OTHERS' VIEWS

OTHERS' VIEWS

SUNDAY 1-DEC

 

Hearn confirms Joshua’s 2025 return date
https://reubenabati.com.ng/sports/hearn-confirms-joshua-s-2025-return-date

Why Nigeria Needs Tax Reform – Oyedele
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/why-nigeria-needs-tax-reform-oyedele

Okpebholo, APC Jittery Over Exposure Of Systemic Rigging In Edo, Lies To Cover Fraud – Obaseki
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/okpebholo-apc-jittery-over-exposure-of-systemic-rigging-in-edo-lies-to-cover-fraud-obaseki

CBN tells Nigerians to report cash withdrawal issues from December 1, banks to face penalties
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/cbn-tells-nigerians-to-report-cash-withdrawal-issues-from-december-1-banks-to-face-penalties

Local Government Autonomy….Concerns Mount Over Non-execution Of Supreme Court Ruling
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/local-government-autonomy-concerns-mount-over-non-execution-of-supreme-court-ruling

Tinubu Tax: North’s anger grows as youths attack Deputy Senate President
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/tinubu-tax-north-s-anger-grows-as-youths-attack-deputy-senate-president

OAuGF report reveals huge financial infractions in NNPCL, NUPRC, NMDPRA
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/oaugf-report-reveals-huge-financial-infractions-in-nnpcl-nuprc-nmdpra

Rivers: N27bn IGR behind Fubara, Wike rift, INEC now APC member – Adeyanju
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/rivers-n27bn-igr-behind-fubara-wike-rift-inec-now-apc-member-adeyanju

‘I Am Against Tax Reform Bills, It Gives Some States More Advantage’ – Ningi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/i-am-against-tax-reform-bills-it-gives-some-states-more-advantage-ningi

[STATE HOUSE PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Congratulates New NUJ President And Executive Team
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/state-house-press-release-president-tinubu-congratulates-new-nuj-president-and-executive-team

[PRESS RELEASE] President Tinubu Approves Funds for UNESCO Media and Information Literacy Institute in Nigeria
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/press-release-president-tinubu-approves-funds-for-unesco-media-and-information-literacy-institute-in-nigeria

Trump threatens 100% tariff on BRICS countries over currency plans
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/trump-threatens-100-tariff-on-brics-countries-over-currency-plans

‘From Secular To Sacred’ - Filmmaker, Mike Bamiloye Reflects On Transformation To Gospel Drama
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/from-secular-to-sacred-filmmaker-mike-bamiloye-reflects-on-transformation-to-gospel-drama

Darey Art Alade and wife Desola mark 18th wedding anniversary
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/dare-art-alade-s-wife-deola-celebrate-18th-wedding-anniversary

Sokoto NLC Suspends Planned Strike Over ₦70,000 Minimum Wage
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/sokoto-nlc-suspends-planned-strike-over-70-000-minimum-wage

Nigeria needs collaborative leaders for national progress - Peter Obi
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/nigeria-needs-collaborative-leaders-for-national-progress-peter-obi

How Tinubu’s fiery critics became spokespersons, loyalists
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/how-tinubu-s-fiery-critics-became-spokespersons-loyalists

2027: Atiku, Obi deny joint presidential bid after reunion
https://reubenabati.com.ng/feature/2027-atiku-obi-deny-joint-presidential-bid-after-reunion

Tax Reform Bill: Atiku Calls For Transparency, Inclusivity In Debate
https://reubenabati.com.ng/news/tax-reform-bill-atiku-calls-for-transparency-inclusivity-in-debate

 

Our elders have a saying, to wit, that once hunger is removed from poverty, what is left is manageable. Another way of saying that is: Once hunger enters a stomach, nothing else can find its way there! Little wonder, then, that the Jamaican reggae superstar, Bob Nestar Marley, crooned that a hungry man is an angry man. Nigerians in their millions, thus, must be angry as we speak because there is hunger in the land. This must have been what informed President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's declaration, last week, of a state of emergency over food shortages and rising cost of foodstuffs. As if arising from that or a fortuitous convergence of opinion, leaders of the agitation for Yoruba Nation released, same week, a plan of action for food security in Yoruba land in particular but which can have application in the country at large.

War theorists identify food security as the first form of security a nation desirous of being described as a great nation must have. Food, therefore, is an important weapon in war. We witnessed that at play during the Nigerian civil war of 1967 – 1970. We are also seeing it unfold in the ongoing Russia/Ukraine war. In the siege of Samaria as the bible records it, hunger was the weapon employed by the enemy in its effort to bring Samaria on its knees. So, a country cannot describe itself as being great if it lacks food security. Therefore, as the acclaimed giant of Africa, Nigeria cannot but be a giant with the feet of clay if it cannot feed itself. Scripture says in the multitude of counsel, there is safety; so we shall be running through the suggestions offered by the Yoruba Nation, especially as it is steeped in the highly successful agricultural and rural development programme of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

Titled “ILETO CONCEPT: RE-INVENTING THE AWOLOWO ERA AGRICULTURE IN YORUBA NATION”, snippets of it run thus: “Agriculture was the mainstay of the economy of Western Region because the AWOLOWO administration focused on its potentials. These potentials are still there today and they can be brought back to drive the economy of YORUBA NATION. All we need is to focus on agriculture and the potentials will be realized. ILETO as a rebranding of the AWOLOWO era FARM SETTLEMENT can provide solutions to the several problems of YORUBA NATION today. ILETO can solve the problems of youth unemployment, food and Community security. It can give us good foreign exchange and reduce the parity between the dollar and the naira.

ILETO is the small community of old where everyone knows the other, a small community of farmers. The ILETO farm community is of youths of farming age engaged in various farming activities from crop to livestock to simple marketing of inputs, commodities, etc. The Fulani herdsmen invasion of farm lands in Yoruba Nation has spurred a new thinking on farming activities in the Yoruba nation. In the last two years many communities have reported the invasion of their farmlands and entire community, kidnapping and raping as well. These Fulani herdsmen activities have devastated many communities, dislocated their ways of life and have led to the abandonment of not just their farmlands but also the entire community. The brutality, killings and raping did not spare any group of people; it affects men, women and children, leading to mass displacement and refugees.

One significant consequence of these brutality and mindlessness is its effect on food security, first in the immediate communities but will spread to other major cities of the nation. Ordinarily, the nation was far from food security but the current activities of the Fulani herdsmen have brought to the fore the fragile food situation attendant on the sacking of farming communities in the Yoruba nation. In the circumstance, therefore, in addition to threat to food security there is the threat to life and property occasioned by the murderous Fulani herdsmen activities. It is imperative, therefore, to develop an alternate approach to farming that will also protect the farmers from the murderous adventures of Fulani herdsmen, bandits and terrorists.

This proposal set out to develop and define an alternative to the current farming system that has the potential to address food security in the nation while providing some level of self protection from the criminal, marauding Fulani herdsmen. An ILETO of 25 to 30 young men and women (ages 20 to 30) farmers is proposed. At least one ILETO will be sited around a major urban town in the Yoruba Nation. An ILETO must have a minimum of one hundred and fifty hectares (150 ha of land (MINI ILETO) or 300 ha (STANDARD ILETO) that is contiguous. It is estimated that 5 ha or 10 ha will be available for each participant for agricultural activities and an additional 10 ha available for a settlement where residential accommodation will be sited. Each participant will own 5 ha (MINI ILETO) or 10 ha (STANDARD ILETO) that will be devoted to agricultural practices, ranging from crop production to livestock husbandry.

A combination of crop and animal production on a 5 ha or 10 ha of land should be able to sustain a modest family if actively cultivated. Also, it is expected that even at current level of urbanization, major towns in the Yoruba nation should be able to provide 150 ha or 300 ha of contiguous farm land for this novel scheme for MINI or STANDARD ILETO respectively, to meet the imperatives of food production demand and community security. Each settlement shall be known as ILETO, the historic name of small Yoruba farm settlements which may choose to give itself the name of a feature that is important in its area or important personality; and shall consist of farmers. The choice of 30 as minimum is to ensure that the Ileto shall be strong enough to protect itself. A new farming community with the ability to provide security for its people and its produce is being proposed”.

Space constraint will not let us run the full gamut of the proposal on ILETO but those charged with the implementation of the food emergency declared by the president can reach out for the proposal and digest it. It seeks to address food insecurity, engage our unemployed youths, and help diversify the economy to earn more foreign exchange. I must add that the states and local governments must lead this food emergency from the frontline rather than see it as a Federal Government project per se. In the South-west especially, it is unfortunate that while decades of military rule killed Awo’s laudable agricultural and rural development programmes, successive civilian administrations in the region have done nothing to revive or resuscitate them. The time has come to begin to hold the feet of our state governors and local government chairmen to the fire, especially in the Southwest which, I dare to say, is one of the most poorly goverened parts of the country today.

FEEDBACK

RE: TINUBU: Time o listen to ASUU

Good piece, sir, however, it ignores the fact that Nigeria is a federation with education on the concurrent list that involves the participation and cooperation of both federal and state governments in particular. My observation is that our focus is much more on the federal government than the state governments, most of which are so laid back that they do virtually nothing where concurrent policy issues are concerned. Pray, what roles should state governments play under the Students loans Act? Are the requirements for student loan under the Act applicable at the state level? Does the scheme apply to only federal education institutions?, etc, etc. When I look at how most state governments frustrate the minimum wage Act, I shudder at the crises the Students Loan Act may cause when it becomes operational. Thanks for your usual activism in raising the bar of public opinion moulding! - Dipo Onabanjo.

Good piece sir but you missed a lot of points. I'm the National Secretary of CONUA so you can know from which perspective I am making my comments. Many of us in the universities see things differently from your exposition. Who is the owner of the universities? Who has the right to dictate the pace of governance in the universities? What are the functions of the unions? ASUU has mixed everything up to the extent that the union has taken over the functions of university councils. How can a union embark on strike while demanding for funding? This should be the duty of the councils appointed by the government to oversee the universities. ASUU left member's welfare to pursue a goal that is clearly beyond its mandate. Is this not what we call a meddlesome interloper? What is the position of the trade union Act on strikes? Does ASUU, a group of intellectuals abide by laws on strike? CONUA and NAMDA are testimonies to the rot that ASUU has brought to our universities and we are determined to do things differently. Asking us to go home is like asking the Israelites to return to Egypt. We have seen enough shenanigans of AAUU and enough is enough. We cannot continue to join hands with those who don't care if University education in Nigeria is destroyed. For any government to work with ASUU successfully, the government needs the labour law not emotion to deal with the situation. - Oripeloye Henri.

