalf of every prospective participant in the democratic process. Atiku’s triumphs in his litigations against the president and the state following his persecution by President Olusegun Obasanjo have profited several modern day political aspirants and candidates. Some of the judgments have mitigated rascality, impunity and lawlessness in the exercise of authority within the executive arm of government and various political platforms. To adapt the title of the civil war memoir written by Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, leader of the defunct Biafran secession attempt, Atiku’s pursuit is “not because he’s involved.” 

Atiku is neither downcast nor depressed by the magical turn of events proceeding after the February 25, 2023 presidential election. He runs his regular routine, ever hosting guests, solving problems within his capacity, honouring engagements and doing paperwork. He recently made the rounds checking up on his close associate, Raymond Aleogho Dokpesi, owner of Raypower Radio and AIT, arguably the pioneer of a privately-owned broadcasting outfit, who was beneath the weather. He proceeded to commiserate with his protege and former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Emeka Ihedioha, who lost his mother. He also empathised with Orji Uzor Kalu, Majority Whip of the Senate, whose wife sadly passed on in the US. Atiku took the trouble to travel to Kano, to personally visit the family of Musa Gwadabe, Minister of Labour and Productivity under the Obasanjo/Atiku government. Atiku did all these, in person. 

Beyond the symbolism of these efforts, Atiku is demonstrating the manner of humanity and fellow-feeling which has been totally absent from the Buhari regime. Atiku’s rounds as detailed above were not driven by partisanship or ethnic considerations. Dokpesi, Ihedioha and Kalu are all southerners and Christians. Gwadabe was a northerner and a Muslim. Even as the nation spiralled into wanton killing fields on several fronts, not once did Buhari excuse himself from the cosy royalty of Aso Villa to personally and practically assess any incident. Rather, for every calamity that befell his constituents, a mechanistic “Letter of Condolence” was stereotypically the maximum expression of concern by the president. Expected to detour into Zamfara on a visit to Sokoto State last year, the alibi of “bad weather” was propounded to excuse Buhari’s presidential jet from possible attack by bandits domiciled in Zamfara. 

Atiku, by the way, is a consummate fan of the very popular, high-flying English Premier League Club, Arsenal. This indeed is one of our mutual intersections. As “Gunners,” we persevere, we are focused, we are committed. We have style, we have flair, we are systematic, we are not given to quick-fixes. We are patient enough to experience trends and developments as they evolve. At a time like this, one is reminded of that timeless Yoruba adage which translates as: “The slowness of the cat is skill, not a lack of will.” It’s game on metaphorically as legal proceedings get underway Monday, May 8, 2023. Please get a vantage seat at the lips of the play field. 

 

* Concluded 

Last modified on Thursday, 11 May 2023 06:00
For many decades now, Nigeria has been desperately trying to diversify its foreign exchange earnings through non-oil exports. With crude oil accounting for over 90% of its foreign exchange earnings, the Nigerian economy goes into severe shocks and recessions each time the oil market is depressed. In the Second Republic, the Shehu Shagari administration launched a string of austerity measures to cut spending when oil price plummeted to $10 per barrel. As a result, the economy plunged into recession, which led to widespread shortages of essential food items, factory closures and job losses. The government was overthrown in a military putsch, but the problems did not go away. The military government of General Ibrahim Babangida implemented a fundamental restructuring of the economy known as Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), which was largely recommended and supervised by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). It entailed massive devaluation of the currency and the launch of incentives to boost non-oil exports. A dedicated agency, the Nigerian Export Promotion Council (NEPC) and a specialized bank, Nigeria-Export-Import Bank (NEXIM), were established to design an array of incentives for non-oil exporters and provide funding for them. In addition, commercial banks were encouraged to establish Export Desks to support exporters of non-oil items. The results were impressive as non-oil exports increased dramatically over the following decades. Still, the problem was that the exports were made up of agricultural commodities like cashew and vegetables. But these products suffered high rejection in the international markets due to stringent conditions imposed by the receiving countries. However, Nigerian exporters have remained undaunted as non-oil exports' contributions to overall foreign exchange inflows continue to improve.
 
Enter Godwin Emefiele. Under him, the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), in collaboration with the Bankers’ Committee, has launched a series of sectoral intervention programmes to stimulate economic growth. The CBN has realized that unfolding global economic development indicates that monetary policy was reaching its limit, and would need complementary help from other spheres of the economy to propel growth. In February 2022, the Bank unveiled a program to boost non-oil exports and reparation of their proceeds. Tagged: RT 200 Non-Oil Exports Proceeds Repatriation Programme (RT200 for short), the scheme aims to raise $200 billion in FX earnings from non-oil proceeds over the next three to five years. It would be implemented in close collaboration with the commercial banks.
 
At the core of this programme is a rebate scheme that is designed to incentivize non-oil exporters to repatriate their FX earnings and sell such earnings in the FX market. So, for every dollar repatriated and sold in the I&E (Investors and Exporters) Window to third parties, the exporter shall receive N65 and for every dollar repatriated and sold into the I&E for own use, the exporter receives N35. The idea is for the country to earn more stable and sustainable FX inflows in order to insulate the economy from shocks and FX shortages. We should recall that the economy has plunged into two recessions in the last eight years following the steep dives in oil prices.
 
Unlike other incentive schemes, RT 200 focuses mainly on exports of finished and semi-finished goods wholly partly processed or manufactured in Nigeria and export of goods and services (IT and creative businesses) that are permissible and excluded under existing export prohibition list. This means that Innoson vehicles, Dangote Urea fertilizer and many other goods manufactured in-country are eligible for this incentive. To assess the performance of this programme and evaluate the challenges it faces, the CBN convenes a summit of exporters, bankers and other stakeholders in the non-oil export ecosystem twice a year to review progress. The third of such summits took place last Tuesday in Lagos, and Gov. Emefiele was upbeat in his review. ‘’Available data shows that repatriation due to RT 200 increased by 40% from $3.0 billion in 2021 to $5.6 billion at the end of 2022. The momentum for 2023 is equally showing strong numbers and impressive prospects’’, the governor announced. In the first quarter of 2023, a total of $1.7 billion was repatriated back into the Nigerian economy, while about $790 million was sold at the I&E window year-to-date. The balance of proceeds remains in the Export Domiciliary accounts of the exporters. However, such balances would not be eligible for rebate until they are sold into the economy.
 
