
OTHERS' VIEWS
I drove to Mamman Vatsa Writers Village, Mpape, Abuja. It is a huge sprawling estate of multiple storey buildings, many under construction. It is easy to get lost in this maze that is the home of the Association of Nigerian Authors, ANA. Somebody from the hilly top pointed at a building in what may well be a valley.
Outside the huge theatre, I found nobody. I was confident there were people inside. But it was like a void. Finally, I found somebody who confirmed a reading by Odia Ofeimum was scheduled for the theatre. But that was still some three hours away. I knew that, but I was also aware a pre-reading session was going on. The task was to locate it.
I finally did in the Femi Osofisan National Secretariat of ANA. In the packed hall was the most diverse array of writers I have ever seen in terms of demographic composition. There were nursery and primary school children with an average age of nine; youths, mainly from the University of Abuja and of course; Odia, 73, the Lagos-based political scientist, essayist, poet and writer who has gifted humanity over 43 books.
In a sense, he is an ancestor of ANA. When the writers association was to be registered, it was Odia, as General Secretary, who placed the public notice in the Thursday, October 24, 1985 edition of the Daily Times Newspapers. The advertised Trustees of the writers association were Professor Chinua Achebe, one of the most famous novelists in the universe. He was President. The second Trustee, Professor Wole Soyinka, under who I studied Drama in Ife, of course, needs no introduction. The third Trustee, was Major General Mamman Vatsa who secured the writers village for all writers in the country. Vatsa’s story is the stuff of tragic drama. He was a well-known writer in a military with an anti-intellectual tradition.
On March 5, 1986, his colleagues in uniform, led by General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida, his childhood friend, and best-man, tied Vatsa, 46, to the stake, and sent him out of the world in a hail of bullets. His crime was for allegedly harbouring thoughts to overthrow the military regime. To add to the drama, his death was announced on network television, over one hour before he was executed.
This January 27, 2024 pre-reading session was by the Mbari Club, a body funded by intellectual power house, Professor Udenta .O. Udenta. When he turned 60 in 2023, Udenta off-loaded 23 books on the public.
ANA President, Dr Usman Oladipo Akanbi, who presided, fashioned out a consensus in the house which was that Odia should be referred to as a ‘Living Legend’ not ancestor. B.M.Dzukogi, former ANA National Secretary with at least ten books under his belt, who sat next to me, nodded enthusiastically in agreement.
We then moved to the main theatre for the ‘Odia Reading’ and literary festival which included performances by various artistes and prizes, especially for high school children who livened up the audience.
He read poem after poem and just as he seemed like an aircraft about to take off, he was reminded that the time was flying and he still had a panel discussion amongst other programmes.
Odia revealed that one of the greatest challenges he had to confront in life was the prediction that he would be of no use. His mother had believed this childhood prophesy. When he dropped out of school, it seemed to fall in line with this prediction. But he saw this as a challenge and moved to Benin City where his writings got him a job. However, he lost the job following a workers strike from which he refused to back out.
He made his way to Lagos, becoming a labourer, including a petrol attendant and factory worker. In all these, he focused on self-education. He passed the Ordinary and Advanced Level school certificate, and gained admission into the University of Ibadan where he read Political Science. He worked in the Federal Civil Service, as a teacher, and then, as the Private Secretary of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, perhaps Nigeria’s most programmatic political leader. Awolowo was known to pick only persons with photographic brains as his Private Secretary.
Odia left the prestigious Guardian Newspapers Editorial Board on a Commonwealth fellowship to Oxford University. He seemed settled in Britain. But I was surprised when in mid-1993 I ran into him in Anthony Village, Lagos. He was coming from the Imaria Street home of pro-Democracy leader, Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti.
The June 12 presidential election had been annulled by the military regime, the country was in turmoil and Odia did not see how he could be out of a fight for the soul of the country. So, he took the next available flight to the country. He participated in the street battles and joined the underground press to fight military dictatorship.
This visit to the writers’ village was for me, a pilgrimage. I met mentors like Professor Nuhu Yaqub, former Vice Chancellor, Universities of Abuja and Sokoto State; veteran journalist, Tunji Ladner Jr; and retired Commissioner of Police and arts promoter, Emmanuel Ojukwu. I also got acquainted with the poet with the rhythmic name, Kabura Zakama, a veterinary doctor whose collection of poems, The Man Lived, won the 1999 ANA Poetry Prize.
To Odia, the reading was a sort of homecoming, having been off ANA activities for some time. He had for six years, been ANA Publicity Secretary and, General Secretary from 1982, and its President for four years from 1993. But he had gotten disillusioned about fights over the lands of the writers village, some of which were lost.
To him, the greatest asset of Nigerian writers is unity which can be further solidified by readings, performances, workshops and culturing the young.
A great polemicist whose writings cover a wide range of human life, including politics, Odia said of the significance of his reading at the Writers Village: “Some people thought I had stopped writing poetry, but frankly, it is the only thing I have really done.”
Herbert, my brother, my friend and my adviser.
Herbert, the king of visionary and disruptive ideas.
I'm deeply saddened by the tragic loss of my dear brother and friend, Dr. Herbert Wigwe, his dear wife Doreen, and their beloved son Chizi in a helicopter crash.
Herbert was not just a brother and visionary leader but one of the brightest minds in Africa. His impact on our nation and beyond will be remembered forever. My heart mourns.
Herbert’s contributions to Banking and the financial sector in Africa were unparalleled. He was an unapologetic believer in the Nigerian solution. His dedication and passion for progress inspired us all. Today, we mourn not just a leader but a true friend and brother. Lagos and Nigeria have lost a remarkable soul. Rest in peace, my brother.
We also lost another great business leader and legal luminary, my egbon Abimbola Ogunbanjo, former Group Chairman of Nigerian Exchange Group Plc, who contributed significantly to the development of the Capital Markets and Corporate law in Nigeria. May his soul rest in peace.
In this difficult time, our thoughts are with the families of all the victims, and we pray for strength and grace.
Babajide Sanwo-Olu
Lagos State Governor
[OPINION] If Nigerian judges are so poorly paid, why are they fixing their kids into judiciary? - Chidi Odinkalu
AdminIt is widely said that Nigerian judges are overworked and grossly underpaid. Senior lawyers have described the conditions of service of judges in the country as “a disgrace”. So poor indeed is their remuneration that in October 2023, the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA) doorstepped the federal government asking that the salaries of judges in the country be increased by at least 300%. But some lawyers think this is even too low.
Judicial salaries, it is said, have depreciated to nothing since they were last reviewed in 2008. Since then, allegations of judicial corruption appear to have escalated almost in inverse proportion to the loss in value of judicial pay, leading to suggestions of correlation, if not causation, between the state of judicial remuneration on the one hand and judicial corruption on the other.