Nice piece! I hope the new administration does the needful in line with your practical propositions. Our universities are in dire need of assistance for urgent rejuvenation. A lot of ground has been lost. Thank you always for your incisive analysis of matters of public interest. - Abiodun Yacoob.

Former Editor of PUNCH newspapers, Chairman of its Editorial Board and Deputy Editor-in-chief, BOLAWOLE was also the Managing Director/ Editor-in-chief of THE WESTERNER newsmagazine. He writes the ON THE LORD'S DAY column in the Sunday Tribune and TREASURES column in New Telegraph newspaper on Wednesdays. He is also a public affairs analyst on radio and television.

Hunger is violence. Many freaks, upheavals and misfortunes of history were by the fashioning of hunger. Hunger is a maximum ruler. It sets in motion inexorable forces of chaos and anarchy.

The French Revolution had the spurring of hunger. In 1788, France was scourged by deleterious winter resulting in widespread famine. Citizens were seized by hunger. They starved as the famine ratcheted up its grip. The price of bread became unaffordable. Soon, riots broke out in some cities, including Paris, the country was broke, and by 1789, the revolution conjured by hunger, with the alliance of some concomitants, began.

In Africa, food riots have led to the spiralling of violence, chaos, and anarchy. In 2018, "the bread revolution" in Sudan upended the country. The consequence of that revolution today is Sudan in the throes of a civil war. The Arab Spring and the Tunisia bread riots were also some of the fashioning of hunger. Why always bread?

We must appreciate the power of hunger to deal delicately with matters of food security. Food security is national security. In policymaking, addressing hunger is pivotal -- because "foodology" is at the nucleus of existence. Hunger is a mad man.

It is within this context that the federal government’s expeditious declaration of state of emergency on food security is most judicious. According to the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), Nigeria’s annual inflation rate rose to 22.79% in June relative to May headline inflation rate of 22.41%. Food inflation rose to 25.25% on a year-on-year basis in June 2023, higher than the rate recorded in June 2022 -- 20.60%. Evidently, this is a national emergency.

The federal government says all matters pertaining to food and water availability and affordability, as essential livelihood items, will now be within the purview of the National Security Council. It also says it will deploy some savings from the fuel subsidy removal into the agricultural sector focusing on revamping the sector.

According to Mr Dele Alake, spokesman of the government, the immediate intervention strategies are -- release of fertilizers and grains to farmers and households to mitigate the effects of the subsidy removal; urgent synergy between the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Water Resources to ensure adequate irrigation of farmlands and to guarantee that food is produced all-year round; creation of a National Commodity Board that will review and continuously assess food prices as well as maintain a strategic food reserve that will be used as a price stabilisation mechanism for critical grains and other food items; and engage the security architecture to protect the farms and the farmers so that farmers can return to the farmlands without fear of attacks.

Mr Alake says through the National Commodity Board the government will moderate spikes and dips in food prices.

Other measures he says the government is initiating to arrest the current drift are: ‘’Activation of land banks. There is currently 500,000 hectares of already mapped land that will be used to increase availability of arable land for farming which will immediately impact food output; Mechanization and land clearing - The government will also collaborate with mechanization companies to clear more forests & make them available for farming; River basins - there are currently 11 rivers basins that will ensure planting of crops during the dry season with irrigation schemes that will guarantee continuous farming production all year round, to stem the seasonal glut and scarcity that we usually experience. We will deploy concessionary capital/funding to the sector especially towards fertilizer, processing, mechanization, seeds, chemicals, equipment, feed, labour, etc. The concessionary funds will ensure food is always available and affordable thereby having a direct impact on Nigeria’s Human Capital Index (HCI). This administration is focused on ensuring the HCI numbers, which currently ranks as the 3rd lowest in the world, are improved for increased productivity; Transportation and Storage: The cost of transporting Agricultural products has been a major challenge (due to permits, toll gates, and other associated costs). When the cost of moving farm produce is significantly impacted - it will immediately be passed to the consumers, which will affect the price of food - the government will explore other means of transportation including rail and water transport, to reduce freight costs and in turn impact the food prices.’’

These remedial measures are timely and show that the government is attuned to the prevailing hardship. Addressing hunger is critical to deploying and sustaining other government plans and programmes. Nigerians have got to feed.

Food security is national security. No nation can secure itself if its citizens are hungry. Insecurity, itself, is a manifestation of the corollaries of hunger. So, addressing food security with deliverable targets and a Marshall Plan is a must, and a commendable effort.

A bulk of household cash is spent on food. According to the 2023 Minimum Wage report, the cost of basic food items required for survival by an average Nigerian family rose by 17.5 percent to N48,130 in January 2023 from N40,980 in 2022. So, if food prices are effectively tempered through incentivised agriculture, much of the quotidian stress many Nigerians are going through will be alleviated.

I believe "service plans" -- like the food security initiative -- are the most effective in addressing the collateral ramifications of policy implementation and in achieving a multiplier effect in mass survivance.

Another important service plan is the review of the minimum wage, which the government is currently working on. The cost of basic food items required for sustenance by an average Nigerian family is already above the minimum wage mark. So, this is most elemental. Some state governments, like that of Imo, have already begun to initiate a review of their own accord.

It is important that these plans are followed timeously -- as the government is already doing.

Nigerians have got to eat.

 

 Fredrick Nwabufo, Nwabufo aka Mr One-Nigeria is a media executive.

 

 

 

Shortly after taking office on May 29, Nigeria's President Bola Tinubu surprised many observers by implementing a series of bold reforms. In addition to scrapping costly fuel subsidies and various taxes, he suspended the country's central bank governor, which immediately removed trading restrictions that propped up the value of the naira. And to curry favor with Nigeria's huge population of young people, Tinubu introduced interest-free loans to help students fund higher education.

But while these rapid reforms signal Tinubu's adherence to economic orthodoxy and may restore the confidence of Nigerians, international investors, and financial markets in the short term, they will not affect lasting change by themselves.

Nigeria's economy – Africa's largest – is in dire straits, and transforming it will not be easy. Inflation recently hit an 18-year high, and large fiscal deficits are adding to already-soaring debt levels. The economy has been hit hard by the fallout from the war in Ukraine, partly because Nigeria depends on food imports, but also because the country – despite being Africa's biggest oil producer – is largely incapable of refining crude and thus imports petroleum. Mismanagement, security issues, and underinvestment in infrastructure have hobbled the oil industry, which generates around 80 percent of government revenues, while inconsistent official policies have prevented the agriculture sector, which employs about a third of Nigerians, from reaching its full potential.

Nigerian currency, naira banknotes. /Getty Images
 Nigerian currency, naira banknotes. /Getty Images

That said, Tinubu's move away from interventionism is a step in the right direction, and he could further harness the demographic potential of Africa's most populous country by securing international investments and reducing bureaucratic red tape. But, most important, Tinubu will need to address broader security, energy, and governance challenges, which are often intertwined.

Security risks, which largely preoccupied Tinubu's predecessor, Muhammadu Buhari, threaten to derail the push for rapid reforms. But a growing economy could deter would-be militants from taking up arms by creating employment opportunities, especially if Tinubu can root out corruption, prevent monopolization, and reform the security sector.

Nigeria's oil-sector woes should also be a top priority. The fuel-subsidy reform will help restore fiscal discipline, given that Nigeria's state-owned oil company spent $10 billion on subsidizing petrol in 2022. Moreover, Aliko Dangote's $20 billion oil refinery, where production is set to begin in July, could help reduce the country's dependence on petroleum imports, assuming that it does not become a private monopoly.

Tinubu has demonstrated little patience for firms cornering the market. While the monopolization of exports has typically been the focus of government regulation, import monopolies in oil-rich countries like Nigeria are also a significant obstacle to economic diversification and must be addressed. (It is worth noting that Tinubu suspended Nigeria's anti-corruption head for "abuse of office," although previous agency leaders have also been removed after facing similar allegations.)

To diversify the economy in the long term, the government will need to expand access to electricity, which only around 55 percent of Nigerians currently have. Fortunately, the potential for clean energy is enormous. Development partners like the World Bank can help with funding and guarantees to boost private investment in electricity distribution and renewables. But Tinubu's team will first need to improve the governance of the electricity sector, ensure a stable macroeconomic framework, and establish a conducive financial system.

Nigeria's vibrant tech ecosystem illustrates the potential that Tinubu could unlock. Hundreds of startups have emerged, particularly in the fintech sector, with Nigeria accounting for five of Africa's seven tech "unicorns" (private startups with a valuation of at least $1 billion). The multiple-exchange-rate regime that prevailed before Tinubu took office drained foreign reserves and gave importers an unfair advantage. Fewer exchange-rate restrictions will facilitate financial inflows, to the benefit of startups, which could in turn help transform the agriculture and transport sectors and empower millions of Nigerians.

If Tinubu stays the course on energy, security, and governance reforms, his agenda could ultimately benefit all of Africa – much like Saudi Arabia's economic experiment could transform the Middle East. But, unlike the Saudis, the Nigerian government does not have vast coffers to draw from and will need to rely more heavily on foreign and domestic private investment, coupled with the support of development partners. If given enough backing, Tinubu could remake the country – and even help remake the continent.

Rabah Arezki, a director of research at the French National Center for Scientific Research (CNRS), is a senior fellow at the Foundation for Studies and Research on International Development (FERDI) and Harvard Kennedy School. The article reflects the author's opinions, and not necessarily the views of CGTN.

Underlying the notion of celebration everywhere is the idea of accomplishments and success. This is why Yoruba people in Nigeria are generally renowned for their sometimes lavish weekend parties and rejoicings. 

Sunday, July 8, was no different as the people of Ikenne and their friends across the nation celebrated their illustrious son and associate, Prof Yemi Osinbajo, after his tour of duty and eight meritorious years of service to the nation as Vice President. I need not state that the Prof was with his beautiful wife, Oludolapo, whom he fondly calls ‘’Dolly’’. She is the granddaughter of the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Ikenne has always seen big parties, big funerals and lavish pageantries. But the Osinbajo reception was a grand event that many will not forget so soon.

Right from the streets you wouldn't miss the spirit of rejoicing and excitement that the Ikenne Development Association was bringing home the immediate past VP for such a time of thanksgiving.