But despite these successes, non-oil exports continue to face multifaceted challenges. Lazarus Angbazo, the chief executive of Infrastructure Corporation of Nigeria, dimensions those challenges to include weak logistics (shipping; customs; tracking, tracing; ports, roads, haulage infrastructure; etc). There is also the problem of poor electricity supply. The World Bank estimates that poor transportation infrastructure costs the country 2% in GDP loss, which is equivalent to $10 billion, and because of increased transportation costs, Nigerian goods are less competitive in the international markets. Delays in deliveries lead to missed delivery deadlines and lost sales. The government needs to invest $3 trillion over 30 years in transportation infrastructures to address this. Poor sanitation is also a challenge. The United Nations says poor sanitation costs the country $3 billion annually. It leads to quality issues, risks of damage/spoilage and reduced market value. Conversely, good sanitation will lead to significant demand for materials and labour worth $8 billion. Insufficient electricity is a well-known limiting factor in every sphere of our national and private life. Due to inadequate electrification, $29 billion is lost annually in Nigeria’s economy, according to the World Bank. Broadband infrastructure is also crucial in driving non-oil exports as it improves market access and facilitates access to customers and off-takers. The Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC) states that the country requires a $5 billion investment for the 2020-2025 Broadband Plan.  
 
Despite these problems, the CBN believes the country must continue to drive up non-oil exports and repatriation of proceeds. Says Emefiele: ‘’Countries all over the world are turning to export earnings and proceeds repatriation as a veritable means of bolstering foreign reserves, maintaining a robust balance of payments position and a stable source of foreign exchange inflows’’. In some countries, the repatriation period ranges from less than six months from the exportation of the product and could result in prosecution if the proceeds are not repatriated on time. In Ghana, for example, export earnings must be repatriated to the countryat least 40% of which must be converted to the domestic currency within 15 working days of repatriation. In India, the Foreign Exchange Regulation Act permits the realization and repatriation of export proceeds within nine months from the date of export. Many countries have these regulations to ensure effective export repatriation. Nigeria cannot be the odd man out. The CBN and the Bankers’ Committee deserve a commendation for this new initiative.

Last modified on Wednesday, 10 May 2023 18:21

On Thursday May 18, General Aliyu Gusau(rtd), CFR, will be 80. If you call him General Aliyu Mohammed or General Aliyu Gusau, you are referring to the same man. The talk in many circles, in this country, is that if you have a problem that you cant solve, contact General Aliyu Mohammed Gusau. He will give you  a solution. He is a brilliant man with very few words. He loves to operate in the background and rarely talks. You either fear him or you love him. He is someone, you cannot ignore his call.  Inspite of all said about him, General Gusau is a man who values friendship. He goes out of his way, even bend rules to help his friends. His circle of friends is beyond religious, tribal, military or even political groupings.

The Nigerian Defense Academy was established in 1964 to replace the Nigeria Military Training College (NMTC) for the purpose of producing junior leaders (officers) for the Nigerian Armed Forces. Hitherto, Nigeria Armed Forces Officer Cadets were trained in oversea countries, notably Royal Military Academy I (RMA), Sandhurst England, German Air Force Academy and Teshie Military Academy, Ghana. The First Regular Course (Regular Course 1), which consisted of Army and Navy Cadets only of the duration of 31/2 years. Air Force Cadets were later admitted and trained with the subsequent courses.

The outbreak of the Nigerian civil war in 1967 made it imperative for the Emergency Commission Course (ECC) to be introduced to produce officers for the prosecution of the war. The duration of this type of training ranged between 4-8weeks. The ECC was eventually phased out at the end of the war in 1970 when the need to produce officers of such cadre in the Nigerian Armed Forces was no longer as pressing. In its place the Short Service (Combatant) Commission (SSC) course was introduced with a duration ranging between 6-9months.

This type of training draws largely on the pool of graduates from the Nigerian Universities and other technical colleges to meet the manpower need of the Nigerian Armed Forces on a short-term basis.

This type of training was designed to give the cadets essential professional knowledge that will enable them to be competent platoon commander in their respective units on commissioning. Cadets from other sister African nations have also been trained all along in this august institution. In the mid 1990’s the three services of the Nigeria Armed Forces namely: The Army;Navy and Air Force transferred the training of their cadets under the direct short service commission (DSSC) course to the NDA. With this, uniformity in training standards for officers of the respective services of the Nigerian Armed Forces has been achieved.

One of the students of the Nigerian Defence Academy first Regular Course 1 was General Aliyu Muhammed. His other course mates included Lt-General Oladipo Diya, Lt-General Joshua Dongoyaro, Major General Ishola Williams, Major General Salihu Ibrahim and Admiral Allison Madueke.

Others were Major General O. Daramola, Brigadier General Ibrahim Bako, Brigadier General Rafuka, Major General Karawu, Major General Suleiman, Colonel Anifowose, Major General Abdulahi Mamman, Major General Idahosa, Major General Peter Adomokhai, Major General Haladu Hananiya, Major General Samuel Olajide and Colonel Awodeyi.

General Aliyu Gusau, since joining the Army in 1964, has been able to build national and global contacts. He speaks seven languages including Hebrew, French and German. He is also vast in  Arabic.  Before he retired from the Nigerian Army, he rose to the position of the Chief of Army Staff.

 In 1967, he fought during the Nigerian Civil War. He was Commander of 9 Infantry Brigade, Abeokuta (April 1976 – July 1978). He later became acting Governor of Ogun state. During that time he formed strong friendship among strong Ogun state elites and the friendship still last till today. General Aliyu Gusau became Adjutant General of 2 Mechanised Division (July 1978 – September 1979) and Director of Personnel Services, Army Headquarters (October 1979 – November 1979).

From November 1979 to December 1983, Aliyu was Director of Military Intelligence (DMI) along with Brigadier General Ibrahim Bako, Major General Ibrahim Babangida and Major General Muhammadu Buhari. He played an important role in the coup that ousted President Shehu Shagari and the Second Nigerian Republic on 31 December 1983 and brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power.

When Major General Babangida took over power in 1995, General Aliyu was appointed Director of the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA) and Acting Director-General of the National Security Organisation (NSO) from September 1985 to August 1986, then Coordinator on National Security from August 1986 to December 1989. He reorganised the security and intelligence apparatuses, which had fallen in disarray under Rafindadi during the Buhari regime, breaking up the NSO into three organisations: State Security Services (SSS), National Intelligence Agency (NIA) and the Defence Intelligence Agency (DIA).

General Gusau was appointed General Officer Commanding 2 Mechanised Division in Ibadan from December 1989 to August 1990; and Chief of Administration, Defence Headquarters, in Lagos from August 1990 to February 1992. He was Commandant of the Nigerian Defence Academy, Kaduna from February 1992 to January 1993.