Gani Fawehinmi, a senior advocate of Nigeria (SAN), who died in 2009, in fact linked this to judicial mortality, lamenting the fact that many Nigerian judges “die in office under circumstances that are related to the barbaric conditions in which they work.”
Every president since Goodluck Jonathan has promised to address this situation without, in fact, doing anything about it. In his first three months in office, the current incumbent, Bola Ahmed Tinubu, has — like his recent predecessors — repeated the promise.
Unwilling to wait any longer for politicians whose promises are notoriously fickle, the judges appear to have decided to resort to self-help. On May 4, 2022, Osatohanmwen Obaseki-Osaghae, a judge of the National Industrial Court of Nigeria, issued a judgment declaring that “since 2008 is embarrassingly too low and unrealistic, given the current socio-economic and other realities existing in Nigeria and the current global comparative salaries and allowances paid to Judicial Officers of the same or similar cadre.”
She ordered the government to institute a new remuneration structure that would guarantee minimum salaries ranging from N84 million per annum for judges of customary courts of appeal, khadis of Sharia courts of appeal and of the various high courts in the country to at least N120 million per annum for the chief justice of Nigeria.
In reaching this judgment, the judge reasoned that “the downturn in the economy and devaluation of the Naira has completely eroded its purchasing power since 2008”. She claimed that in the 14-year period between the last review of judges’ salaries in 2008 and the judgment in 2022, the exchange rate of the naira to the dollar had depreciated in value from N117.74 to N415.83.
Among the many problems with it, the orders in this judgment were directed at institutions in the executive and legislative arms of the federal government, including the National Assembly; the Revenue Mobilisation, Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC); the Attorney-General of the Federation; and the National Judicial Council, (NJC). Preoccupied very much with the politics of elections since then, these agencies did not appear to have taken note of the judgment since it was handed down.
Stuck for options, it seems the higher-ups in the judicial hierarchy decided in the interim to sort themselves out by dealing with judicial appointments in a manner that entirely unravels their claims about judicial salaries. At face value, the widespread complaints about judicial salaries in Nigeria totally denude the office of a judge of much respect or appeal, or so most rational people would think. Surely, few parents would want to inflict on their much-loved children a job in which the remuneration and conditions are described in the form of expressions routinely used to describe judicial conditions of service in Nigeria.
Yet, despite all the complaints, the senior-most judges in the Nigerian judiciary have “turned the judiciary into premium job racket for family members.” The latest advertisement for this trend is — not for the first time — the recruitment into the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT). At the end of January 2024, the Chief Judge of the FCT High Court Husseini Baba-Yusuf, who comes from Kogi State, having secured permission from the NJC, requested nomination of suitable candidates to fill 12 judicial vacancies in his court. The request specifically named the states from which it sought candidates. These are: Bauchi, Bayelsa, Enugu, Imo, Kogi, Kwara, Lagos, Oyo, Plateau, Rivers, Taraba, and Zamfara
Kogi, Bauchi, and Oyo States, which were invited to send forward candidates, are already well represented on the bench of the FCT High Court. They just happen to be the states of origin of the chief judge of the FCT High Court; of the immediate past CJN, and of the incumbent CJN. The chief judge of the FCT runs the court system and will shepherd the nominations through the NJC, where the CJN holds sway. What better way to guarantee safe passage of the preferred nominees of the FCT chief judge than by sweetening it with a candidate allocated specifically to the CJN?
So, of the 12 slots on the list, it appears three are already spoken for, with one daughter or daughter-in-law of the CJN, his predecessor and the chief judge of the FCT apparently guaranteed seats on the list of appointees.
For senior judicial figures, the opportunity to plant a child on the bench as a parting gift has become something of a ritual, with judicial appointments timed to coincide with high-profile judicial retirements. For those who were unable to accomplish generational replacement for themselves on the bench before their retirement, arrangements are made to retrospectively cure the oversight.
Hence, for instance, the proposal to translate a daughter of the immediate past CJN, herself currently a relatively junior magistrate in the service of the FCT judiciary, to the high court bench.
This facility is also used to build bridges with political heavyweights. As he was about to retire at the end of his eight-year term as governor of Kogi State, Yahaya Bello, immediate past governor of Kogi State, got the magnificent gift of a judicial nomination for his beloved wife, Amina, to become a judge of the High Court of Kogi State. Her only qualification for this nomination, apart from having notionally been a lawyer for up to 10 years, is that she is the wife of the state governor.
Madam Amina is not a magistrate, a court registrar, an academic or a legal practitioner. But that did not stop the Kogi State Judicial Service Commission, headed by Chief Judge Josiah Majebi, from turning her judicial nomination into a parting gift for her husband. After leading SANs from the state sued the NJC, accusing it of blithely disrespecting its own rules in the Kogi State nominations, the NJC was forced to suspend the process of High Court appointments in Kogi.
It is not only children and spouses of judicial and political higher-ups who get planted into judicial sinecures in this way. Mistresses and other partners whose only qualification is intimate genital relations with people connected with politics or judicial appointments routinely get nominated too. This is not merely a debasement of high judicial office and the vocation of the judiciary or a clear violation of the Judicial Code of Conduct; it also is a very clear rebuttal of the case for improvement in judicial salaries.
Therefore, one may ask: if the job is so poorly remunerated, as they would have us believe, why would a sane and highly placed parent choose to hose-in their child into a dead-end position guaranteed to blight their lives over the course of a tenure that could last over 35 years?
There can only be two possible reasons. One is that the parent wishes the child ill. This is most improbable. The other is that the office of the judge has become so corrupt that the gazetted remuneration really counts for nothing. In the words of an infamous proverb from Conakry, once the child gets into the position, they will follow in the footsteps of their parent or paramour and feed off the fertile offerings within the perimeter of the judicial leash. If that is so, we may ask, why bother?
A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at chidi.odinkalu@tufts.edu
I had planned to write on leadership lessons from the late General Murtala Muhammed who was assassinated 48 years ago. Tuesday this week is the anniversary of that sad memory. I had wanted to remind our leaders in Nigeria who are beginning to blame their predecessors for their poor leadership after eight months in office that the great leader, Hurricane Murtala spent only six months in office and was able to achieve three significant things we can’t easily forget.
The three remarkable things include incredible creation of a brand new capital for the federation. He set up a powerful panel comprising all the experts and stakeholders to recommend a site. He accepted the panel’s report and proclaimed a new capital for the Federation where our present leaders are blaming opposition for leaking a document, which contained a whopping N1.8 billion worth of recommendation for a panel to discuss appropriate wage review details for public servants.