Guests from across the country descended on the sprawling city in Ogun State. Some even arrived the state a day or two earlier. They turned up in colours – politicians, governors, traditional rulers, businesspeople, academicians, the young and old. Ordinary folks were also welcome. The guests were not disappointed as Ikenne Development Association, the hosts and organizers of the event, had spared no expense in delivering the right degree of pomp. The large hall, beautifully decorated, was full to capacity. It was the first time the new hall was in use as the IDA had just completed the project in time to honour the law professor who became VP from among them.

 There were dances, songs, tributes and speeches. The feeling in the air was one of satisfactory attainment. Merriments were in surplus. The atmosphere was convivial and joyous. 

Ikenne has been famous for ages for many reasons. The late Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Tai Solarin, hailed from there. The town was also made famous by Mayflower School, located on a 90-acre piece of estate and founded on January 27, 1956, by the Solarin, a Nigerian educator, humanist and social crusader. Ikenne was a Mecca of sorts for politicians and journalists when Chief Awolowo was alive; and when he died in 1987, nearly every person of note showed up. Another big crowd returned to the town in 2015 when Awo’s widow, Chief HID Awolowo passed away. I recall that President Muhammadu Buhari attended her funeral. Chief Awolowo’s mausoleum remains a major attraction. Ikenne is also the hometown of 13 legal luminaries, all senior advocates. Prof Osinbajo himself is the seventh of them. I do not know of any other town in the country that produces so many SANs. 

The town has recently been provided with many amenities including hospitals, market, schools, solar-powered street lights thanks to the intervention of Prof Osinbajo. So, it was not a surprise that practically everybody had lined up the streets to welcome Prof. Osinbajo’s motorcade when he arrived that Sunday afternoon.

Commercial motor cycle riders made up for police escort riders just like they would do for a president or vice president. It was a clear case of a prophet being honoured at home! Osinbajo’s entrance with his wife and entourage was grand as he exchanged banters acknowledged sporadic burst of affection and greetings by the many guests and townsfolk.

Prayers and National Anthem over, the event began with introductions of guests. Among them were three serving governors, two of them from the PDP: Prince Dapo Abiodun (Ogun); Godwin Obaseki (Edo) and Duoye Diri (Bayelsa). Others were Boss Mustapha, the former SGF, former ministers Rauf Aregbesola and Niyi Adebayo both of whom were also former Governors of Osun and Ekiti States. There were also former Governors- Donald Duke-Cross River and Sen. Serieke Dickson-Bayelsa, again from the PDP, driving home Osinbajo’s well known bipartisan appeal, which was demonstrated all through his 8-year tenure.

The Managing Director of NDPHC, Mr. Chiedu Ugbo, the Director-General of BPE, Mr. Alex Okoh and Mr. Laolu Akande, the VP’S official spokesperson while in office and now Editor in Chief of Empowered Newswire were also in attendance.

The Akarigbo of Remoland and paramount ruler of the entire towns making Remoland, Oba Babatunde Adewale Ajayi was also seated. In all parts of Nigeria, such high-profile events must be graced by the traditional chiefs of the community. Our traditions and customs add colour and flavour to our way of life and enriches the diversity of our federation. 

Others who attended the high-profile gathering were the Alakenne of Ikenne land, Oba Onakade; Alhaja Abimbola Jakande; Dr. Yemi Ogunbiyi; Chief Wale Babalakin, SAN, and Mr. Segun Awolowo, Dr. Nicolas Auddifren, Pastor Seyi Malomo amongst others.

Then came time for speeches. All the governors, traditional rules and other important guests took turns to pay glowing tribute to Prof Osinbajo for his sterling leadership qualities, service to the country, love for the people and contributions to the success of the Buhari administration.

In his remarks, Osinbajo renewed his commitment to work for the development and support of Ikenne Remo, his home town. He described the place as ‘’an incredible town”, drawing a long applause from the audience.

Resplendent in white agbada, Osinbajo said, “Ikenne is a great place indeed and of course, we know that this is the home of our sage and our father, the great Chief Obafemi Awolowo, the man for whom free education was attributed, and also good governance and infrastructure all over the Western region was attributed. 

“I say to all the young men and women here, your progress has only begun, where ever it is that we (the older ones) stop is only your own starting point. We are here to support and enable you to reach the height you can achieve.” He thanked the people for the thanksgiving reception. “Today is a day of thanksgiving and I thank the Almighty God and will continue to thank Him. I also want to thank so many of you who are here. It has been a great honour for me. The Almighty God who has enabled you to honour me in this way will honour you too. God will bless you and the name of the Lord will be glorified in your homes and everywhere you go,” Prof. Osinbajo said. 

Turning especially to Gov. Abiodun, Osinbajo expressed his gratitude for the support he had received from his State Governor.

“I thank you for not just your speech, but for your encouragement through the years and through the times. You have proven to be a brother indeed. 

“His Excellency, the Governor of Edo State, my dear brother Godwin Obaseki and his amiable wife, Mrs Betsy Obaseki, thank you for making the time today. Your Excellency, the Governor of Bayelsa, Duoye Diri, my brother and friend of so many years, thank you for not just coming alone, but coming with a delegation from Bayelsa State. I have the greatest love and respect for you. Former Governor of Bayelsa, State Seriake Dickson who is also our in-law, thank you for honouring me today.” 

Osinbajo also lauded other guests like the former Governors of Osun and Cross River States, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola and Donald Duke, as well as the immediate past Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Boss Mustapha and immediate past Minister of Industry, Trade and Investment, Otunba Niyi Adebayo. Prof. Osinbajo acknowledged the support he received from the Akarigbo of Remo, Oba Babatunde Ajayi, stating that “there is no time that he has not taken a personal interest in all my affairs, political and whatever affair. He has demonstrated that truly he is a father of the Remo nation’’. 

The immediate past Vice President thanked the Chairman of this occasion, Otunba Adeleke Adeshina. “He is a man who through the years has shown great interest in the affairs of not just Ikenne and Remo, but in the affairs of this nation. He continues to serve this nation faithfully,” Prof Osinbajo said.

When Governor Dapo Abiodun spoke earlier, he was filled with gratitude.He expressed the appreciation of the government and the entire people of Ogun State to God for the strength and wisdom given to Prof. Osinbajo through which he was able to navigate Nigerian politics and government. “Indeed, one of the things that put Ogun State on the world map is the trail-blazing records that the sons and daughters of our dear State have set in different fields of human endeavour. Among numerous others, the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, GCFR, stands tall in governance and public administration. “In furtherance of his legacy and ideology, Prof Osinbajo has not only distinguished himself in his calling but also raised the bar in good governance. Our own Prof, in whom we are well pleased, we all know is a prodigious intellect.” The governor noted that the State is “proud that Professor Osinbajo has exhibited an unwavering commitment to the socio-economic and political development of our dear Nation, Nigeria. You served with dignity, integrity and utmost character. Congratulations! The government and people of Ogun State are very proud of you. Now that you are back at home, we will continue to tap into your wealth of experience, especially in matters relating to good governance.”

Edo State Governor, Godwin Obaseki said working with Osinbajo as Vice President was a special experience for him and he was eternally grateful for the opportunity. "Working with a man who had a vision, a man who is committed to this country, a man who has character and a man who has integrity, for me was a unique experience," Obaseki said.

"During our National Economic Council (NEC) sessions, we see an intellectual, who worked through all the papers presented to us. I know Ikenne people are known for hard work and diligence. He brought those characteristics to us in NEC. Your Excellency, we say thank you’’.

Former Bayelsa State Governor, Seriake Dickson in his tribute said, "we are here because we see in the former Vice President a man of character, a man who served this country meritoriously. We are also here in the reciprocity of whom the former vice president has been to our state in his official capacity as Vice President of this country," Dickson said, adding that Osinbajo had visited Bayelsa before and during his tenure as governor not less than five times officially. ‘’At any time that we called upon him to do one thing or the other, he has always been there. He has done a lot for our state, Bayelsa."

The Akarigbo of Remoland, Oba Babatunde Ajayi, in his address, lauded the patriotism of the former VP, commended him for his meritorious eight years of service to Nigeria, saying Osinbajo represented them very well. Attesting to Osinbajo's integrity, the monarch recalled a time when some unfounded allegations were being orchestrated politically against Osinbajo in the midst of two-term tenure, saying he went to inquire from the former VP about what happened and Osinbajo confidently spoke out nailing the wild claims in the coffin.

He said, "I recall when he was at the helm of affairs. I had to gather eminent sons and daughters of Remo; we went to see him in Lagos. We asked him ‘Mr Vice President all these things we are hearing are they true that you took this, you took that’? 

"He looked me right in the eyes and said Kabiyesi, I know where I am coming from before I became the Vice President, I knew who I was with all the opportunities I now have, I won't take anybody's kobo.

"Immediately he told us that, we went on the offensive saying it is not possible, It can't happen because we believed what he told us. Osinbajo is a man of integrity and he has represented us well,' His Royal Majesty concluded.

It would be recalled indeed that many of those who had published the allegations not only retracted the story but also issued public apologies.

The President of Ikenne Development Association, Otunba Adedoyin Adesina, who is the Aare Asoludero of Ikenne land, had in his welcome address, thanked Osinbanjo for the numerous projects he spearheaded in his hometown throughout his eight-year tenure. The guests were amazed when the Otunba started reeling out the projects one by one. He also stated that it was Osinbajo who turned the sod for the construction of the event center used for the thanksgiving and appreciation event in his honour. "Distinguished ladies and gentlemen, it is remarkable to highlight that the foundation laying ceremony of the edifice that we are in today was done by our former Vice President, Prof. Yemi Osinbajo on the 7th of November 2015," Otunba said. The applause was huge.

That applause was not only for the litany of human capital development and infrastructure projects that the immediate past VP facilitated but also the sense of overwhelming fulfillment in Ikenne and across Nigeria that Prof. Osinbajo served diligently and with all his heart. This was the overall spirit at Ikenne on that Sunday afternoon.

Let me begin with the diagnosis of the "Root of Social Evil" in a tweet by our revered Pope Francis, the head of the Catholic Church, the Bishop of Rome, and the sovereign of the Vatican City State. Pope Francis, posited: "As long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world’s problems or, for that matter, to any problems. Inequality is the root of social ills." I argued that we have a system that is programmed in such a way that encourages dishonesty and prone to inequality.

When one recognizes this objective truth, the evil of inequality—of rejecting the equal worth of all and the treatment that necessarily corresponds with its recognition—can be seen as the true foundation of social injustice. It defines how we view our relationships with others and the social structures that exist (and have the capacity to either foster human flourishing or perpetuate injustice). One sees that social evil is rooted in the rejection of equality. Unarguably, this is part of some of the areas that we need to pay serious attention to and addressed the issues that undermines our collective interest, turning our situation around. Nigerians will certainly be more than happy to start experiencing a new dawn and the verdict of posterity, the verdict of history, and the judgment of God will be kind to all of us as we take heed.