Aliyu became National Security Advisor in January 1993, and was promoted to Chief of Army Staff when Babangida passed control to the short-lived civilian government of the Nigerian Third Republic in August 1993.

In November 1993, in a bid to consolidate his power General Sani Abacha removed Aliyu as Chief of Army Staff replacing him with General Chris Alli.

General Ibrahim Babangida GCFR once told me that the greatness of General Aliyu Gusau lies in personal contact with him. He said General Aliyu Gusau is “a wonderful man, a personal friend and a loyal officer. I am always proud of him”.

His son Mahdi Aliyu Gusau (born 1981) served as deputy governor of Zamfara State from 2019 till 2022. His daughter, Aisha,is married to Yusuf Datti Baba-Ahmed, the Vice Presidential candidate of the Labour Party in the last Presidential election.

From 1983 till now, every Nigerian leader had one way or the other had contacts with General Aliyu Gusua. In his home state of Zamfara, he is regarded as the Godfather of politics in that state. I think the source of his greatness is his simplicity.

Those who know him love him, infact too much. Those who hate him do not know him at all.

Last modified on Wednesday, 10 May 2023 08:43

It was a great privilege to be invited as one of the three keynote speakers on a security management symposium and book launch under the theme ‘Sustaining the Gains of War Against Banditry and Insurrection’ held at Ibeto Hotels, Abuja on 4 May 2023. The other two keynote speakers were General Lucky Irabor, Chief of Defence Staff and Solomon Arase, retired Inspector General of Police and Chairman of Police Services Commission who was ably represented by Ferdinand U Ekpe, Director of Police Recruitment.

The two books presented were ‘The Nigeria Police Force and the Dynamics of Election Security Management System: Essays in Honour of Habila Joshak – Deputy Inspector General of Police (Rtd)’ and ‘Countering Banditry in Nigeria’ edited by Al Chukwuma Okoli and Ikechukwu  Kingsley Uzoma. Professor Olayemi Akinwunmi, Vice Chancellor of Federal University, Lokoja reviewed both books which were published by Unilag Press & Bookshop Ltd.

I intend to properly report and interrogate the very robust presentations at the summit soon, especially the highly illuminating speech by General Irabor, which he delivered extemporaneously, on the general theme of the symposium and on the synergies between the Army and the Police in the fight against insurgency, terrorism and banditry.

Today the focus is on my own presentation entitled ‘Beyond the Rhetoric of Winning the War Against Insurgency, Terrorism and Banditry: The Task Ahead for  the incoming Government’. The reason for this is not because of any special intellectual merit of my presentation but more because, with the inauguration of the President-elect  less than three weeks away, the incoming government needs to be strongly reminded that the war against insurgency, terrorism and banditry remain unfinished.

What do we understand by Insurgency, Terrorism and Banditry? What are their drivers and manifestations?  And what is the relationship between the three concepts?

An insurgency is a violent political struggle for control of people and resources.  It is not a mode of warfare but primarily a political process. Insurgent groups aim to undermine the legitimacy of the government and bolster their own standing with the population. They seek to alienate the population from the government by creating alternative social, political and cultural institutions. They are essentially a struggle of the weak against a materially superior ruling power. IPOB and the  Yoruba nation agitations are typical examples of insurgencies.

Terrorism is an emotionally charged term with no consensus in the literature on its definition.  Broadly speaking, it is the use of intentional violence and fear as tools to achieve political or ideological aims. The term can also be used in a political sense to de-legitimize any group.  People also talk of state-sponsored terrorism. There have been several theoretical explanations of terrorism including David Rapoport’s waves of terrorism theory in which he argued that  terrorism moves in waves, with each wave lasting approximately 40 years before it mutates into another form. There are equally the poverty, state failure and crisis in our nation building arguments which supposedly force some groups and individuals to de-link from the state into other contraptions they feel offer them better alternatives to negotiate life.

Banditry is a form of organized crime which typically involves the threat or use of violence. In Nigeria bandits famously terrorise communities in the North West region and other parts of the country. Their activities include kidnapping, arson, shooting, rape, cattle rustling, killing, and looting. The prevalence of ungoverned and under-governed spaces where the government’s control is ineffective or absent is a major factor giving rise to banditry. Ungoverned and Under-governed spaces coupled with the country’s porous borders have increased the influx of small arms and light weapons from the Sahel region – thus increasing the opportunities for crime. This is facilitated by vast forests which allow the illegal arms trade to fester. Additionally, the challenging socioeconomic conditions in the country leave many of the youths vulnerable to recruitment for criminal activities

There is a nexus between terrorism, insurgency and banditry. While terrorism and insurgencies are driven by forms of ideology, banditry is pure criminality by armed gangs driven primarily by economic gains. The three groups are however increasingly converging on their strategies: just like bandits, terrorists and insurgents are known to have raided communities, looted property (foodstuff and livestock), and abducted civilians.  There are also suspicions that the three groups may have established forms of collaboration in some areas.  

How far has the Buhari government fared in the fight against Terrorism, Insurgency and Banditry? In his inaugural address in 2015, Buhari vowed to crush Boko Haram within three months and recover all the territories it had seized. While some gains were made in the recovery of lost territories held by Boko Haram, the emergence of a splinter group in 2016 known as Islamic State- West Africa (ISIS-WA), heralded a new dawn of terror.  At the same time there was an increase in banditry in the North-west and in insurgencies in the South-east and to a lesser extent the South-west primarily as a result of the government’s mismanagement of the herdsmen’s crisis which led to non-state actors moving in to promise the local populace protection from the rampaging herdsmen.

So what should one recommend to an incoming government?

One, if there is anything the elections of 25 February 2023 and 18 March 2023 showed, it is that the chasms in our traditional fault lines are deeper than previously thought. Since insurgencies and terrorism are rooted in groups feeling alienated from the state and consequently de-linking from it, it will naturally subsidize if faith is restored to the nation through deliberate use of state instruments to wield together the diverse nationalities that make up the country.

Two, healing from the bitterly fought elections cannot work if those who played active roles in promoting ethnic and religious hatred during the elections – the likes of Bayo Onanuga, Fani Kayode, MC Oluomo - are given front row positions in an incoming government. Nasir el Rufai is a smart and courageous man. However, given his role in initiating the Muslim-Muslim ticket in Kaduna State and in trying to institutionalize it by making sure his handpicked successor also opted for a Muslim-Muslim ticket, any front row position given to him in an incoming government will be viewed as an affront by the Christian community and a tacit endorsement of the anomaly he created and sustained in Kaduna state. In essence, an incoming government must be sensitive to the role of optics in nation-building.