Yes, Murtala who also led the whole of Africa to proclaim to the powerful West that indeed “…Africa has come of age…” at an extra-ordinary session of the then OAU on Sunday, January 11, 1976 had in a broadcast to the nation on February 3, 1976 proclaimed Abuja as the Nigeria’s new capital. He legalised it and also proposed Kaduna, Port Harcourt and Lagos as regional capitals of some sort, he designated “Special Areas”, for strategic reasons.
I had wanted to deconstruct the leadership style of Murtala and recommend some lessons from his proactive strategy without which we might not have had one of Nigeria’s major achievements in history – building a new capital. We will return to this important beat and other details in honour of the iconic Murtala someday.
I hope we can take away something significant here for our leaders: that Murtala was in power for only six months and the panel he set up to recommend a new capital reportedly travelled to several capitals around the world including Camberra in Australia, Washington DC, United States, and they didn’t spend hundreds of millions, according to the late Dr. Akinola Aguda I interviewed for Abuja Newsday in 1989.
Now to the brass tacks today, leadership lessons from football (management). Some of our leaders are likely to be in Abidjan to watch the epic AFCON final between Nigeria and Ivory Coast today. This isn’t new. Most world leaders do that whenever their countries get to finals. The female leader of Croatia, Kolinda Grabar-Kitarovic wore the team shirt and cheered her team at the 2018 World Cup final between Croatia and France in Moscow, Russia.
At the 2023 World Cup final in Doha, Emmanuel Macron was right there when France lost to Argentina. Macron was seen consoling Kylian Mbappe who was depressed by the loss to Argentina. And so as our leaders watch today’s final, let us also entertain them with some facts about sport and indeed football leadership, which will be useful to them.
First, our leaders should see the quality of stadia the sports leadership in another West African country has provided for the very successful competition that ends today. But much more than mere provisions of facilities for the beautiful game that normally unites our people behind our national team, there are more significant lessons that our leaders can borrow from football management model.
Why the lessons?
It seems to us from the fumbling and faltering we experience daily, that our leaders are just leading us by intuition; as their weak spirit leads them. Most of our leaders seem unprepared for leadership challenges as we are beginning to perceive again. They need some reflections and lessons on what leadership is all about: security and welfare of the people, which they can’t provide at the moment.
As I noted here in 2016, 2017 and 2022, I would like us to discuss again some points about business models that can affect governance and nation building in global context. Most of our political leaders may not know that they actually need to go to good business/management and leadership schools to manage their politics and development well. General knowledge is good, but with the way the world is witnessing some convergence between politics and business, it is important that leadership lessons and models that modern leaders need should include some modules in business and management schools.
It is sad that most of our leaders in Nigeria do not understand that we regard them as mere wasters. They gamble with the destiny of a great nation for four to eight years. They do not record significant achievements for eight years that most of them spend in office. They just take oath of office, enjoy themselves very well and just take a large portion of the state resources and go away in a culture of impunity where even anti-corruption managers too are corruptible and no institution to prosecute them.
And as soon as our dealers we call leaders leave office, the memories we have of them begin to fade away from even the week they leave office. That is why it is important to advise those who wish to seek public office next time that modern leaders need some empowerment called “dynamic capabilities” through proper education in business and political management. What is the nexus between business management education and success in politics? Here is the thing: good political leaders in modern governance system should begin to see people as customers to satisfy every day.
Leaders at all levels need to read the constitution contextually. For instance, the 1999 constitution, sections 130 (2) and 176 (2) actually provide that the president and governors are, and should be regarded as “chief executives” of the federation and states respectively. The services they should deliver, therefore, ought to be treated as if they were goods and services to be delivered to the customers called the people. As I was saying, so they should seek to treat service delivery as a brand whose equity should always be improved upon so that return on investment (ROI) to the owners will be tangible and robust.
The way most of our leaders see government money is something to be spent anyhow without accounting for it to the owners – the people. In this regard, there is an urgent need for curriculum reform in our local business and management schools to reflect realities of these times. Leaders of tertiary institutions and their regulators should note.
In this milieu, we still maintain Faculties of Business Administration and Public Administration instead of Business/Management School and Governance/Government School. These schools and faculties should be reformed and rebranded as leadership training institutions where would-be leaders should be trained on critical governance issues such as “Project Management”, Managing Finances/Management Accounting, Emotional Intelligence, Culture and Value Studies, Organisational and National Culture, etc.
In modern governance system, medical doctors who have got degrees in the science of medicine need to acquire science of management before setting up their businesses/health centres. There should, therefore, be many of them in management and business schools for science of management (of their clinics and hospitals). In modern times, management and leadership are taken very seriously beyond reading motivational speakers’ books that fill our bookstores and shops.
According to experts such as Margaret Weathley, to discover order in this chaotic world, we need to go back to school to discover case studies on “leadership and the new science”. The point here is that business owners all over the world headhunt chief executive officers who can manage their firms to make profits to shareholders. And these well paid CEOs work hard to make profit and if they don’t, they are fired. That is the way our leaders should think to make impact on the lives of the people that employ them.
My friends and colleagues at work know that I have been following Real Madrid so fanatically for about two decades now. I have just some interest in Barcelona because of the artistry of some of their icons such as Lionel Messi. But I follow Real Madrid in and out of seasons as a business model that is unique. Which is why I have often used the two Spanish giants, Real Madrid and Barcelona as examples of how to invest and manage talent, which I have also quoted sources to say can be overrated using again, Messi and Ronaldo as a case study. The two icons made their name and impact at the Real Madrid and Barcelona.
Recall that in the first year anniversary of the Buhari administration, I had on May 28, 2016, written on this page an article titled, “Buhari: Anniversary

Real Madrid’s Brazilian forward #11 Rodrygo celebrates after scoring his team’s second goal during the Spanish league football match between Real Madrid CF and Granada FC at the Santiago Bernabeu stadium in Madrid on December 1, 2023. (Photo by OSCAR DEL POZO / AFP)
Lessons from Real Madrid & Barcelona”.
I had then observed that in the last few years (about eight years) these two clubs have been producing the World Footballer of the Year (Ballon d’Or). Not only that, one of them, Real Madrid was then the richest (Manchester United had just then taken over), according to Forbes. Manchester United (England) was the third on the rich list in 2015. Bayern Munich (Germany) was fourth while Arsenal (England) was the fifth. Let’s stop at the sixth, Manchester City. I had then discussed the enterprise spirit in the investors in Real Madrid and Barcelona within the context of strategic human resource management (SHRM) model that leaders could borrow from. I still maintain today that the two players of the two selected teams, Lionel Messi and Christiano Ronaldo remain the discussion points every week after soccer competition. They remain the most frequently discussed in the world in soccer excellence, even in contextualising talent and training.
It is said that Messi now playing in the United States, is a raw talent while Ronaldo now making wave in Saudi Arabia is a reconstructed phenomenon through robust training. Now a former Barcelona manager, Pep Guardiola is turning Manchester City to another Barcelona in England. Only good world-class coaches are employed to maintain the brand equity of the top clubs that always produce excellent results.