Sadly, Nigerians are currently experiencing excruciating effects of yesterday's mismanagement through hardship, terrorism, kidnapping, killings, insurgencies, and economic downturn in recent past years, it has been hellish. Therefore, the idea of continuation of yesteryear's obnoxious policies aimed at encouraging fraudulent activity should be completely discouraged given the results of the immediate past administration in such issues. The idea of sharing money as a form of palliative for the masses was a complete failure. As such, sharing of money as exemplified by the immediate past Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, Sadiya Faroug is a reminder of an unworkable system prone to corruption.

It is interesting to note that there is a previous unpleasant precedence of Buhari's government money sharing via the Humanitarian Affairs Minister, Sadiya Faroug which ended up as a huge joke - no accountability, no record of recipients, beneficiaries list or records was not available for proper scrutiny and it ultimately became a conduit pipe for embezzlement. You will hear her telling them in the Hausa language that 'Baba Buhari ya nemi mu ba wannan ɗan siyasan wannan fitina, ya sake ta' which means 'Baba Buhari asked us to give this politician this amount, release it.'

Interestingly, a belief in human equality leads one to recognize the obscenity of people starving while others live in excess. One can see the evil in human beings being used as sexual objects to satiate an individual’s animalistic impulses. Pride, lust, envy, and other sins are enabled and multiplied when equality is denied. This belief in human equality is rooted in the recognition that each person is made in the image of God. Each person is a loved child of God. Each person is called to communion with God and others. Therefore, our humanity should supersede our religiosity and other considerations.

Paradoxically, our beloved country Nigeria is one of the most unequal society in the world where wealth and poverty is the central paradox of modern-day Nigeria. A key challenge confronting Nigeria is the scale of inequality, which has resulted in the lack of opportunities for most of our citizens. Surprisingly, there are no indications whatsoever that we have learned our lessons. We embrace wasteful activities, meaningless show-offs, and irresponsible behaviors. And still expect things to magically change for the better. Yes! Miracles do happen, however, it is important to note that we can only reap what we sow as a nation and as a people. I daresay that It is not rocket science.

Let me be very clear, improving the governance of public institutions and service delivery has long been a central tenet of strategies for achieving or supporting development; thereby, simplifying radical changes. As such, citizens have confidence in a government that is able to deliver basic services. The degree to which a government is able to carry out its functions at any level can often determine a country's ability to sustain democratic reforms and provide for the well-being of its citizens.

Flowing from the above, it is evidently clear that the origins of our present debacle can be traced to profligacy; squandering of riches and plundering of resources by the privileged few, particularly the public office holders, and political elites in collaboration with the business community. The concerns, therefore, is about the mechanism of transfers of funds to the ultimate targets in an unaccountable system as exemplified by the recent past experiences of our citizens. Even if the intention of the drivers are genuine and faultless! How about the recipients limitations in terms of access to the funds vis-a-vis Banks account and corresponding records. This is an area that we can not afford to overlook given a system that is programmed and suspectable to manipulation.

In conclusion, it is opined, that more enduring policies with a human face devoid of the calamitous and fraudulent activities of the past that further impoverished the citizens and sink the nation deeper into debt will suffice. EXPECTEDLY NIGERIANS ARE LOOKING FORWARD TO A 'RENEWED HOPE' THAT BRINGS SUCCOUR AND REMEDY THE PAST.

 

Richard Odusanya is a Mind Restructuring Enthusiast.

 

As I was in the process of releasing this piece into the mass media,the news broke that President Tinubu had, on Wednesday, July 12,put forward a request to the House of Representatives, HoR, for five hundred (N500b) billion naira as extra funds for the provision of succour for the masses undergoing what Mr. President referred to as pains similar to childbirth pangs experienced by women who are mothers.

The sum is to be specifically deployed in the provision of succour to the distressed masses due to the immediate consequences of the withdrawal of subsidies on both petrol and the naira policies being implemented by the incumbent administration.

The funds are expected to be deducted from the 2022 supplementary appropriation act, which has a provision of N819.5 billion naira for palliatives envisaged by the predecessor administration.

It was quite a pleasant co-incidence to me because a critical question that I had posed in the later part of this piece before the request for approval for the allocation was: where would President Tinubu find the funds to provide the much-needed cushion for his temporarily painful but ultimately economically revolutionary policies?

Having searched and not being able to identify other more viable alternatives on the horizon,my answer to the question is that taking the option of the International Monetary Fund's (IMF) loan may hold a better promise for our beleaguered country.

That is because, although Nigeria is currently distressed financially,it is endowed with the resources and potential to thrive as a prosperous and successful country, which are yet to be tapped or harnessed.

But with the self-imposed reforms—removal of petrol subsidies and end of multiple exchange rates of the naira with foreign currencies—that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s government has voluntarily embarked upon in less than 45 days of being on the saddle of leadership,Nigeria is eminently qualified to seek and obtain the IMF loan.

Having basically fulfilled all the loan conditionalities made by the IMF as far back as 1986 under the watch of then military president Gen.Ibrahim Babangida, IBB,through the sweeping reforms introduced by President Tinubu via his Tinubunomics initiative since May 29 this year, the question that comes to mind would be: is Nigeria taking the IMF loan?

Everyone knows that our country is in dire need of revenue, and its external debt burden, which is hovering around fifty trillion (N50 trillion) naira added to its local debt, brings its indebtedness to an estimated eighty trillion (N80 trillion) naira. This has been acknowledged as unsustainable.

And given the paucity of revenue inflow that has been compounded by an epidemic and pernicious crude oil theft (Nigeria’s main source of revenue) that has assumed an alarming dimension,the country may not have any other option than to go the way of its neighbour, Ghana, which recently sought and received a loan of three billion dollars from the International Monetary Fund,IMF.

The option of an IMF loan recommends itself because it is becoming increasingly difficult for Nigeria to service her external debt due to the fact that the cost of servicing it practically consumes most of the revenue accruing into the coffers of the federal government, to the extent that our country’s debt to equity ratio is in negative territory and the World Bank reckons that our debt servicing obligations matched against our national income are at about 96%.

In fact,by some estimates in some quarters a year ago, our debt payment obligations (all things remaining the same) would outstrip our revenue inflow in less than one year.

Consequently,in recent times, there has been very little or nothing left to apply in providing infrastructure or even something as basic as basic remedies or palliatives for the hardship triggered by the removal of subsidies on the pump price of petrol and multiple naira exchange rate unification in the last month of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s sweeping economic reforms.

For instance,the economy is in such dire straits that it is the four hundred (N400m) that used to be pushed into the black hole, otherwise known as the petrol subsidy, on a daily basis and the four hundred billion (N400b) on a monthly basis that are being targeted as the funds for the new administration to kick start the much anticipated palliatives to ameliorate the hardships currently being faced by the Nigerian masses.

It may be recalled that the outgoing administration of President Mohammadu Buhari had programmed for the petrol subsidy regime to be over at the end of last June, beyond which there was no financial provision in 2023.

And the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation Ltd. (NNPCL) had claimed that the federal government was owing it a princely sum of N2.8 trillion naira after netting off the income from crude oil sales from the cost of petrol imports.

That is despite the fact that N3.5 trillion was provided in the 2023 budget for petrol subsidy up until June, which is just half of the year after N6 trillion was appropriated as subsidy for petrol in 2022.
That brings subsidy in 30 months to a mind-boggling N9.5 trillion, for which the HoRs is determined to investigate its disbursement.

That is on top of Nigeria producing crude oil below the 1.8 million barrels a day quota from OPEC and its income from the sale of the commodity, which constitutes about 79% of our country’s foreign exchange earnings (gas is 11%), and as a result earning only a paltry income in the neighbourhood of $5 billion, which when converted to the naira is approximately less than N30 trillion annually.

Meanwhile, the World Bank has estimated that about $5.6 billion would be saved owing to subsidy removal from petrol and naira, which is about half of the over $10 billion that the country used to earn annually in the not too distant past.

In light of the above,despite the best efforts of tax experts,finding funds to sustain the government would be like trying to squeeze water out of stone.

And even with the dollar proceeds hitherto applied in defending the naira by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) via weekly interventions in the foreign exchange market through the sale of dollars to a vast array of bureau de change outfits that were mainly owned by government officials and fronted for by surrogates located in popular hotels, airports, and strategic street corners,the bonanza is not available anymore as NNPC ltd has been mandated to use the dollar income from crude oil sales to import petrol into Nigeria and sell at subsidised rates, which has been returning a net deficit for the federation.

At some point, the weekly dollar bazaar, which was carried out ostensibly to shore up the naira/FX rate, was no longer available for the twin reasons of crude oil proceeds being exclusively managed by NNPCL, which collects and uses the funds to import refined petroleum products into our country and which it subsidises before it is retailed to motorists.

And it is a largesse diverted to the NNPC that has also ended with
President Tinubu’s bombshell decision or pronouncement in his inauguration speech on May 29: "Petrol subsidy is gone ".

As observed earlier, NNPCL, in the wake of the removal of the petrol subsidy, claimed that our country owed it N2.8 trillion in payment areas for subsidising the pump price of petrol, an activity that it had been carrying out on behalf of the Federal Government of Nigeria, FGN.

What the narrative above indicates is that our crude oil revenue was not even enough to support the cost of subsidising petrol pump prices because the FGN was still owing NNPCL N2.8 trillion.
That explains why the FGN has been borrowing to pay civil servants emoluments and meet other governmental responsibilities.

In the light of the grim fiscal and socioeconomic situations described above, even as President Tinubu’s team that I have,for lack of a better nomenclature, branded Tinubunomics evangelists, are able to come up with strategies to ease the burden of galloping inflation that has been taking a heavy toll on the masses,the initiatives would need to be cash-backed.
Whence cometh the funds, Nigerians would wonder?

Definitely not the paltry $800m that the world bank offered Nigeria to help cushion the harsh effect of subsidy removal just before ex-president Buhari’s tenure ended, nor is it the new $500m that has been offered to President Tinubu’s new regime by the world bank, perhaps as a demonstration of its support for the far-reaching reforms so far introduced.

Clearly, both world bank funds to be availed of or already disbursed to Nigeria, even when combined, are inadequate as they would not even scratch the surface of our country’s needs.
So an IMF loan beckons.