Three, an incoming government must devise a better approach for fighting the herdsmen terrorism. Though the herdsmen crisis has its roots in the struggle for environmental resource, it has become politicized largely because of its total  mismanagement by the Buhari government who chose to treat the herdsmen with kid gloves thereby unwittingly creating insurgencies like IPOB and Yoruba Nation agitators who moved in to  promise  citizens protection from the excesses of the  herdsmen.

Four, is the need for not just an increase in the number of policemen but also an introduction of multi-level policing to address the issues of ungoverned and under-governed spaces. Improving the quality of governance and providing well-targeted socioeconomic interventions will reduce the role of poverty and unemployment in pushing people to criminality or alienating them from the state system.  

__________________
Jideofor Adibe is Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State

University, Keffi and Extraordinary Professor of Government Studies at North Western

University, Mafikeng South Africa. He is also the founder of Adonis & Abbey Publishers and can be reached at 0705 807 8841(Text or WhatsApp only).

 

 

At the heart of Nigeria’s troubled and enchanted existence is wild and minacious politics. Politics defiant of patriotism and national interest; politics vacant of soul and righteous purpose; politics of predation and degradation. Politics of gladiatorial contests and duels. Destructive, dangerous politics.

The losing side in the 2023 presidential election has been dutiful and purposive on its agenda to push Nigeria to the precipice. Time and time again, this group has made provocative pronouncements, and keeps kindling the furnace of its malicious intents.

What could be more provocative, desperate, and dangerous than the call for the suspension of the sacerdotal May 29 inauguration of President-elect Bola Ahmed Tinubu? What could be more heinous, psychedelic, atrocious and befuddling than this obtrusive contempt for Nigeria’s peace and stability?

It is clear that the pursuit of power by the foremen of the losing side was never out of compulsion to fix Nigeria, but for some deep, blinkered advantage. According to this group, governance should be suspended, and Nigeria can wait in limbo until by some wizardry conjuring, they ‘’reclaim their mandate’’. This is utterly ridiculous. What mandate?

The facts of the election have been emphasised again and again. President-elect Tinubu fairly, convincingly won the 2023 presidential election. He has an inexorable date with destiny. On May 29, 2023, he will be sworn in as Nigeria’s president. The Nigerian people freely, and enthusiastically gave him their mandate. They entered an accord, a social contract, with him on the strength of his leadership example.

What is staggering is that the call for this obvious sabotage of Nigeria is not only coming from some votaries of the losing side on the internet, but from some respected Nigerians soiled by partisanship and provoked by desperation for access to power. These Nigerians seem to be having difficulty adjusting to life after the taste of the allures of power. They are irascible, irrational, and seem primed for political suicide-bombing. They are ready to risk their careers and vaunted reputation for partisanship. How depressing?

May 29 inauguration is inviolable. There are judicial precedents, like President Buhari’s case against former President Obasanjo’s inauguration in 2003, which the court ruled in Obasanjo’s favour. There are also political precedents, since 1999 never has the inauguration of an incoming government been put in abeyance over electoral litigation.

What these devotees of dystopia are calling for is simply anarchy. So, because a politician lost an election, Nigeria should be made to pay for that? Our peace and stability should be threatened because a politician was rejected by Nigerians?

The same group, which hounded the Buhari administration in the past eight years, now want him to tarry awhile because of their pursuit of a self-absorbent goal. It is no longer about Nigeria, but about what is good for them and their candidate.

And for this genus, it is not about good governance either. To them, good governance is natively partial; it is selective of candidates based on kinship, religious orientation, or some manufactured puritanism. It must be their candidate as president, or doom and gloom befall the country. So, they constitute themselves into a bulwark of cynicism, scorching conversations and the polity with hate, prejudice, and fear.

But what happens when the election petition tribunal upholds the will of Nigerians by affirming the election of the president-elect? Will they persist in their enterprise of scorching the country? Will they accept the decision of the court? Or will they embark on a political trench war to perturb country?

I ask that we allow the court to do its duty without intimidation, threats, and fear. It is unpatriotic to harass judges on the ungoverned social media with tainted suggestions as to how they should do their job.

A SEASON OF GREAT EXPECTATIONS

A beautiful start. I believe good governance will silence doubters and scoffers. Every step the President-elect takes rings "united Nigeria, unity, peace, and progress". The zoning of national assembly positions by the APC seems fair. Each zone was incorporated into the leadership matrix of the parliament, except for the north-central which I understand will be equitably compensated.

The politics of representation has always been a knotty one here. Not that there are any tangible accruals to the zone represented, but I know it gives some sort of soothing effect, a feeling of inclusion, to those represented. There are often claims of marginalisation by different sections of Nigeria. But the reality is, we all face the same challenges as a people. We need food, good schools, functional hospitals, security, infrastructure, and jobs. We are more connected by our shared needs, and goals, than we know it.

No zone should feel entitled to any position. I believe the only entitlement one should have as a citizen is of good governance. Every Nigerian is deserving of good governance. Every Nigerian is entitled to good governance.

It is a season of great expectations, and a beautiful start.

God bless Nigeria.

Last modified on Tuesday, 09 May 2023 14:41
Nigeria earned almost $400 billion in 16 years under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The PDP administration built nothing and added nothing beyond creating hundreds of 'private jets' flying billionaires who owned no industries - it prides itself on building nothing but a handful of people who successfully highjacked and manipulated the system as exemplified by just two of the high flyers: Diezani Allison-Madueke and Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. 
 
Diezani had unlimited access to power, money, and other privileges: she was on the board of Shell Petroleum as executive director, once married to Allison Madueke, a retired Naval officer, former CNC, and two-term military governor of two different states. She was a trained architect who later transformed to become Nigeria's first female minister of works and later petroleum minister. Yet, despite these privileges, Diezani stole our barbequed fish, and roasted yams, and hide them in her bra like a mad woman.
 
Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is a full-blown product of the imperialist and a neutralized American citizen who has been serving as the Director-General of the World Trade Organization since March 2021. Ngozi played a very dominant role under the Peoples Democratic Party voodoo economy supervised by former Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan two unapologetic 'irredeemable' imperialist agents. Ngozi played the role of a well trained imperialist mind successful. Thereafter, she was rewarded with a plum office as the first woman and first African to lead the World Trade Organization as Director-General. Meanwhile, the Nigerian economy nosedived completely.
 