This again is to draw the attention of our leaders at all levels to the point earlier made that you cannot rise above the quality of your team members or workforce. This is the model that a businessman called Perez Florentino, current President of Real Madrid has taught the world of business and leadership. The Spanish investor does not brook mediocrity in HR framework. He believes that only the best players can win big for Real Madrid that has won European Champions League back to back, (three times) first in the modern era of the tournament. Real Madrid has the highest number of CL trophies in Europe. He believes that you cannot recruit mediocre footballers to win La Liga and Champions League.
Therefore, if you want to be a high-flying organisation, economy or ruling party or government, you have got to aim for the best brains that can deliver services to the people in the manner Real Madrid have been doing and Manchester City are beginning to do. And this is the contextual issue here: The quality of your team should not be compromised on the altar of ethnicity and religion. Like Real Madrid, get the best anywhere to achieve results.
“Baba-Wole! Whether you like it or not, it is my duty to carry your bag into the plane today”, insisted Aketi, as we threw banters on the queue at the Ibadan Airport en route Abuja. I yanked my bag from his hands but he promptly reclaimed it. Our mutual friend, Bisi Ogunbadejo, who was also travelling, flashed a knowing wink, having gotten used to witnessing countless Great Ife theatrics between many of our alumni.
It was two weeks to Aketi’s electoral victory. I joked with him that, on second thoughts, it was probably fitting that he should carry my bag into the aircraft because it was likely to be the last time I would be seeing him as an ordinary citizen. He replied, matter-of-factly, that he would remain the same old Aketi we all knew and that power could never change him. It turned out to be prophetic: I didn’t have any physical interaction with Aketi again till he answered the final home call seven years later.
LEADERSHIP INCUBATION
Rotimi Akeredolu, a.k.a. Aketi was one of a kind. Way back at the University of Ife, he had been the Vice-President of the Students’ Union during the presidency of another patriot, John Olakunle Mabayoje, alias Awe. It was that position that honed him for future challenges because it brought out the latent goodness in him, especially his extraordinary ability to be empathetic. Aketi never went into any battle half-hearted. He always threw everything he had into the fray. As far as he was concerned, any battle worth waging was worth waging well.
That was the background that moulded his performance later in life as the President of the Nigerian Bar Association and later as Governor of Ondo State. Mabayoje traced Aketi’s trajectory from Ife to government house in a tribute he wrote when he learnt of the demise of his trenchmate:
“Emperor Aketi” as he was known at the University of Ife, started his political career at the University of Ife where, from being an activist, he successfully ran for the office of Vice President of the Students Union at a time when our dear country was at a crossroad following the removal of General Yakubu Gowon from office to end agitations which we all participated in between 1974 and1975 under my predecessor in office, Ayo Olukotun. 1975-1976 proved to be indeed a watershed year in the Nigerian academic community and the country as a whole. Rotimi was an integral member of the body of student leaders of that time. Courageous and savvy he was blessed with courage and wisdom beyond his years…”
Aketi’s demise brought to the fore the importance of vision and tenacity as necessary qualities for success in any worthwhile endeavour. There are leaders and there are dealers. Some people stumble into positions of power unprepared. True leaders, on the other hand, are armed with both vision and an action plan. More importantly, they demonstrate that rare quality of empathy, being one with the people in season and out of season; in good times and in bad times.
LITMUS TEST
There are many landmark projects that were executed during the stewardship of Aketi as governor of Ondo State. What captured the imagination of the world, however, was the way he handled the tragic loss of scores of worshippers in his native Owo town when a band of armed terrorists attacked St Francis Catholic Church in the town during Sunday Mass on June 5, 2022. The entire Owo community and sympathisers all over the country were unconsolable. As governor, Aketi didn’t play Tarzan. He showed that human blood flowed in him. When he made his way to the pulpit amid wailing indigenes, he, too, broke down in tears. That picture is etched in the minds of many people as they fondly recall how their governor rose to the occasion in those dark days.
He swore that never again would Owo be a sitting duck for any group of killers to take pot shots at. He said he would ensure that the dead had not died in vain by preventing the possibility of such a massacre in future. It was not surprising therefore that he was the arrowhead of the founding of the Western Nigeria Security Network (WNSN) codenamed Operation Amotekun. Those who chose to misunderstand the governor’s intention and who wanted to characterise the security outfit as a tribal army were shamed as Amotekun made one giant stride after the other.
To calm the frayed nerves of those tagging the Amotekun corps as a regional army, Governor Akeredolu took time to explain: “The Western Nigeria Security Network, Amotekun Corps, as a response, is now not just the first line of defence, but the ultimate bulwark in the protection of a way of life and of a civilisation. The efforts of our determined and valiant Amotekun personnel since inception must be underscored, encouraged and highly commended. We must all rise at this time to acknowledge their efforts.”
Other states outside the Southwest have started copying the idea. That is one everlasting lesson that people have learnt from Aketi’s stewardship. Power is not just about fancy clothes and sirens and assemblage of dark-goggled security guards. It is about caring, about holding the hands of the bereaved, about showing through words and deed that their governor has their back.
In a way, Aketi defined his era. A man may not know his worth until he takes his last breath. Positions of power attract favour-seekers like bees and nectar. The truth about a man’s worth is told after he expires. Is the funeral train purchased like party supporters paid to attend rallies? Or did they rise early in the morning to join the queue to do honour to their beloved leader? It is clear that Aketi bought himself a place in the hearts of his people. The currency he paid was love, diligence, honesty of purpose and brutal frankness.
Teach us to number our days, Lord, so that the preacher at our funeral would not have to lie about some phantom goodness which none but the liar saw in the deceased. The outpouring of grief since Aketi’s death testifies to the fact that he has positively touched many lives and the human community is poorer without him.
When the story of this era is told, Aketi’s stewardship will be chronicled as one of the brighter moments in people-centred governance in Nigeria. His tenure certainly lived up to the words of the Great Ife anthem: “Conscious, vigilant, progressive, a luta against all oppression…”
Adieu, Aketi. May the celestial rewards reserved for those who positively impacted the lives of their fellow men and women never pass you by.
The Last Dance
(For Jimi Solanke, 1942-2024)
His artistic gift was of elephantine proportions,
So, to each encounter-er, Jimi Solanke was at once the compelling thunderclap amidst the loudest of silences the coarse hair of Àjànàkú’s tail mounting sentry behind an otherwise hairless mass
Those piercing eyes conveying visions from unshared secrets
— Lamp posts of an aerobicised body
Ernest and persistent, commanding and pleading…
If six blind beggars are telling different tales
About the same mass
It is because they feel the elephant from different sides.
Is it the ivory of the tusk that tickles your fancy?