Although President Tinubu appears to have answered the question, whence cometh the funds? clearly,N500 billion can only be a stop-gap measure in light of the urgency required to do something significant to ease the pain on the masses sooner rather than later.

And the request for approval from HoRs to apply for the N500 billion is all the more critical because it is very much needed to bridge the gap as the process of obtaining the IMF loan, in the event that the government decides to toe that path, can be relatively long.

Strikingly, Nigeria had attempted to take the IMF loan under the watch of former military president, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, who incidentally had toppled then-head of state, Gen. Mohammadu Buhari.

And the country was under a similar yoke because the Nigerian economy was at that time literally comatose following about two years of draconian policies of then head of state Gen. Buhari, wherein essential commodities such as rice, sugar, milk, etc. were so scarce that an agency known as Nigerian National Supply Company Ltd., NNSL, was set up to purchase and ration the items to Nigerians under a very stressful atmosphere reminiscent of the situation in iron-clad countries like the Republic of North Korea.

In my column of June 27, titled "A Comparative Analysis Of Tinubunomics Reforms And I.M.F. Conditionalities For Loan", and also widely published in traditional and online media platforms, I reflected on issues pertaining to our country’s contemplation of taking the IMF loan nearly forty (40) years ago, before it settled for a home-grown Structural Adjustments Programme, SAP, which it mismanaged with disastrous consequences.

To put things in perspective, below is a snippet: "As it may be recalled, Nigeria had also suffered the dilemma of financial insolvency in the mid-1980s (during the regime of Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, IBB (1985–1993)), similar to the situation currently being faced by Ghana, which just took the IMF loan.

"That was what prompted the country to seek a bailout loan from the LMF, and some reforms were demanded as preconditions for granting the loan.

"Some of the conditionalities were very stringent, and they were such that the nation baulked at taking the loan facility.

"New York Times reporter Edward A. Gargan, in his article titled "NNigerian Leader Wary On I.M.F. Loan," published on October 8, 1985, which is nearly 38 years ago, stated the following about Nigeria and the I.M.F. loan:
"As a condition for granting the loan,the I.M.F. has called for Nigeria to devalue its currency, the naira, and end the practise of subsidising petroleum products for consumers. At the official rate of exchange, the naira is equivalent to $1.08, but on the black market here in Lagos, money changers are selling nairas for as much as four to the dollar.

"Smuggling Is Rampant.
The tremendous disparity between the official and unofficial exchange rates has led to rampant smuggling and has sharply curtailed Nigeria’s ability to sell manufactured goods abroad", he noted.
"Moreover, gasoline in Nigeria remains the cheapest in Africa—less than $1 a gallon at the official rate and about 25 cents a gallon at black market rates. Today, General Babangida refused to say whether oil subsidies would be lifted and virtually ruled out any sharp devaluation of the nation’s currency,", the reporter concluded.

"Is it not stunning that the damning socioeconomic atmosphere currently prevailing in Nigeria is exactly the situation that existed nearly four decades ago and for which the L.M.F. demanded that Nigerian leaders make some tough decisions to reform as a critical precondition for granting her a bailout loan under the watch of military president Gen. Brahim Babangida?", I had observed.

The reality is that it is not only gut wrenching that as a nation, we have remained on the same path of ‘Debt Avenue’ and sought a bailout nearly forty (40) years after lBB considered it following the ouster of then Gen. Mohammadu Buhari as head of state via a palace coup de tat in 1985, but it is equally damning and pathetic that today,an IMF rescue may be contemplated once again after the reign of President Buhari, who was elected president in 2015, after which he succeeded in bringing the Nigerian economy to its knees and thus earned the unenviable reputation of being the world’s poverty capital, which he handed over to President Tinubu on 29 May.

Although this feeling is without concrete evidence, one gets the sense that it may be a precursor to seeking the LMF loan that President Tinubu has been rolling out revolutionising economic reform policies tagged Tinubunomics that are unshackling our country and making it investment friendly.

By the way, there is currently an equivalent of Tinubunomics in the United States of America, known as Bidenomics, which, as the name indicates, encapsulates President Joe Biden’s economic policies, including the ground-breaking infrastructure act that has reflated the economy and boosted employment amongst others through the ongoing massive infrastructure refurbishment in the USA.

As evidence, the Consumer Price Index, or CPI, in the world’s largest and wealthiest economy has dropped from 9.1 points to 3 from June last year to June this year.
And the drop in inflation by six (6) points between 2022 and June 2023 is owed to the Infrastructure Investments Act, or Jobs Act, which saw a humongous sum of $1.2 trillion being appropriated for investment in infrastructure.

The monumental investment dubbed a once-in-a-generation stake in infrastructure is encapsulated in Bidenomics, driven by the Build Back Better Agenda of President Biden.

And if Bidenomics has worked in the USA, as is currently evident,there is every good reason to believe that its equivalent in Nigeria, Tinubunomics, would equally have a positive outcome here if diligently pursued.

In Nigeria, Tinubunomics policies range from the repeal of burdensome and archaic economic policies that had shackled our country, thus putting long-suffering Nigerians literarily in economic manacles via the erstwhile funds-guzzling petrol subsidy, the operation of multiple naira exchange rates with the dollar, which is another type of subsidy, and the subsidy on electricity production and distribution arising from the fact that the activity was on the Exclusive List, meaning that hitherto only the federal government could provide electricity service.

It is a situation that the signing into law of the Electricity Act 2023 by President Tinubu has changed for the better, basically because the policy has thrown open the investment space in electricity services to the private sector for participation.

Apart from the earlier referenced Electricity Act 2023 and the Freedom of Data Act that would unleash the potentials of information technology, which has been elevated to the level of Artificial Intelligence and is being leveraged in advanced societies to enhance all spheres of life, there is also the passage of four (4) Executive Orders that have reversed some anti-business laws such as new tariffs on vehicles imported into Nigeria and 5% Value Added Tax and VAT on telecoms services, as well as similar sundry taxes that were stifling businesses.

It may be recalled that the aforementioned laws that are unfriendly to business were hastily passed by the immediate past regime before its exit on May 29.

The four (4) executive orders that are business-friendly appear to be in response to the organised private sector, which has cried out to President Tinubu for forbearance.

And as if to cap the myriad of policy decisions that have so far been taken by President Tinubu aimed at pulling our country out of the abyss of debt and the hole of despondency into which more citizens of our country, numbering up to 130 million of the 200 million, have descended, the president has also set up a tax advisory council with PwC team lead for West Africa, Taiwo Oyedele, as chairman.

The mandate of the council, comprised of other eminent tax experts, is to seek ways and means of optimally harnessing in a win-win manner the untapped tax resources in our country that are presently not captured by the existing system.

That is with a view to enabling the administration to carry out the onerous task of pulling our country out of the economic doldrums in which it is currently wallowing as a consequence of eight (8) years of monumental sociopolitical and economic mismanagement by the predecessor government.

It is undeniable that it is a consequence of the unmitigated disastrous socioeconomic and political leadership of our country by the outgoing regime that the Nigerian masses are being characterised as multidimensionally poor people.

That is even as an additional four million, one hundred thousand (4.1 million) are adjudged by the World Bank as having joined the ranks of the indigent since the withdrawal of subsidies on petrol and the naira exchange rate unification on May 29, when President Tinubu mounted the throne of leadership in Aso Rock Villa.

With the threat of an additional seven million (7m) joining the inglorious poverty club, which is a figure that the world bank is projecting would likely be the aftermath of the removal of subsidies on petrol and naira by this year's end, if palliatives are not rolled out to cushion the harsh effects of the policies aimed at preventing our country from falling into a looming debt trap, it is not an understatement to emphasise that there is an urgent need to make haste in providing buffers.

That is probably what justifies and is driving President Tinubu’s request for N500 billion from the supplementary appropriation act 2022 currently before HoRs, but which the Nigerian Labour Congress, NLC, is kicking against because it believes it is inadequate to support the 300% salary increase that it is demanding.

After breaking the somewhat forty-year jinx of operating an economy that has been bearing the debilitating burden of petrol and naira subsidies, which the multilateral and international financial institutions—the World Bank, IMF, and even investment bank JP Morgan—as well as other multilateral financial organisations have been demanding that Nigeria remove to free up the economy via major policy reforms as far back as President Buhari’s first coming as a military dictator (1984–85), it would not surprise me if the aforementioned global financial agencies are already wooing Nigeria with loan offers.

That would be more so because the ongoing reforms have been voluntary as opposed to imposed.

As such, despite Nigeria’s estimated N50 trillion external loan exposure, she may be able to obtain international loans on favourable terms simply because Nigeria, with its humongous potential (population in excess of 200 million and the largest in Africa), significant and reasonable purchasing power, and a virile middle class comprising 60% youth demographics that are very creative, is currently the toast of investors globe-wide.

But given the horrendous and frightening size of our current debt profile, a significant, if not broad, spectrum of Nigerians may kick against the idea of obtaining more loans.
But to dig the economy out of the hole in which it is currently stuck would require more funds.

And being that the debt servicing that watchers of our economy—the World Bank, etc.—had warned about a year ago would outstrip our income if adequate care was not taken to cut down on our expenditure costs and boost revenue inflow by plugging crude oil leakages to oil thieves (an admonition that was unheeded and has become a reality today), the future of our country is currently in jeopardy.

According to statistics from the National Bureau for Statistics (NBS), the total exports from Nigeria for 2022 rose by 41.72 percent from N18.91 trillion in 2021 to N26.79 trillion in 2022. But imports rose by 22.77 percent, from N20.84 trillion in 2021 to N25.59 trillion in 2022.

When the value of Nigeria’s total exports last year, which was N26.79 trillion, is matched up, it is basically equal to the import value of N25.59 trillion in the same 2022.
That simply implies that our country’s exports and imports almost matched each other last year.

If the debt servicing obligation of Nigeria is added, which the Debt Management Office (DMO puts at N3.36 trillion in 2023, where would this administration find the money to undertake the under-listed huge investments that would facilitate a more people-friendly transition from petrol subsidy removal and naira exchange rate unification?

Although the administration has yet to disclose its plans, I would like to hazard a guess that the immediate needs for investment to soften the effects of the policy reforms would likely be: procurement of mass transit buses powered by Compressed Natural gas (CNG, provision of a one hundred percent (100%) salary increase to public servants; offering some tax breaks to businesses to enable the extension of a similar 100% salary raise for workers in that sector; and availing loans to indigent tertiary institution students as enunciated in the Students Loan Act.