In lieu of the above, the incoming administration of Tinubu's Presidency inheriting a huge burden of trust deficits, squandering of riches, and heavy debt profile, must of necessity be circumspect and avoid the pitfalls of the past. To be clear: the impacts of imperialism in Africa included the creation of a system of economic exploitation that benefitted Europe at the cost of Africa. It is worthy of note, that, throughout history, imperialism has led countries to extend their rule over weaker countries and then colonized those countries to expand their own power. Imperialism allows the ruling countries to use the weaker countries for their resources.
 
The catchall phrase “African solutions to African problems” should be the watchword on the lips of the team members of the new administration with the hope of a new social order. It is evident that African people have got the necessary resources and knowledge to address the challenges the continent is facing. Even if the concept needs further development, away from the ongoing recolonization as exemplified by endless borrowing presently from the Eastern world and previously from the Western front.
 
Expectedly, 'Hope '93' must continue to resonate in our subconscious minds. The progenitor: Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola is an admixture of ideological contestation and political admiration. Likewise, Tinubu's Presidency should emulate MKO's philosophy of Pan-Africanism. The point of a total overhaul of our system cannot be overstated: we must be reasonably independent of the West and the East. Therefore, the incoming President Asíwájú Bola Ahmed Bola must stick to his determination of running a people's friendly economy devoid of corruption.
 
Finally, the incoming administration should endeavor to be the bridge between the past and the future thereby turning our past inglorious era of wastage of resources into building a new era of HOPE, FREEDOM, and VIBRANCY. The sleeping giant deserves to wake up to its responsibilities in the continent of Africa and occupy her rightful position in the comity of Nations - so that at the fullness of time, the verdict of posterity, the verdict of history, and the judgment of God will be kind with us as a nation destined for greatness.
 

Last modified on Wednesday, 10 May 2023 05:55

At the heart of Nigeria’s troubled and enchanted existence is wild and minacious politics. Politics defiant of patriotism and national interest; politics vacant of soul and righteous purpose; politics of predation and degradation. Politics of gladiatorial contests and duels. Destructive, dangerous politics.

 

The losing side in the 2023 presidential election has been dutiful and purposive on its agenda to push Nigeria to the precipice. Time and time again, this group has made provocative pronouncements, and keeps kindling the furnace of its malicious intents.

What could be more provocative, desperate, and dangerous than the call for the suspension of the sacerdotal May 29 inauguration of President-elect Bola Ahmed Tinubu? What could be more heinous, psychedelic, atrocious and befuddling than this obtrusive contempt for Nigeria’s peace and stability?

It is clear that the pursuit of power by the foremen of the losing side was never out of compulsion to fix Nigeria, but for some deep, blinkered advantage. According to this group, governance should be suspended, and Nigeria can wait in limbo until by some wizardry conjuring, they ‘’reclaim their mandate’’. This is utterly ridiculous. What mandate?

The facts of the election have been emphasised again and again. President-elect Tinubu fairly, convincingly won the 2023 presidential election. He has an inexorable date with destiny. On May 29, 2023, he will be sworn in as Nigeria’s president. The Nigerian people freely, and enthusiastically gave him their mandate. They entered an accord, a social contract, with him on the strength of his leadership example.

What is staggering is that the call for this obvious sabotage of Nigeria is not only coming from some votaries of the losing side on the internet, but from some respected Nigerians soiled by partisanship and provoked by desperation for access to power. These Nigerians seem to be having difficulty adjusting to life after the taste of the allures of power. They are irascible, irrational, and seem primed for political suicide-bombing. They are ready to risk their careers and vaunted reputation for partisanship. How depressing?

May 29 inauguration is inviolable. There are judicial precedents, like President Buhari’s case against former President Obasanjo’s inauguration in 2003, which the court ruled in Obasanjo’s favour. There are also political precedents, since 1999 never has the inauguration of an incoming government been put in abeyance over electoral litigation.

What these devotees of dystopia are calling for is simply anarchy. So, because a politician lost an election, Nigeria should be made to pay for that? Our peace and stability should be threatened because a politician was rejected by Nigerians?

The same group, which hounded the Buhari administration in the past eight years, now want him to tarry awhile because of their pursuit of a self-absorbent goal. It is no longer about Nigeria, but about what is good for them and their candidate.

And for this genus, it is not about good governance either. To them, good governance is natively partial; it is selective of candidates based on kinship, religious orientation, or some manufactured puritanism. It must be their candidate as president, or doom and gloom befall the country. So, they constitute themselves into a bulwark of cynicism, scorching conversations and the polity with hate, prejudice, and fear.

But what happens when the election petition tribunal upholds the will of Nigerians by affirming the election of the president-elect? Will they persist in their enterprise of scorching the country? Will they accept the decision of the court? Or will they embark on a political trench war to perturb country?

I ask that we allow the court to do its duty without intimidation, threats, and fear. It is unpatriotic to harass judges on the ungoverned social media with tainted suggestions as to how they should do their job.

A SEASON OF GREAT EXPECTATIONS

A beautiful start. I believe good governance will silence doubters and scoffers. Every step the President-elect takes rings "united Nigeria, unity, peace, and progress". The zoning of national assembly positions by the APC seems fair. Each zone was incorporated into the leadership matrix of the parliament, except for the north-central which I understand will be equitably compensated.

The politics of representation has always been a knotty one here. Not that there are any tangible accruals to the zone represented, but I know it gives some sort of soothing effect, a feeling of inclusion, to those represented. There are often claims of marginalisation by different sections of Nigeria. But the reality is, we all face the same challenges as a people. We need food, good schools, functional hospitals, security, infrastructure, and jobs. We are more connected by our shared needs, and goals, than we know it.

No zone should feel entitled to any position. I believe the only entitlement one should have as a citizen is of good governance. Every Nigerian is deserving of good governance. Every Nigerian is entitled to good governance.

It is a season of great expectations, and a beautiful start.

God bless Nigeria.

By Fredrick Nwabufo, Nwabufo aka Mr OneNigeria is a media executive.

Last modified on Wednesday, 10 May 2023 05:59
 
This month marks the 75th anniversary of the birth of UN peacekeeping. The first mission in 1948 deployed military observers to monitor the ceasefire along Israel’s border after conflict with its neighbours at its birth.
 
Another UN operation a year later observed the ceasefire between India and Pakistan in Kashmir and Jammu, while a third, in 1958, monitored military movements into Lebanon. Peacekeepers were also deployed to separate Egyptian and Israeli forces in the Sinai in 1956 and 1974.
 
Other observation missions were deployed to Lebanon (1956), Yemen (1963), and India and Pakistan (1965), while another mission administered West New Guinea’s transition from Dutch to Indonesian rule.
 