Or the rough tarpaulin of the body?
Or the four pillars with which it pounds the earth?
Or the trunk— nature’s straw
Enabling the slaking of thirst?
The elephant lies down like a hill On its deathday
Carvers bearing cleavers gather…
The last question on the elephant’s mind Is, “Who will mourn my demise when I expire?”
The heavens and the earth know
That Father Time’s unseen eyes do bear witness
To Lákátabú’s connection of the dots
Between the cradle and the grave
And they lead the cortège…
Yes, they do to attest that this funeral blurs the line
Between a requiem
And an alleluia
As Bàbá Àgbà does his trademark bata dance
Into ancestor-hood.
On Wednesday, Justice Ambrose Lewis-Allagoa of the federal high court, Lagos, ordered federal government to fix the prices of milk, flour, salt, sugar, bicycles, motorcycles, motor vehicles, and their spare parts. This looks like a judicial attempt to address the biting inflation and the harsh economic climate caused in the main by naira devaluation. My mind instantly flashed back to 1984 when the military government of Major Gen Muhammadu Buhari announced price controls for essential commodities, also known as “essenco”. The military had overthrown the democratically elected government of President Shehu Shagari on the back of untold economic hardship and corruption.
The hardship started in 1982 but Shagari papered over the cracks obviously because a general election was approaching. Crude oil prices were falling — from an average of $34 in 1981 to $32 in 1982 and $29 in 1983. Our foreign reserves, which stood at a decent $10 billion in 1980, had crashed to just $1 billion in 1983 as oil revenue dwindled. Before the oil boom of 1973, our foreign debts totalled $420 million. With the deceit of “unlimited” oil wealth, our debts had ballooned to $14.7 billion by 1982. We earned $22.4 billion from oil exports in 1980 but just $9.6 billion in 1982. The dramatic fall ruined the economy. Still thinking we were rich, we failed to make key adjustments.
We had become hopelessly addicted to imports because of what we celebrated as a “strong currency” — even though it was clearly propelled by oil revenues which are eternally volatile and unreliable. We insisted on keeping the naira at par with the dollar. We still refer to this as the “good old days”. With companies unable to access forex for raw materials and spare parts, they started folding up or sacking workers. Civil servants were being owed salaries, some for three to four months because, simply put, government was broke. Oil wealth has a way of making you live above your means until the day breaks and you realise your tummy has expanded beyond your feeding capacity.
As Nigeria could not import enough basic stuffs like rice, sugar and milk because of forex shortage, Shagari decided to introduce “import licensing” by issuing permits to a closed group of “importers” and allocating the little dollars in the kitty to them. We set up a presidential task force to import rice to sell at “control prices”. Many of those who got forex — using their connections with Shagari’s government — were not even importers or manufacturers and did not really need the allocations. They were believed to have diverted the scarce currency to the streets, and that was apparently the origin of the street trading in dollars which we have now given the fancy name of “parallel market”.
Shagari’s government went into absolute turmoil. It tried to keep Nigeria afloat through an emergency “stabilisation plan” that cut spending, reduced imports and hiked duties. There was still no relief. As we say in Nigeria, “water don pass garri”. Prices of goods and services went through the roof. Unemployment was unforgiving as retrenchment became the order of the day. The opposition parties came hard on the ruling party, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). This was the condition of Nigeria when then-Brigadier Sani Abacha announced the overthrow of Shagari’s government on December 31, 1983. We all celebrated the coup, expecting a better economy and lower prices.
Buhari did the “right thing” for “the masses”: he ordered price controls for essential commodities. Soldiers took over the streets, invaded warehouses, shops and markets and started dictating the prices at which goods should be sold. I recall vividly how soldiers came to our village’s central market and started forcing traders to sell goods below the prices at which they themselves bought from wholesalers. “How much is Omo?” a soldier, with a horsewhip in his hand and a rifle on his back, asked an old market woman. “Fifty kobo,” she replied. “It should be 30 kobo,” he decreed, brought out three 10 kobo coins and paid. He went on and on and on. The poor woman was distraught.
When the soldier had bought three to four items, the woman pleaded with him to move to the next stall. We were kids and bystanders and were somehow enjoying it. We believed prices were too high and thought traders and hoarders were the problem. We knew nothing about costs of production and transportation and other pricing mechanics. All we wanted was cheaper sugar, milk and Omo. How it was achieved was none of our business. My grandmother, a trader, miraculously escaped the raid by the soldiers. She later told me that what the soldiers were doing was wrong. “I cannot sell my goods for less than the cost at which I bought them. It is as I buy that I sell,” she explained to me.
Despite the highhandedness of the military enforcers, prices did not come down. In fact, things got worse as traders began to hoard the goods to avoid being forced to sell at a loss. They only sold whenever the soldiers were not around (and, in any case, how many shops and markets across the federation could they police closely?) I would later take economics in my fifth form in secondary school. We were taught that when supply is below demand, prices would rise. We were also taught that you cannot control prices if you do not have excess supply. If you are in charge of supply and you can meet demand, you can decide to lower your prices. They don’t teach this in military schools.
Now that Lewis-Allagoa has ordered federal government to fix the prices of sugar, flour, vehicles, etc, we are celebrating again. It is a pro-poor judgment, isn’t it? But we’ve been here before, haven’t we? The logic behind price control, as canvassed by its proponents, is that inflation is caused by traders and hoarders who are profiteering at the expense of the masses. There should be an element of truth to this, but that is probably 0.00001 percent of the reason for inflation. Don’t take my word for it: order a used motorcycle or spare part directly from the US and do the math. It is common sense prices will rise as component costs rise. If transportation cost goes up, the price of tomatoes will rise.
How do we enforce this judgement? We import sugar. At what point are we going to fix the price? Should we go to Brazil and order their exporters to sell to us at a particular price? Or is it when the importer has brought in the commodity — after buying dollars at N1,200 or higher — that we will order her to sell at a fixed price? Or is it at the point that the importer sells to the distributor? Or when the distributor sells to the wholesaler? Or when the wholesaler sells to Iya Mufu at Oke Arin market? I guess police will be ordered to use horsewhips to force her to sell at N50 what she bought at N100. Even locally produced goods are at the mercy of rising production and transportation costs.
Apparently, there is an outdated law called Price Control Act that was enacted by the military in 1978 during the oil boom era when petrodollars launched us into a subsidy binge, including paying for meals and laundry for university students. Those were the “good old days” of subsidising consumption instead of production. According to Mr Femi Falana, the senior lawyer and human rights activist who instituted the price control suit, a Price Control Board is saddled with the responsibility of fixing the prices of goods, preventing hoarding of goods, and protecting customers from exorbitant prices. The goods listed in the law include bicycles, matches, salt and sugar.