The above-listed proposals are some of the lofty measures that are likely to be
undertaken by the administration as a panacea to the inclement fallout of the socioeconomic reforms so far rolled out by President Tinubu.
The introduction of the palliatives would enable the reforms to come into fruition or materialise without too much collateral damage to the masses.

As earlier observed, it is as if there was a synergy of thoughts and a meeting of minds of sorts that the government has put forward the request to HoRs for its approval for the executive branch to apply N500 billion in the 2022 supplementary appropriation act to mitigate the harsh effect of its reforms, which is currently receiving the attention of the legislators.

The NLC's dissatisfaction with the sum of N500 billion requested, which it deems to be too little, suggests to me that it may be a bridging gap as more funds,probably from the I.M.F., may be sourced to tide the country through the rough patch that it is currently passing through.

Whatever the case may be,the undeniable reality is that this country right now looks like a firm or business corporation that has just been taken over by a very bad manager and needs working capital to put it back on an even keel.

In my reckoning,to make Nigeria work again,it needs working capital,and as financial experts very well know,borrowing from the money or capital markets is obviously more expensive than sourcing funds from a multilateral agency like the IMF, World Bank, etc.

The snag may be that our country’s previous experience with LMF might have left an unsavoury taste in the mouths of Nigerians. But there is a difference between 1986 and 2023, which is that the IMF would not be imposing any harsh conditionalities on Nigeria because the country has already voluntarily swallowed the bitter pills.

So, should President Tinubu decide to pursue the option of an IMF loan, Nigerians would acquiesce with it as long as they were assured by Tinubunomics champions that the funds would be invested in production (infrastructure,factories , employment creation activities, etc.) as opposed to consumption items (salary payments,perks of office, and lavishness by public office holders), which has been the pattern in the past eight (8) years.

And the demand by the NLC for more funds to be appropriated for palliative care underscores the belief that a LMF loan may be the most viable option at this point in time.

Magnus Onyibe, an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in Delta State government, sent this piece from Los Angeles, California, USA.


 

“Seduction is a sibling of deception. He who seeks to deceive will always find someone who will allow himself to be deceived (Machiavelli). But everything that has a beginning has an end. Deception is like a drug; its effectiveness ends at its expiry date. With the palliative books reading billions for politicians and other specialists while the people are yawning for life, there is a simmering stirring in town. The president needs to reexamine himself and his regime of ‘renewed hope.’ His family and friends need to pray if they are not praying; they should intensify prayers if they are already praying. The sharks that used SAP to drown Ibrahim Babangida’s government appear to have sucked in this president and his government. And they haven’t yet spent 60 days in power. If IBB’s SAP was a hole, what we are seeing at this moment is a deep ditch. And the unfolding tragedy is not just that our man is in there and digging, it is that there are other holes ‘they’ are helping him to dig to fill the subsidy-withdrawal hole. It is not funny. The result is terrible devastation and ugly blisters on the face of the Nigerian earth.”

Our president has charm. “Charm is seduction without sex,” says Robert Greene, author of ‘The Art of Seduction’ (2001). The president is a poet; metaphor is his refuge. Before the election, Bola Tinubu made a vulture of himself with a declaration that he had been eating sacrifices before his enemies were born and he would continue to eat the dreaded. When he met the 1999-2007 set of governors last week, Bola Tinubu was in his poetic best: “We went into the pond and wrestled with a pig. We got dirty, and cleaned up. That is why I am here today.” That is how our president poeticised his journey to the presidency. He said he fought a pig, he got dirty but cleaned up and found himself “here”. Where is ‘here’? His choice of enemy – dirty, clumsy pig – just as his choice of metaphor, thrilled me. His choice of audience too – he was addressing his colleagues, 1999-2007 governors who snatched the Nigerian bone from the jaws of the military. His audience were the Orwellian super boars who taught this democracy how to bite, and chew, and swallow, and digest all on behalf of the people. “My doors are open; you are my advisers,” he told them. They were happy.

Tinubu, president of subtlety, had other things to say; and he said them: “I understand that our people are suffering, (but) there can be no childbirth without pain.” His animated voice rang round the hall. Great metaphors are Tinubu’s balm of Gilead for hungry, hopeless folks, victims of a government that woke the sleeping dog before thinking of what to do with the consequences: “The joy of childbirth is the relief that comes after the pain,” he said as if he did not know that some clumsily handled childbirths end in horror with the gourds broken and their water spilt. The president went further and announced with joy that “Nigeria is reborn already with fuel subsidy removal. It is a rebirth of the country for the largest number over a few smugglers…” The man may be more than a poet; he reads and must have read every line and chewed on every letter of Robert Greene on how to charm and sedate trouble. That is what charmers do. Greene says they “are consummate manipulators…They understand your spirit, feel your pain, adapt to your moods. In the presence of a charmer, you feel better about yourself…” Ibrahim Babangida said something like this years ago: “I understand the psychology of Nigerians.” Our two-month-old government withdrew subsidy on petrol and defoliated the forest. The poor cried; the rich cried. The president heard their cries and intervened; he renewed their hope and, in Ngugi Wa Thiong’o’s voice, he told the Nigerian child to weep not: “Please, tell the people to be a little patient. The palliative is coming. I have done the arithmetic. But I don’t want cash-transfers to fall into the wrong hands. I know it pinches and it is difficult…In the end, we will rejoice in the prosperity of our country.” Very reassuring. The palliative truly came a day after those analgesic words. Everybody got something; the parliament got billions; the judiciary got theirs, and the president shoved N8,000 per month into the mouth of aching households. Painkiller is a synonym for palliative; it cannot cost more than N8,000.

Tinubu is a very lucky politician. He seduces without failing – because what beats in him is the heart of the art. Seduction, Kenneth Minogue (2006) says, is the central idea in political life. A man who boasted that he fought a pig and came out smelling sweet deserves attention. It takes more than courage to wrestle the mud with a pig. Critic, playwright and polemicist, George Bernard Shaw, called himself a “world betterer.” He made several interventions on the imperative of cleaning and cleansing the polity. He was totalitarian in his suggestions but he was careful enough to warn that you must “never wrestle with pigs.” He said if you do, “you both get dirty and the pig likes it.” Tinubu is a student of Greene: seduce your target by entering their spirit; adapt yourself to their moods; they will follow you even if you are going nowhere. He is also Niccolo Machiavelli’s Prince: “Whosoever desires constant success must change his conduct with the times.” That is why just last year, Bola Tinubu appeared fascinated by Bernard Shaw’s wise counsel on avoidance of wrestling with the pig. He told a town hall meeting in Calabar, Cross River State, in December 2022 that nothing, including provocation from his opponents, would make him fight a pig: “No other person is running like me. They have no facts, they have no experience. They have no track record. They have no degree of honesty. They can’t keep their promises. They resort to insults and abuses to detract. No, it doesn’t catch me; to divert, I say no, I’m from Tinubu Square; to wrestle, I’m a wrestler, but I don’t wrestle with the pig.” That was the poet at his seductive best seven months ago. Now we know that people change their minds; and those include wrestlers from Tinubu Square.

 

But I agree, and seriously too, that only cowards run away from fights – with anyone, with anything, anywhere. It is the weak who chooses where and who to wrestle (Àìlejà níí jé won ò bí mi ní’lè yí). But the flexible is the skillful. This president has shown what is possible with a mind that is rock solid and fluid at the same time. That is called mobility. World boxing champion, Mohammed Ali, was mobile; he pulled punches, and he pulled no punches; he floated like a butterfly and stung like a bee. And that explains his becoming the Greatest of All Time. Last year, Tinubu wouldn’t fight a pig; this year, he fought a pig, cleaned himself up and became president of Africa’s most populous country. That is what shifty, sneaky courage does; the more the dirt, the healthier the seed. Our president has a brother in Iraqi war veteran, Burl Randolph Jr. who once gave the formula that saw him rise and become a colonel in the United States’ army: “I am often asked: ‘Burl, why would you wrestle with a pig? All you get is dirty and the pig enjoys it’…My answer is always the same: How do you think I made Colonel?” This American asked the one who would win anywhere to “learn to outmaneuver the pig.” He says he has never “encountered a neat, clean, problem…” True. No one has. And that is a lesson for all conformists and enablers of bumbling regimes. People who suffer and smile and even hail their tormentors can’t get better until they know that fighting to live is wrestling down the pig, the dirty.

Seduction is a sibling of deception. He who seeks to deceive will always find someone who will allow himself to be deceived (Machiavelli). But everything that has a beginning has an end. Deception is like a drug; its effectiveness ends at its expiry date. With the palliative books reading billions for politicians and other specialists while the people are yawning for life, there is a simmering stirring in town. The president needs to reexamine himself and his regime of ‘renewed hope.’ His family and friends need to pray if they are not praying; they should intensify prayers if they are already praying. The sharks that used SAP to drown Ibrahim Babangida’s government appear to have sucked in this president and his government. And they haven’t yet spent 60 days in power. If IBB’s SAP was a hole, what we are seeing at this moment is a deep ditch. And the unfolding tragedy is not just that our man is in there and digging, it is that there are other holes ‘they’ are helping him to dig to fill the subsidy-withdrawal hole. It is not funny. The result is terrible devastation and ugly blisters on the face of the Nigerian earth.

 

We have a government that is determined to sweat the people like Orwellian Napoleon. It announced two weeks ago its plan to double its tax revenue. Do people pay tax from poverty? Digging holes to fill holes; the palliative from this government is N8,000 per household per month mixed with tax and rumours of more tax. The regime has slapped on us payment for Proof of Ownership papers for our vehicles every year. The price is N1,000. It started as a rumour but it is true and it is not funny. Fiscal Policy Partner and Africa Tax Leader at PwC, Taiwo Oyedele, was one strident online voice against this tax. He described it as “retrogressive…ill conceived and poorly designed.” He said “it is illogical to have to prove annually that you own a vehicle for which you already have a certificate of proof of ownership issued by the government.” Oyedele counseled that the tax “is wrong both in terms of signaling from a multiple taxation perspective and in terms of timing given the recent fuel subsidy removal…” He advised that the tax should be set aside in the interest of good order and to prevent setting a bad precedent. Then, he threw a snide remark: “Who says we cannot be asked to also renew our birth certificates, C of O, etc on an annual basis if this succeeds?” Valid questions! But, you know what? The very week Oyedele expressed those strong views, Tinubu appropriated the man. He gave him an appointment as the head of his tax reforms and fiscal policy committee. Seduction. ‘Why not sleep with the enemy? Politics is all about seduction.’ That provocative headline was cast by Suzanne Moore, columnist of The Guardian of the UK on 10 February, 2016. The Facebook wall of Oyedele, the latest catch of Politician Tinubu, has since been flooded with congratulations and felicitations in various flowery words and expressions. Interesting times. I congratulate him, too.