Larger armed missions were deployed to keep peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (1960) and Cyprus (1964), while smaller operations monitored the separation of Syria and Israel in the Golan Heights (1974), and established a buffer zone between Israel and Lebanon (1978). Almost half of these missions were deployed to the Middle East.   
 
This “first generation” of traditional peacekeeping, between 1948 and 1988, interpreted the rules in mostly interstate wars to allow for deploying an interposing force based on the consent of warring parties, to oversee an agreed peace, with the peacekeepers maintaining strict neutrality. The UN’s first peace-enforcement operation occurred in the DRC from 1960-1964, and involved both superpowers supporting local proxies, a situation the world body was determined to avoid repeating.
 
Truculent warlords
Peruvian UN secretary-general Javier Pérez de Cuéllar initiated the “second generation” of UN peacekeeping (1989-1999), deploying 10 missions from 1988-1991 that contributed to the thawing of the Cold War. These operations were mandated to monitor the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan; observe a ceasefire between Iran and Iraq; oversee the withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola; observe a ceasefire in Angola; supervise the independence of Namibia from SA rule; monitor the demobilisation of Nicaraguan Contras; conduct a referendum in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara; oversee elections in El Salvador; prepare for a peacekeeping force in Cambodia; and  monitor the buffer zone between Iraq and Kuwait.
 
Two African UN secretaries-general, Egypt’s Boutros Boutros-Ghali and Ghana’s Kofi Annan, expanded UN peacekeeping in the post-Cold War era. Boutros-Ghali’s 1992 An Agenda for Peace established the post-Cold War framework for UN peacemaking, peacebuilding and innovative co-operation with regional bodies such as the Economic Community of West African States. During this hyperactive “second generation” of peacekeeping in difficult civil war contexts involving truculent warlords, 38 operations were launched. There were noteworthy successes in Mozambique, Cambodia and El Salvador, and spectacular failures in Rwanda, Bosnia and Somalia.
 
The “third generation” of UN peacekeeping caused the deployment, from 1999, of peacekeepers to the DRC, Kosovo, East Timor, Sierra Leone, Ethiopia-Eritrea, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Burundi and Sudan. It ended in 2011 with the controversial Nato-led intervention in Libya and the outbreak of Syria’s civil war.
 
The “fourth generation” of UN peacekeeping  (2012-2022) caused new missions to be deployed to Mali, Central African Republic, Haiti, Syria and Sudan at an annual cost of $7bn, under South Korea’s Ban Ki-moon  and Portugal’s António Guterres. However, UN peacekeepers introduced cholera into Haiti, leading to thousands of local deaths. Many troop-contributing countries also avoided putting their troops in harm’s way.
 
Half of the post-Cold War UN missions have been in Africa, while 84% of its 87,000 peacekeepers are now deployed on the continent. Half of these countries have tended to relapse into conflict within five years due to inadequate peacebuilding. Typically, 80% of funding for UN peacekeeping missions goes directly to support the needs of the operations, not to rebuilding war-torn countries to sustain peace.
 
Unless this situation is urgently remedied, despite some of the UN’s undoubted peacekeeping successes over the past 75 years, many conflict-racked countries will be unable to bid a final farewell to arms.
 
• Adebajo is professor and senior research fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship.

Last modified on Wednesday, 10 May 2023 05:59

He was acting in the line of duty, but I came off from my first and only encounter with him, not particularly liking him. It was in December 2016. My very good friend, maybe alter-ego, Tivlumun Nyitse and I were driving into the premises of Louis Edet House Nigeria Police Force Headquarters, (NPF-HQ), Abuja, to catch up with an appointment in the multistorey complex. Donald Ngorngor Awunah of blessed memory, who was the force public relations officer (FPRO) at the time, a mutual friend of Nyitse and I, had invited us for a morning meeting in his office. Ibrahim Kpotun Idris was the Inspector General of Police, (IGP) and he entrusted the very urbane and cosmopolitan Awunah to help cultivate a more positive public perception for the Force.

Awunah was a perfect fit for the job, a rounded Nigerian. His mother is Igbo from Delta state, and he began formal education in Ogwashi-Uku, his mother’s birthplace. He had regular conversations in fluent “Delta Igbo” with his mother. His father was Tiv from Benue, and he obtained his first degree from the University of Lagos (Unilag). He underwent the National Youth Service Corps, (NYSC) in Jos, Plateau state, and his career in the police took him around the country and beyond. He had friends around and about.

Don Awunah took every assignment very seriously. Nyitse and I are senior and experienced mass communications professionals and Awunah believed his official brief will be enriched by our insights. On a regular basis, therefore, he compelled us to come to have “coffee” in his office so we could exchange ideas. He always jocularly threatened Nyitse who shared his official accommodation, with eviction and we all had good laughs. Indeed, he received approval from his principal to have us accredited as “media consultants” to ensure seamless access to the restricted FHQ. And so on this day, we had been cleared at the various checkpoints en route the premises of the organisation when we were stopped by security personnel in plain clothes. They said they had “orders from above” to deny us admission into the complex for two hours. We wouldn’t know what was going on therein and nobody explained to us.

One of them gestured conspiratorially to a prosperously-built top cop who was pacing about in the background. Every officer in view deferred to him via a smart salute or an impulsive freeze. That top gun was Usman Alkali Baba who was an Assistant Inspector General, (AIG). I would later get to know that Baba and Awunah were indeed coursemates in the 1988 batch of police cadets, much as Awunah was at that time a Deputy Commissioner of Police, (DCP). He eventually made the rank of AIG before his unfortunate transition last year. His last brief was superintendence over the brother states of Bayelsa and Rivers.

 

Usman Alkali Baba was appointed Inspector General of Police, (IGP), by President Muhammadu Buhari on April 6, 2021, to replace Mohammed Abubakar Adamu. He thus became Nigeria’s 20th indigenous IGP. His appointment for me seemed routine and perfunctory. It could have passed for any regular civil service appointment to the position of permanent secretary or head of the civil service of the federation. One can’t seem to place too many appointees in this position, whose performances were markedly exceptional. Tafa Balogun, the second IGP under the administration of former President Olusegun Obasanjo was probably the last “all action IGP” who readily comes to mind.