What better time to “fix” the prices of these all-important items than now when cost of living has gone haywire and Nigerians are in severe pains? Sure, you can keep prices below cost through subsidies. No problem. But when the bubble bursts, you will be more than sorry. Venezuela did it for a long time with petrodollars and Venezuelans thought they were on top of the world. Under President Hugo Chávez, they barely paid the market price for anything. Petrodollars subsidised all. When oil revenues crashed and funding the mammoth subsidies became impossible, the inflation did not have Part Two. Since 2015, over 7.5 million Venezuelans have gone on a “japa” spree.
The solution to our current economic woes is not artificial price controls. It will only worsen the scarcity, empower black markets and raise prices. The solution is not border closure either, as suggested by Alhaji Abubakar Kyari, the minister of agriculture and food security. He obviously learnt nothing from our previous border closure in 2020. He should please ask the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) for data on food inflation for that year. Those who benefit the most from these knee-jerk policies are the security officers at the borders. We always avoid the hard work when it comes to policy thinking. The real challenge is: how can we reduce associated costs and boost supply?
Every economic reform must factor in safety nets for the poor. There are rational measures that can be taken in the short-run to reduce the pains. As Waziri Adio, one of Nigeria’s leading public policy analysts, proposed in his column last week, President Bola Tinubu can take urgent steps to address the food inflation by reducing tariffs on key items for a limited period of time. Releasing grain reserves can also help stabilise prices by boosting supply. This is a more sensible and realistic route to “price control” instead of using horsewhips and guns. If Iya Mufu buys a bag of flour at N40,000, how on earth can government force her to sell to consumers at N35,000? I mean, who does that?
Tinubu’s directive that grain reserves be released to boost supply and, hopefully, tame food inflation is a welcome step. Let’s hope the grains would not be diverted to hoarders. This is Nigeria. While the price control judgment has to be appealed and the law eventually amended, the truth is that Nigerians are suffering and they need to breathe. I have witnessed episodes of economic hardship since I was a kid but I have never seen anything of this dimension. I know Tinubu is clinically implementing tough reforms — which, I must agree, is inevitable if we are to have an economy — but I hope it does not end up as a case of “the surgery was successful but we lost the patient”.
AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…
GO FOR GOLD!
Displaying more of grit and less of panache, the Super Eagles are one match away from winning Nigeria’s fourth Africa Cup of Nations title. I believe I am speaking on behalf of millions of Nigerians when I say we are aiming for the trophy against Côte d’Ivoire today, having painfully lost four finals before. The way Nigerians of all “tribes and tongues” have been celebrating our outings once again confirms my bias — that we really love this country. We do not hate one another. It is just that our leaders have politically mismanaged our emotions. We are united by sport, Afrobeats and Nollywood but divided by politicians. Imagine how great Nigeria would be with quality leadership. Unstoppable.
AFRODEMOCRACY AGAIN
Senegal, one of the most politically stable African countries with no history of military intervention, is on the verge of a debilitating crisis with the strange conduct of President Macky Sall, who is due to step down as president this year after serving two terms. It is very clear that he wants to handpick his successor and is afraid of a strong opposition candidate being elected. In the typical behaviour of African leaders who have no respect for the liberal principles of democracy, he had been clamping down on opposition leaders and has now postponed the election, the first time ever, to “resolve” the crisis he orchestrated. And to think this man came to power as an opposition leader! Nauseating.
RIP, KT
I lost a dear friend on Wednesday. Kayode Tijani, the sports journalist and archivist, died at 55 after a prolonged illness, dating back to the Africa Cup of Nations in Egypt in 2019. He went there whole and returned in bad shape, never to recover. KT, as we called him, was one of the most knowledgeable sports journalists in Nigeria and had an incredible trove of videos on the country’s sporting history dating back to the 1960s. He worked at a number of reputable media organisations home and abroad. He was one of the major supporters of TheCable, the online newspaper I founded 10 years ago. I pray that his family, friends and fans will be comforted at these difficult times. Devastating.
NO COMMENT
Something to celebrate: The Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC) Limited says it has commenced oil production from the Akpo West field in Port Harcourt, Rivers state. This will add 14,000 barrels per day to our production. It may look small — compared to 250,000bpd from Agbami — but given the various mortgages on our future oil production, this is better than nothing. The NNPC said the new production “is in line with President Bola Tinubu’s directive”. Have you noticed that many statements from government agencies these days start with “in line with President Tinubu’s vision” or “renewed hope agenda”? Is it a standing order or the signature tune? Wonderful.
Any analyst can with a high degree of accuracy confirm that many Nigerians are currently experiencing hard times far more than any difficult scenario of the nation’s history. Insecurity inherited by the Bola Tinubu led-government has been exacerbated by adebilitating economy.
The severity of the suffering is virtually rubbishing whatever gains are accruable from ongoing reforms just as cheap propaganda is making the cronies of government assume a posture of jesters. In reality, Nigerians are suffering. Both the Christian Association of Nigeria in the 19 Northern states and the Jama’atu Nasril Islam have openly urged both the federal and state governments to intervene in the prevailing economic hardship which had forced Nigerians into street protests.
Last week, angry youths and women took to the streets of Minna, the Niger State capital, to protest what they described as the rising cost of living in the country.The protesters reportedly blocked the ever-busy Minna-Bida Road at the famous Kpakungu Roundabout while calling on government to address the challenge of ‘hunger in the land.’
To aptly depict the level of their dilemma, the demonstrators deflected attempts to quell the protest by security operatives who fired tear gas canisters into the crowd amidst arresting some people. Similar protests had also erupted in Kano as well as in Ondo State Southwest of the country. Many well-meaning Nigerians have since admonished the government to avoid the spread of protests to other parts of the country where citizens are no less aggrieved.
It is noteworthy that the federal government has taken immediate steps to ameliorate the situation. To start with,a Special Presidential Committee on Emergency Food Intervention was immediately convened to respond to the situation. After two days of meetings, Mohammed Idris, Minister of Information and National Orientation, announced that ‘as a temporary response to the nation’s growing food crisis and the rising prices of commodities, government had ordered the immediate release of more than 102,000 metric tons of various grain types from the Strategic Reserve and the Rice Millers Association of Nigeria’ which would hopefully ensure a respite in the next two months. He added that government would consider the importation of additional supplies to augment shortages observed after the release of the first phase of food items
The quick response of government is no doubt commendable but there is much that is yet to be done. To normalise the emergency arrangements, more efforts should be directed at curtailing the enormity of the high level of insecurity in the rural areas that is reducing productivity of food items. Many farmers are no longer able to go to their farms as a result of the activities of bandits and terrorists.Only last Sunday, the media reported that some insurgents waylaid a convoy of seven goods-laden vehicles, heading to Allawa from Pandogari, a town in Kagara, the headquarters of Rafi Local Government Area of Niger State. Some citizens were either kidnapped or killed leaving the area in suspense and tension.