 

But, shall we ask: How much tax is enough for this government? When is it going to tax the super-rich who freely destroy our roads with their trailers and tankers? Hope is the food of the poor; sacrifice is the sacred duty they owe the state and its billionaire custodians. Like Lawuwo in Oladejo Okediji’s ‘Rere Run’, it is almost certain that we will all go bald – courtesy of the granite loads the Nigerian government daily heaps on our bare heads. Beasts of burden. That is an appropriate metaphor for the Nigerian poor. We pay taxes and overpay rates, explicit and implicit. Implicit taxes are unseen, unrecorded levies. You and I bear and pay them daily without complaining. It is our lot; the price for choosing to be born here. We think it is normal because we’ve been paying them from our mother’s wombs. African Development Bank (AfDP) president, Akinwumi Adesina, about two months ago hinted in Abuja that because our governments are historically asleep, the people sulk not, they provide public services. He made a lot of sense. He made even greater sense when he stressed that while tax payment was desirable, “it is not the amount of tax collected, it is how it is spent, and what is delivered.”

 

At the first national tax dialogue organized by the Federal Inland Revenue Services (FIRS) in Abuja in January 2021, the same Adesina doubled down and said Nigerians were among top implicit tax payers in the world: “Truth be told, Nigerians pay one of the highest implicit tax rates in the world — way higher than developed countries. Think of it: they provide electricity for themselves via generators; they repair roads to their neighborhoods, if they can afford to; there are no social security systems; they provide security for their own safety; and they provide boreholes for drinking water with their own monies.” The man repeated himself in May 2023 (this year) at the inauguration lecture of Tinubu in Abuja. There, the man amplified his 2021 thoughts on what Nigerians suffer at the hands of their government with a warning that “…simply raising taxes is not enough, as many question the value of paying taxes, hence the high level of tax avoidance. Many citizens provide their own electricity, sink boreholes to get access to water, and repair roads in their towns and neighborhoods. These are essentially high implicit taxes. Nigerians, therefore, pay the highest implicit tax rates in the world.”

 

So, why should I pay tax to the government? Or, better put, why do I need a government?

 

The firestorm among some Christian leaders in Western Nigeria over the lyrics of a new song by Gospel artist, Tope Alabi, is in its fourth week.

She had sang in Yoruba that she is “Aboru Aboye” which translates to “I am a sacrifice which God has accepted.” This caused an uproar with some Christian leaders accusing her of introducing traditional religion idolatry into Christianity. They claimed that ‘Aboru Aboye’ is the language of Ifa priests, so she is promoting indigenous religion to the detriment of Christianity.

 

The charge is led by Funmi Aragabye, Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Gospel Musicians Association of Nigeria, GOMAN, who in finding Alabi guilty of heresy declared: “Tope Alabi believes she is above everyone and God… She doesn’t belong to anyone; she is neither here nor there. The current state of the country is why many act the way they do. People take God for granted for being so merciful. Many people today are just worshipping God with their mouths; it doesn’t come from their hearts.”

 

Aragbaye, popular for her 1990’s hit: ‘Mo Gbo Ipe Olorun (Divine Call) added: “Most people preaching do not know what they are preaching about. They emerged from nowhere onto the scene.”

General Superintendent, Apostle Adeboye Ajakaiye of the Cherubim and Seraphim Church, also joined the fray: “I know the devil twists the things of God for his own use… These days, you can’t distinguish a Christian from the world in all ways, from dressing, talking, use of worldly vibes in Christian songs, dancing, etc.” Tope Alabi has in the last few days risen to her own defence that Yoruba language is used by people of all faith.

Just as Hosea said: “My people perish from lack of knowledge”(Hosea 4:6), so are those attacking Alabi lacking in the basic knowledge that all peoples have their own cultures and religions. So, when new religions come or rise, they usually borrow from the local language. For instance, the Hebrews called God Yahweh, Elohim, Adonai, Tzevaot, Shaddai, while the Romans Latinized Yahweh as Jehovah. All these have found their way into Christianity. The Izon call God Oyin, among other names. The Hausas call him Ubangiji, while the Igbo call him Chineke (Creator of the Universe), Chukwu or Olisa.

 The Yorubas call the Almighty by various indigenous names but the most popular being Olorun (Owner of the universe) and OlodumareOdu, means pot and mare means inexhaustible. Noted philosopher, Professor Sophie Oluwole explained that Olodumare, which Yorubas irrespective of religious inclinations call God, literally means: “the man who has the pot that is not exhaustible. In English, it means Almighty; everything is within it.”

So, why would the religious leaders who condemn Alabi, accept Olodumare but reject Aboru Aboye when it is the same Yoruba language?

Ironically, Evangelist Tope Alabi is no different from her traducers; she is no less a fanatic. When in 2021, rising gospel artist, Adeyinka Alaseyori, released a hit song ‘Oniduro Mi’, meaning that the Almighty is my Guarantor who never fails, Tope Alabi roundly condemned her for alleged unChristian conduct.

In claiming divine inspiration, Alabi attacked the young artist: “God is beyond being a guarantor to Man…when we receive heavenly inspiration to sing, there are some deliberations we must have with the Holy Spirit before we can bring out such a song. If we keep singing the gospel just as the Spirit-inspired, there is the possibility that we all will be singing absurdly. As gospel singers, God has given us the brain to digest, chew, and fully comprehend the inspiration given to us before we bring it to life.”

Those sitting in judgement over Tope Alabi, and she sitting in judgement over others, remind me of the admonition in the Gospel of Matthew: “Do not judge, or you too will be judged. For in the same way you judge others, you will be judged, and with the measure you use, it will be measured to you. Why do you look at the speck of sawdust in your brother’s eye and pay no attention to the log in your own eye…You hypocrite, first take the log out of your own eye, and then you will see clearly to take the speck out of your brother’s eye.” (Matthew 7: 1-5)

It is instructive that while indigenous African religions have a very high level of tolerance and appreciation of other peoples’ faith, the same cannot be said of the main religions.

For instance, Yeye Ajesikemi Olokun Olatunji, who despite being a devotee of Aje Olokun, is helping to build a mosque in Ilorin, has decided to cancel the traditional Isese Festival slated from July 22 to 24, 2023 because some Muslim leaders object to holding the festival.

Although a lot of money has been spent on the preparations, guests around the country and abroad invited, and she has the constitutional and human right to practise her faith, she said: “I cancelled the celebration because I don’t want any crisis; I don’t want people to see me as a troublemaker and I don’t want people to label me as having caused a religious crisis in Ilorin.”

Explaining the tenets of her religion, she said: “God has shown each individual what they will do to succeed and enter paradise…God knows the heart of every human being and it depends on your mind and communication with your Creator. I know that God answers prayers; it depends on how you pray to Him.”

In this, she is showing a deep understanding of faith, tolerance, a high sense of civility and gumption, and a superiority of position. As the Yorubas say: your character is what portrays your religion.

While some religious adherents try to impose their faith on other people and even incinerate human beings for alleged religious infractions, others show good examples. Perhaps the most tolerant and even handed political leader in the country today is the immediate past Minister of Interior, Ogbeni Rauf Aregbesola. In his eight years as Osun State Governor, he elevated the indigenous religion to the same pedestal as Islam and Christianity.

At state functions, prayers were offered in the three religions, and he attended the main indigenous religious festivals in the state, including the Osun-Oshogbo, the Iwude Ijesha and the Olojo Festival in Ile-Ife. His administration also introduced a public holiday, the ‘Isese Day’ for adherents of indigenous religion. So, we do not lack good examples. Like Chinua Achebe wrote in Things Fall Apart: “You will have what is good for you and I will have what is good for me. Let the kite perch and let the eagle perch too. If one says no to the other, let his wing break.”

On January 13, 1970, Olusegun Obasanjo, army colonel and General Officer Commanding, GOC, the Third Marine Commando Division of the Nigerian Army, arrived Amichi in the old Nnewi Division of what was then known as East Central State to accept the capitulation of Biafra from Phillip Effiong, interim leader of the enclave. The encounter occurred in the house of Chief Ben Atuchukwu, one of a pioneer generation of trading magnets whose exploits bestowed on Nnewi its reputation as the home of Nigerian enterprise.

Present in the room was Simon Nsobundu Okeke, a pioneer estate surveyor and valuer with his origins from Amichi, who was a senior official in the Biafra’s security services. Ben Atuchukwu, the man in whose house the war ended, was his paternal uncle. In the nature of the occasion, Okeke and Obasanjo were not introduced to one another on the day.

 

After the war, Obasanjo continued in the military, becoming in succession a cabinet minister, second-in-command to the head of state, military head of state, civilian president, and international statesman. For his part, Okeke returned to his vocation of estate management, rising to become an acknowledged leader among estate surveyors and valuers in the country.

 

Nearly 32 years after they first met, the destinies of both men would be joined in the most unpredictable fashion. Obasanjo was sworn in on May 29, 1999 for his second tour of duty as Nigeria’s leader. Two and a half years later, on November 28, 2001, he presided as Chief Okeke took the oath of office as Chairman of the Police Service Commission, PSC, along with six other commissioners. In assuming this office, Chief Okeke became the first Chair of the Commission in 22 years, dating back to October 1979.

Published by MayFive Media Limited, Policing the Nigeria Police is Chief Okeke’s timely and thoughtful retrospective on policing and the Nigeria Police Force, NPF. It is part memoir and part policy memo in a book that combines racy narrative with deliberative analysis, juxtaposing recall of the worst of bureaucratic and political skulduggery with high-minded invocations of the public interest.

The book unfolds in 15 chapters that address different aspects of the institutional evolution, bureaucratic machinations, relational episodes, and, reform proposals in policing and police oversight viewed from the vintage of Chief Okeke’s tenure and experience with the PSC. Some of the major themes addressed include the histories of the NPF and PSC and of presidential and political instrumentalisation of both; abuses of the roles and powers of the IGP and of the president; the role of the PSC in election monitoring; the role of the president in a transitional democracy; the travails of civilian oversight of the security services; and issues of police reform, including state police and community policing.

By way of context, the Metropolitan Police in England was a mere 32 years old when the British began the experiment that evolved into the NPF. Until the departure of the British in 1960, the NPF was under the political authority of the head of the colonial government, for the most part known as the Governor, who directed the Force at his whim.