In the military too, Ibrahim Attahiru, of blessed memory, the immediate past Chief of Army Staff, (COAS), for example, was one recent occupant of that office who gave us some excitement and optimism about prospects for the rebirth and rediscovery of the Nigerian Army of yore. I’m glad my brother John Obasa, a retired army general, invited me to the first-anniversary memorial of Attahiru last year. He knows how passionate I was about Attahiru, much as the departed COAS and I never met. Before him, Paul Dike, arguably Nigeria’s first Air Chief Marshal, (ACM), a four-star airforce general was another top military professional I deeply admired. Dike who rose to become Chief of Defence Staff, (CDS), was an exemplary military chief. Megalopolitan, urbane, thoroughly hands-on and amiable, I followed his trajectory from the State House where, as a Group Captain, he was Commander of the Presidential Air Fleet, (PAF), all the way to the apex of his career.

I’m uninspired by President Buhari’s recent celebration of Nigeria’s military’s ascension by three places in the classification of militaries in Africa. According to him, we are now in the number four position, up from number seven before the advent of his administration in 2015. Wasn’t our military the high-flying African Numero Uno under the leadership of Ibrahim Babangida, Sani Abacha, through to Olusegun Obasanjo? It used to be said in those good old days in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea, and Somalia, among others, that “the fear of Nigerian troops was the beginning of wisdom”. It has been suggested that Nigeria’s “air show of force” through the flypast over Banjul of Nigerian airforce jets in January 2017, compelled the intransigent Yahya Jammeh to step down from office. He had previously lost his presidential reelection, after three terms to Adama Barrow in late 2016.

 

Back to IGP Alkali Baba. I’ve always admired southpaws. Maybe that’s one reason I’m having a rethink about my hitherto minimal expectations of him. Former United States Presidents Bill Clinton to Barack Obama, through Works Minister, Babatunde Fashola, to my brother, namesake and silent revolutionary Babatunde Irukera of the Federal Consumer Competition and Protection Commission, (FCCPC), fit into this description. Same for my brother and diligent editor, Bolaji Afolabi, my little nephew Oluwatise Adetona-Alao, and my “granddaughter,” Jomiloju Aiyegbusi. Maybe because I’m not. IGP Alkali Baba falls into this category of special breeds and somehow I’ve begun to take an interest in his enterprise in the sanitisation of the Force. It may not be as bad, after all.

True he may be chubby-cheeked and smooth-skinned. But Alkali Baba has so far demonstrated the capacity to be independent-minded. Not for him those representations from the high and mighty seeking preferential postings and placements for their wards or candidates. You report and serve wherever it is you’ve been deployed as police personnel. He can be strict and tough and has evidently prioritised professionalism and discipline, both imperatives for a respected and respectable Force. He is cognisant of the uninspiring public perception of the Force, arising from the indiscretions and lawlessness of just a fraction of personnel in the organisation. He’s not sleeping over this reality.

The propensity of some officers towards indiscipline, misconduct and overzealousness, are regularly coming under his direct binoculars. Extortion of road users and members of the public, roughing up and manhandling of law-abiding citizens, and the penchant for bullying by some cops at the slightest provocation in certain instances, are beginning to catch his attention. Social media has been a notable enabler and Alkali Baba is taking advantage of the opportunities it offers in detecting and recalling such errant characters.

More frequently than in recent memory, the Force Headquarters plays host to erring operatives who are paraded before the cameras and summarily disciplined before the public. The rule books are diligently applied and defaulters have been dismissed from service, demoted, have their promotions delayed, or sanctioned as their offences may require. They are subsequently handed over to appropriate security agencies for appropriate interrogation and further punishment as may be necessary. Such reprimands are to serve as deterrents to potential offenders. There is no hiding place for them under the sun.

 

I also get a feeling that Alkali Baba is taking matters of remuneration, motivation, reward and promotion in the Force very seriously. I understand that the pay packets of officers and men enjoyed a 30% fillip last year. He is equally concerned about the appropriate placement of members of the Force as evidenced by their elevation, as and when due. There seems to be a new synergy between the Force, and the Police Service Commission, (PSC), now headed by Solomon Arase, a former IGP himself. Arase for me, holds the record of being the most accessible holder of that office. As serving IGP, he took his calls and responded to text messages. He refused to outsource his responsibilities preferring to be first to get the information for good or for not so pleasant. Issues of promotions can be quite touchy and emotional and one is glad the Alkali Baba regime is managing this. It’s heartwarming that some good friends in the system have earned their ranks under Alkali Baba’s watch. I should betray my interest here because I have good friends who have been beneficiaries at various levels.

Not a few times have I recently gleaned reports, too, of the payments of entitlements to families of service personnel who are felled in the line of duty. This is one area the NPF needs to reform as a matter of urgency and priority. Figures often quoted as gratuities for professionals who lose their lives for the rest of us to live are ridiculous jokes, juxtaposed with existential realities. Service to the fatherland should not be rewarded with the manner of measly tokenism that retiring cops or the survivors of those who are caught in the line of fire are paid. This is one issue requiring urgent review and re-evaluation by the police authorities under the Alkali Baba regime.

Alkali Baba we understand, has been gifted a two-year extension by the president which should keep him in office till 2025. His successors, according to a new legislation will be appointed for a term of four years each. This accords the incumbent IGP ample latitude to pursue, implement and entrench multilayered reforms in the service. The Alkali regime has been commended for providing accoutrements for serving personnel, for example. I’ve visited very senior police officers at their desks, who personally furnished and equipped their offices, all the way to sanitary ware. This and a whole lot of other issues require remediation in the Force which should be initiated by a proactive IGP.

Substandard will be a mild description of the quality of official accommodation in place for our police personnel. There are frequent expositions on this subject in the media and the matter commends spontaneous action. For all their exertions in the rain and sun, on the streets and lonely highways in an era where policing is at best manual and somewhat pristine, these compatriots should retire each day to liveable homes. The same applies to operational automobiles imperative for the mobility and effectiveness of serving personnel. A sustainable template must be developed for the management of such assets which rapidly fall decrepit ever so often. Regular training, retraining and tune-ups are imperative for officers and men. These needn’t wait until there is a national emergency, an election or an invitation to participate in a foreign mission. Nigerians earnestly look forward to a holistic makeover for our police force, to enhance performance, effectiveness and acclamation at home and abroad. The ball is on your side of the field, IGP Usman Alkali Baba.

 

Olusunle, PhD, poet, journalist, scholar and author is a Member of the Nigerian Guild of Editors (NGE)

Last modified on Tuesday, 09 May 2023 12:32
Who’s next among the 19 outgoing State Governors to plead for forgiveness for “knowingly or unknowingly stepping on toes” in the course of governance?
 