The situation is the same in the southern part of the country. In Osun state, a group of youths last Friday staged a peaceful protest along the MDS road in Osogbo, decrying the rising cost of living, with a call on the government to immediately intervene. The day before, farmers in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo state, staged a peaceful protest with an appeal to both the state government and the Soun of Ogbomosho, to come to their aid over incessant attacks on their farms by suspected herders. They lamented that two products, cassava and cashew which they usually relied upon to feed their families were always either eaten or destroyed by the herders in the last 4 years. Of course, it would be easier to sustain those communities if the people are allowed to farm than the sending to them of some emergency relief supplies by government.
Again, providing an enabling environment for farming is not all that is required. A great menace lies in the extortion by law enforcement agencies and other officials in uniform who subject farmers to different taxes on the highway while bringing their produce to urban markets from the hinterland. In his days as Minister of agriculture, Audu Ogbeh had to publicly condemn the highway exploitation of farmers which automatically increases food prices as the illegal taxes on the highway have to be added to the cost production in order for the farmers to make some profit. When will government clamp down on men in uniform whose exploitation of travellers has increased considerably in the last 8years?
It amounts to a wasted effort if government cannot design a modality for effective management of its policies. For example, a few years ago, government in a bid to ameliorate the pains of high electricity costs on Nigerians decided to provide free metres to consumers. But notwithstanding that the concessioners were fully briefed on this, they coerced people to pay for the metres. Their reaction to a government clarification which insisted that the metres must be free was to promise refunds in kind rather than by cash – an arrangement that was clearly subjected to extortion. In any case, in rented apartments where the metres were paid for by landlords, how will refund be done through services when consumption is by tenants? This exemplifies how officials/agents render nugatory, benefits intended to be gained from government subsidies and palliatives.
As the nation awaits the promised release of grains to assuage the impact of our harsh economy, there is need to ensure that the goodies would not be mismanaged as usual. The well-known strategy had always been for the distribution of the palliatives to be politicised. Can someone please help us beg the ruling party that the grains are for the benefit of all suffering Nigerians and not privileged APC stalwarts? If this is not done, no one can guarantee that the grains would not be handed over to ward leaders who would then proceed to use party membership registers to share them while hoarding a large chunk. This is not an allegation but a reality of history which Nigerians witnessed in several parts of the country especially Lagos during the recent distribution of COVID 19, palliatives.
There is nothing that Nigerians cannot hoard. Only two days ago when Yemi Cardoso, governor of the Central bank was confidently announcing to federal legislators the gains his reforms would bring to the vexed forex regime in the country, he probably did not know that some of his audience are among hoarders of scarce forex allocations to our commercial banks. Indeed, some of the hoarders are owners of ATMs which always have cash that are unavailable in banks. Hoarding has become so prominent with our banks that customers often beg to be allowed to withdraw from deposits in their own domiciliary accounts. It is therefore not enough to assume that goodies which have been officially provided would get to the ordinary Nigerian. This is why one wonders about the destination of the grains which government has reportedly released to cushion the effects of our poor economy; will they get beyond hoarders and politicians?
If not, will food items ever become affordable? This question is relevant against the backdrop of the report credited to the National Union of Pensioners (NUP) that their members are exceedingly impoverished. Speaking last Thursday in Abuja, Godwin Abumisi, the president of the NUP, affirmed that many Nigerian pensioners especially those in the South East earn between N450 and N1000 a month. Neither these poor pensioners nor the least paid workers can buy even a discounted product because as of today, many states are yet to pay the old minimum wage – a breach that an Act has since criminalised. Yet, many of the offending states according to Comrade Joe Ajaero, the NLC president have been made members of the Tripartite Committee on Minimum Wage. Will such members not influence others to distort the emergence of a reasonable minimum wage?
If, however, the grains are to be distributed freely to Nigerians, President Tinubu must not be heard to have assigned the distribution to the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs which has a notorious inclination of handing-over any goodies to themselves, their families and friends as well as the numerous ghosts in their registers of vulnerable Nigerians. Let the grains reach our people.
“There is little that can withstand a man who can conquer himself. Every time I appoint someone to a vacant position, I make a hundred unhappy and one ungrateful. I am the state” – France’s King Louis XIV.
France’s Bourbons king, Louis XIV (Born: 5 September, 1638; Died: 1 September, 1715), also known as Louis the Great or the Sun King, ascended to the throne in 1643 and reigned until his death in 1715. His reign of 72 years and 110 days is said to be the longest of any French sovereign (he began to reign at the age of five). The statement “L’etat, c’est moi” literally meaning, ”the State, it is me” credited to this king demonstrated that he and the other Bourbons kings ruled with absolute power and iron hand and saw the French nation as their personal property with everything and everyone at their beck and call.
Which was why, despite that the objective conditions for the French revolution of 1789 had long been noticed, and Louis the Great was warned, he spurned the warnings. It will hold during my time, he was quoted as saying, let my successors take care of themselves! He was both right and wrong! Louis XV (Born: 15 February 1710; Died: 10 May, 1774; reigned from 1 September, 1715 until his death) took care of himself but not so his own successor, Louis XVI!
Although called “Louis the beloved” Louis XV died an unpopular king; discontentment and the signs of a revolution were thick in the air throughout his reign. Regardless, this king and his wife, Marie, had 10 children in 10 years (1727 – 1737). He was reputed to have consummated his marriage to his wife seven times on their wedding night! Who was there doing the counting, if I may ask!
Fate, sometimes, is cruel even as Maximilien Robespierre (‘the Incorruptible’), who presided over France’s Reign of Terror (1793 – 1794), has said that “Pity is treason”! Louis XVI, who was minded to accept some of the reforms proposed by the leaders of the French revolution, was the one who got consumed by the revolution. He was guillotined on 21 January, 1793 “in the 39th year of his age, at 22 minutes after 10 o’clock in the forenoon”
When situations have got so bad, any leader who appears on the scene must make up his mind which side of the divide he wants to pitch his tent – whether on the side of the people or against them. And if on the side of the people, he must act fast, and decisively, too. No sitting on the fence! No half measures! Drum this into Nigeria's President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's ears!
Another example that teaches this truth very clearly is Mikhail Gorbachev, the last effective leader of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic. Gorbachev bid his time as he climbed up the ladder. Once in the saddle, he announced his twin-policy of “glasnost” and “perestroika” He wanted to make the Soviet society a little bit more open. He sought to give the people some liberty. But as he opened the door a little, a rush that he could not control swept him off his feet!
Revolutionary France will happen upon Nigeria if care is not taken! The objective conditions for a revolution are everywhere prevalent in Nigeria. Only the subjective conditions remain to be seen. And in the last few weeks we have seen food protests in Nigeria, which were similar to what happened in France when the peasants thronged the streets in their numbers chanting: “We are hungry, give us bread!”