As they retreated in 1960, the British bequeathed to the country a PSC as a civilian oversight body over the NPF. This was problematic because for a century until then, the NPF had known no such oversight nor imbibed any bureaucratic traditions that would prepare it for such. Yet they gave this oversight body extensive powers of appointment, promotion, and discipline over the NPF.

For 19 years, until 1979, the PSC persevered with some difficulty, coexisting uneasily with the regimental mentality of military rule for about 13½ years of those. Upon the transition to the presidential system of government, from October 1, 1979, the Constitution made the President ex-officio chairman and chief executive of the PSC. But 39 months later, General Muhammadu Buhari abrogated that Constitution.

The return of military rule had a profound impact on the PSC and on the idea of police oversight. For the duration of the Buhari regime, Tunde Idiagbon, the Brigadier-General who was second-in-command, served as the nominal chair of the PSC. Ibrahim Babangida, who overthrew Buhari in August promulgated the Police (Miscellaneous Provisions) Decree, No. 5 of 6 February, 1989, which abrogated the PSC, making this retrospective to the beginning of his regime on August 27, 1985. In its place, he established a Police Council, whose membership comprised the military president, all state governors, and the Inspector-General of Police. At the time, the military president appointed all state governors. As such, the Police Council comprised the president and his appointees, all of whom came from regimental traditions.

In the 41 years since its creation in 1960 until 2001, therefore, the PSC was not in existence for 14 years; notionally existed under military rule for another 13½ years; and only functioned under civil rule for nine and a half (9½) years. For four of those nine and a half years, the president also chaired the Commission. This chequered history did not equip the Commission with any institutional memory. At inauguration in 2001, it had no office or staff. The 1999 Constitution had also re-designed the Commission in one fundamental way: unlike the period until 1985, it placed the Inspector-General of Police, IGP, outside the powers and purview of the PSC.

Under the Constitution, the president appoints the IGP, controls and instructs him and can also fire him at will. The IGP commands the NPF. The Police Council, whose membership comprises the president, state governors and the Chairman of the PSC, coexists with the Commission. Its role is confined to the declared purpose of advising the president in the appointment of the IGP. Chief Okeke recalls no such process as having taken place in his five years on the Council, which he describes as “next to moribund”.

The result was two-fold. First, in 2001, both the presidency and the IGP were unused to the idea of independent civilian oversight. Second when he assumed office in 2001 as the Chair of the PSC, Chief Okeke was in a unique pickle: he had no predecessor from whose experience he could draw but he was up against an institution and officers with fond memories of the days when the NPF brooked no oversight and was the plaything of the president.

Over five years in the role of PSC Chairman, Chief Okeke worked with one president and three IGPs: the first was fired, the second was convicted for fraud and  embezzlement, and the third, as Chief Okeke writes, “practically shoved aside the Police Service Commission and took directives only from the President”. With few allies, the job the PSC Chairman verged on impossible. It was just not for the faint of heart.

At the end of his tenure in 2006, Chief Okeke chose wisely not to seek reappointment. Unknown to him, the Inspector-General of Police, Sunday Ehindero, had advocated with and advised the president that it was better to have the PSC headed by a retired police officer. In February, 2023, President Obasanjo, who implemented this advice, admitted it was mistake, saying: “When you make a retired police officer the head of the PSC, it is like asking a thief to catch a thief.’’

But this mistake birthed a Nigerian tradition: since 2006, the PSC has been retirement home to a succession of former IGPs. Far from making the relationship better, this deepened antipathy between the PSC and the NPF, introducing the added complication of inter-personal psycho-drama between incumbent IGPs on the one hand, and former IGPs who were their superiors on the other. The case between the IGP and the PSC over the question of primacy in the matter of recruitment of police personnel is pending at the Supreme Court.

This then is the narrative of interlocked and overlapping destinies and mutating machinations that makes Policing the Nigeria Police such a compelling read. The book offers thoughtful insights on policing for the country and argues a persuasive case for decentralisation of the NPF, dispassionately examining proposals for state police, community policing, and even vigilantes. Anyone interested in making policing both effective and accountable in Nigeria has a duty to read it.

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

Waiting is a very difficult task to engage in, and a bitter song to many peoples ears. What is the essence of working for years without having something tangible to show for one's years of struggle? Isn't this saddened?
 
But one thing is sure, it's either one continues to push it and wait for one's ripe time, or one takes a fast lane and die prematurely. The Bible says: "Your latter days shall be greater and more gracious than your former". But does this saying apply to Nigerians, who have been, for so many years, in certain professions like theater practitioning but still struggling to make ends meet?
 
I can still remember vividly today, a drama, IFÁ OLÓKUN, in the 80s on NTA channel. IFÁ OLÓKUN was a serial drama produced by Àràbà Awo of Oshogbo, Ifayemi Elebuibon. It was normally on air every weekend on NTA Ibadan. It was one of the interesting television dramas in Nigeria that fascinated many of us then.
 
One of the series in IFÁ OLÓKUN was a drama, OMOL'OKÙN, which was produced in early 80s. This drama was so popular and so interesting hardly any lover of Yorùbá movies that period would forget the role the late funny actor, Tajudeen Akanmu a.k.a Koled'owo, played in the drama.
 
Koled'owo, who joined acting at tender age with a great number of movies credited to his name died in 2008 in a rented apartment. Koled'owo, according to investigation, died without fully enjoyed the fruits of his labour. Koled'owo's experience is exactly the same fate of many of the veteran thespians in Nigeria. Only few of these people can boast of living average lives unlike today's thespians, who're opened to various opportunities in the industry.
 
Of course those who weren't too young in the early 80s won't forget the part Koled'owo played in OMOL'OKÙN. He was unarguably the most prominent actor in the play. I believe you haven't forgotten this chant: 
 
'Ìyá ìyá un o f'odidi eja s'òrun àjìjà mi 
Ìyá ìyá un o f'odidi eran s'òrun àjìjà mi
Ìyá ìyá un o f'odidi eni s'òrun àjìjà mi 
Èmi omol'okùn omoni'de
Omo ní sìn sìn kún'nu sìn...
 
It's quite unfortunate to learn that Koled'owo, who invested his energy and his most precious time to elevate social lives of many Nigerians died with no honour and appreciation, both in kind and in cash.
 
In Ifayemi Elebu'bon's theater group, one of the actresses in the group then was a very short woman popularly known today as 'Ìyá Gbònkà'. The old woman, Margret Bandele Olayinka, who is predominantly known for her scary expression in plays, would have been in the profession, acting, for over 40 years by now. But it's a pity that the woman couldn't boast of a decent living until she recently cried out on social media to people to come to her aid. The old woman wanted a gift of a car to from places to another. Of course this is a sign of good living to many Nigerians? 
 
The woman actress' clamour for help did not yield to only a car but to something better than her desire. Perhaps her benefactor thought that a car wasn't her immediate priority because a gift of a car could force her to nurse a liability that might likely run her aground.
 
A philanthropist who couldn't hold his empathy for the actress took it upon himself, and lent a helping hand to complete her uncompleted building she had abandoned for years - at least to give the thespian, whose strength had already been exhausted, a new lease of life at her old age. And in addition, a not-too-flashy but decent car and some cash were donated to her to compensate her for her long service in acting. Assuming she didn't plead for help, she might have remained in same condition.
 
Before the noise of the gifts bestowed on the old woman died down, another veteran actor, Fatai Adekunle Adetayo a.k.a Lalulude, who also has made enduring impact on the progress of the profession, employed the same method to also cry out on social media to his fans for a gift of a car. And without much ado, a neat saloon car was also gifted to him. He got the car via donations from fans on social media. Yes, social media has become a global village where anyone can reach out to millions in few minutes unlike before when one needed to wait for months before one's message could get to its destination through the underfunction and overrated Nigeria Postal Service.
 
Maybe or maybe not, these kind gestures bestowed on Ìyá Gbònkà' and Lálùdé could have been a motivation or a propeller to their old colleagues, Pariolodo and Alapini, both who also have been in the industry for decades, whom desires to tap into what was trending on social media couldn't be suppressed. They didn't wait for anyone to plead on their behalf; they came out on social media to ask Nigerians to save them from taking 'Okadas' and buses from one place to another. They also needed cars to cruise towns. Of course their desires were also attended to. They got what they wanted. And recently, another old thespian, Tajudeen Oyewole a.k.a Abija - who played the role of a herbalist in the movie, 'ÒPÁ AJÉ', which brought him into limelight in late 80s - also has come out to beg for his own car, though one was gifted to him sometime.
 
Since the new method of soliciting helps by the perceived not-well-to-do celebrities on social media reared its head, there have been arguments over whether the method being employed by these people is right or uncalled for. Some argue that they see no wrong in asking for helps when the helps are needed while many believe this to be completely disgusting and nauseating.
 
One of the people who frowned at this act was a polular actress, Jaiye Kuti, who vehemently came online to disown the artistes involved in what she tagged as professional begging. She wasn't happy because she believed that the act had so far belittled the theater arts profession, most especially the Yoruba section.
 
And immediately Jaiye dropped the bombshells, many Nigerians who saw nothing wrong in the act had come out to rain abuses on the popular actress. They maintained that it ought not to be only the time that people were at the point of death that help should come their way. They said that Jaiye could say this because she joined the profession during the time that opportunities were abound in the industry. Had she joined early, she would have experienced the damage the wicked producers and piracy had done to the lives and careers of the old thespians.
 
Without a doubt, these people's submissions aren't out of tune. They felt for and empathized with the helpless thespians, who had rendered selfless services to Nigeria and Nigerians but are abandoned during their old age. They wanted to know the reason these people would be left to carry their crosses during the time that they ought to rest and enjoy.
 
Undoubtedly, asking for helps from well-to-do friends, acquaintances, colleagues, family, and even from fellow Nigerians isn't a bad idea for as far as I'm concerned, no man is an island. We need each other for personal upliftment and during trying time. It's a propeller that makes a life conducive to live. But begging for luxuries is sickening and nauseous.
 
Like I said, soliciting helps isn't bad, but the kind of succours people seek is the most important. In my opinion, the most important thing in human life is what to invest in to fetch more funds, most especially during the time that one is finding it difficult to muddle through. I wouldn't have stood against the thespians' pleads for help like Jaiye Kuti did if these people had begged for what would continue to facilitate more money to their pockets, and not what would ceaselessly taking from their meagre and insufficient resources. Begging to own cars at this period of hike in fuel price is not only unwise but is also not sweet to the ears.
 
Ademola 'Bablow' Babalola
This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.