Eighteen Governors of Abia, Akwa Ibom, Benue, Cross River, Delta, Ebonyi, Enugu, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Katsina, Kebbi, Kogi, Niger, Rivers, Sokoto and Taraba will leave the stage on May 29 after eight years in office; joined by the Governor of Zamfara who failed re-election on March 18, 2023.
 
While nine Governors of Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Kwara, Lagos, Ogun, Nasarawa and Oyo won re-election for a second term; the eight Governors of Anambra, Bayelsa, Ekiti, Edo, Imo, Kogi, Ondo and Osun were chosen at different off-season polls, and will accordingly leave office.
 
Many of the Governors ruled like tin-gods that brook no opposition. But facing the exit door, they’re admitting – as human beings – their imperfection, and fallibility.
 
Hanging their all-knowing attitude, the Governors of Benue, Ebonyi, Kano and Taraba have sought forgiveness from their residents, but without due accountability or show of genuine contrition for the sins they glibly want to atone for.
 
A quick reminder though that the ask for absolution isn’t limited to the Governors. The Commander-in-Chief, President Muhammadu Buhari, is the cheerleader.
 
Even as he didn’t kickstart the season’s pleading episode, Buhari’s craving for pardon met with sharp rebukes from a traumatised citizenry his government has taken on a rollercoaster for several years.
 
Like the Governors, Buhari merely wanted to fulfil all righteousness, without situating the wrongs and the affected – definitely not the few parading the narrow corridors of power, but majority of Nigerians that are out in the elements.
 
Does Buhari’s plea for remission qualify as repentance for the socio-politoco-economic and security challenges most Nigerians have endured on his watch since 2015 that bear no recataloguing?
 
Buhari’s petition for grace was at the 9th and last Eid-el-Fitr Sallah homage that residents of the Federal Capital Territory paid him at the Presidential Villa, Abuja, on April 21.
 
Buhari told his guests, led by the FCT Minister, Muhammad Musa Bello, that he’d accepted Nigerians’ complaints and criticisms in good faith, as part of the leadership he prayed and asked from God.
 
“God gave me an incredible opportunity to serve the country. We are all humans; if I have hurt some people along the line of my service to the country, I ask that they pardon me. All those that I have hurt, I ask that they pardon me,” the President said.
 
Certainly, Buhari’s speech was directed to a circle of privileged Nigerians, not the vast majority that had seen hell on earth, especially since late 2022 when government’s Naira redesign policy turned many into beggars.
 
The Central Bank Governor Godwin Emefiele – on Buhari’s authority that defied a Supreme Court ruling for status quo ante – confiscated citizens’ hard-earned money in Bank accounts that they could only access by buying back a token amount of cash if available.
 
Many deaths were recorded across Nigeria from the resultant starvation, ailments and riots by aggrieved Nigerians over the haphazardly-implemented, and spectacularly-flopped policy sprung during a General Election.
 
The situation is dicey, as the new and re-legal tendered banknotes remain scarce commodities.
 
Buhari ought to utilise the sober moment the Sallah homage by Abuja residents presented, to show genuine penitence for the untold financial and economic crisis that his government imposed on long-suffering, and law-abiding citizens!
 
The cases of Governors Dave Umahi of Ebonyi, Samuel Ortom of Benue, Abdullahi Ganduje of Kano and Darius Ishaku of Taraba may not be different from Buhari’s.
 
They court exoneration devoid of admission of their particular sins against the people, and offer of commensurate restitution.
 
Umahi, who heads to the Senate in the next dispensation beginning on May 29, admitted to workers in Abakaliki on May 1 Workers’ Day that he must have stepped on people’s toes in the discharge of his duties since 2015.
 
“Let me formally thank our dear workers for their partnership, love, prayers and cooperation, these being eight years of my service to Ebonyi State,” Umahi said.
 
“There is no doubt I stepped on toes and offended some. It was never intentional; it was the best I knew and for the good of our people. Please forgive.
 
“As I bow out, I have forgiven all those who thought they offended me. May God bless our state, our workers and our people.”
 
Ortom, who lost his Senate bid, told members of his constituency and campaign council in Makurdi on March 28 that, he might’ve offended some in his duties.
 
“For those I might have offended in this journey of serving the state and our country, I seek their forgiveness, as I also forgive those who have offended me,” Ortom said.
 Stressing he’d always ensured equity, fairness, justice and the rule of law in execution of the mandate given to him by God through Benue people, Ortom said he’d be available and ready to carry out God’s mandate in the future.
 
Ganduje, at a Ramadan lecture series at Al Furqan Juma’at Mosque in Nasarawa GRA, Kano, on April 17, sought clemency from those he said he’d pardoned for wrongs against him.
 
Ganduje, citing the Mosque leader’s espousal that “forgiveness occupies a prime spot in our religion,” begged for mercy thus:
 
“I’ve forgiven anyone, who at one time disparaged my person and my character for whatever reasons, and on my part, I equally beg or seek for your forgiveness for all that I’ve done wrong to you.
 
“My tenure as governor of Kano state has come to an end, and this is a farewell greeting. I wish you all the best. For those who we have wronged, forgive us, on my part, I have forgiven those who wronged me no matter the weight of the offence.”
 
Somehow, Ishaku, who failed his senatorial aspiration, displayed a semblance of remorse, as he begged for compassion at separate thanksgiving services at the Anglican Church Mayo Dasa, and secretariat of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Taraba State chapter, both in Jalingo, the capital city.
 
Kneeling before the congregation at the Anglican Church on April 23, Ishaku said it’s Biblical to openly apologise to people he might’ve offended carrying out his duties.
 
His words: “As a leader who has led the state for almost eight years, it is likely that I might have offended so many people either knowingly or unknowingly in the course of discharging my duties as the Executive Governor.
 
 “Biblically, we are taught to forgive those who offend us. In this case, I am asking those I have offended to forgive me. I did this in the House of God, and if they did not forgive me, it is between them and God.”
 
Urging Tarabans to let the spirit of peace, love and forgiveness guide their attitudes, actions and relations with their fellow people, Ishaku expressed appreciation to God for giving him the wisdom to serve the people effectively despite the challenges that confronted his administration.
 
 Buhari and the Governors claimed they’d worked for the good of the people.” If that were so, why would they seek pardon for undisclosed offences against Nigerians?
 
As they exhibit a righteous indignation of, “I have forgiven those who wronged me,” Buhari and the Governors’ plea for mercy appears as a last attempt to play on the people’s intelligence. It’s farcical and an afterthought!
 
* Mr Ezomon, Journalist and Media Consultant, writes from Lagos, Nigeria.

Last modified on Tuesday, 09 May 2023 12:33