On December 30 last year, Lagosians pelted Tinubu with cries of “Ebi n pa wa” We are hungry, they chanted as the president’s long motorcade waltz its way through the crowd in downtown Lagos. An arrogant Queen Marie-Antoinette had mocked the French peasants, saying: “Let them eat cake”! The starving people that could not afford cheap bread were the ones the queen teased with expensive cake!
Compare Marie-Antoinette’s obliviousness to the abject conditions and daily life of deprivation and penury of the French masses to the Nigerian Senate President, Godswill Akpabio’s insensitive and irresponsible “Let them breathe” response to the cry of Nigerians to their presumed representatives to take notice of the suffering in the land and act accordingly!
Ongoing food protests – were they spontaneous or sponsored? Even if they were sponsored, the prevailing conditions made that possible. No one can deny that the situation of things in the country has become unbearable, even for the middle class Nigerians, not to talk of the poor and the multidimensionally or desperately poor. If, on the other hand, the protests are spontaneous, then, it means Nigerians, ever so docile, are now stirring. And that is a warning signal for the government to act fast.
The mistake many are making is to think the problem is that of the president alone; it is not! State governors, local government chairpersons and the National Assembly members are all in the net together. There is no way an injury to the president will not affect these other fellows across the board. Even past presidents and governors; past National Assembly members, party leaders past and present should note how JJ Rawlings called some fellows out of retirement in Ghana to answer for their crime against the Fatherland. If Vox Populi is Vox Dei, then, let our leaders listen to the cries of the people and harken to the voice of God!
I see Tinubu in Gorbachev’s shoes. If he dithers, like the Soviet leader did, God help him! If he fiddles like king Nero did while Rome burned - like Gov. Babajide Sanwo-Olu of Lagos was reported partying in one fairytale island while fire was on his roof - you can be sure he will come to certain grief. Nigeria’s situation is dire; it is long past the one that half measures can take care off. “Either this or that” is what is needed now.
On whose side is Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu: On the people’s or their oppressors’? The same audacity that Tinubu displayed on the way to the presidency is needed now. He must call the same bulldozers into action. He has to step on toes now like he did then. Said Robespierre: “Audacity, more audacity and always audacity and France will be saved” Yes, audacity, more audacity and unending audacity saved France. The same audacity is needed right now if Nigeria would be saved. Is Tinubu up to the task? Can this man rise above his well-known limitations and conquer his own foibles?
Let no one deceive you: This is no mean task. Says the great Greek philosopher, Aristotle: “I count him braver who overcomes his desires than him who conquers his enemies, for the hardest victory is over self” Tinubu conquered his many enemies on the way to receiving the APC presidential flag; he thereafter went ahead to defeat 17 opponents at the Saturday, February, 25, 2023 presidential election. Now, he is up against the fiercest enemy he will ever confront – his own self. Will he stumble at this hurdle? May he not! But should he, then…!
LAST WORD: Why have we not started growing food on a large scale all over the country – the Federal, state and local governments? Are housing estates our critical priority at this time? Are people protesting because they need accommodation or because they need food? In this respect, Tinubu’s administration has wasted eight months already! Why can’t the churches and mosques also clear hectares of land and pour their unemployed, hungry and angry members there?
FEEDBACK
God bless you for the write-up on the explosion at Ibadan that seems to focus on South-west governors and the way they have been playing politics with the welfare and development of the region! Your short reference to Miyetti is to tell our governors that they ought to come out of their hiding and boldly equip and mobilize our security operatives, the Amotekun, to become able to protect and rescue our people from predators who value cows more than human beings. If the South-west governors would rise up this time, perhaps, they should consider the call of the Aare Ona Kakanfo, Chief Gani Adams, seeking the inclusion of the Oodua People's congress members (in Amotekun). The OPC have tried for us and as they are not tired, they should be incorporated (into Amotekun). One of the major duties of any government is security and protection of life and property but alas, people are no longer safe anywhere, to the extent that our Obas are now targets of kidnappers and unknown gunmen! Such was unheard-of in Yorubaland and it amounts to desecration of the land, which can trigger unrest if the authorities don't act in time. According to you, our governors need to explain what they are doing with their security votes and we need to know why Lagos state has refused to join the South-west security operations. Is Lagos State no longer in the South-west? You challenged our people for having forsaken their prime positions in the profession and in industries. Truly, the Yoruba have failed in these areas and we need to wake up. However, I have a case with our governors: Since the fourth republic began, no governor in Ekiti or Ogun state has deemed it fit to establish a rice-processing factory in their respective state to provide employment and bring down the high price of foodstuffs. Oyo state alone has the potential to feed the region but what is happening? You warned against sweeping under the carpet the report of (YSDM) Yoruba Self-Determination Movement’s complaint about the Bodija explosion when the report is out. I like to say here that I will not give you any rest but shall continue to remind you to do what you know best how to do until the authorities concerned do the needful. Thank you very much for your courage and uprightness and for always being there for the people. You are one of the prophets of our time! - Bishop Alli Olu Richard.
Thanks, Bola, and God bless you! Akintoye is senile; he is crying when the milk is already spilled. What intelligence and security apparatus does the YSDM have in place? Akintoye is a politician. Why the Yoruba have not advanced beyond noise-making is because of people like him, like Gani Adams, the selfish and timid Yoruba governors and the hungry and myopic Yoruba traditional rulers in cahoots with illegal miners of our resources. If they are as honest, bold and have the love of their people in their heart as you always do in your submissions, let them show up, and powerfully too! I am bold to say that there is nothing remaining in One Nigeria! Also, there is nothing on the table for the Yoruba except a bold step is taken. Let Akintoye, going to 90 years, go and rest! By the way, what has the Afenifere achieved for the Yoruba in this dispensation? Was their leader, Pa Ayo Adebanjo, not rooting for a non-Yoruba in the last presidential election? How can people move forward with that kind of mindset? Nigeria has crossed the Rubicon! - Pastor Jube Olawole.
The judgement of the Federal High Court in Lagos last week ordering the government to fix prices of some goods and services in seven days has triggered speculations that the government might be considering a reintroduction of price control. Justice Ambrose Lewis-Allagoa specifically asked the federal government to determine the prices of milk, flour, salt, sugar, bicycles and their spare parts, motor vehicles and their spare parts and petroleum products such as petrol, diesel and kerosene. The order was contained in the judgement in a suit filed by Femi Falana against Price Control Board and the Attorney General of the Federation according to Section 4 of the Price Control Act of 2004. Falana had sued the Board and the AGF to fix prices of the items but the respondents did not file any defence. The court order has set off speculations that the government might undo its deregulation policy. But it should be noted that the court order was for the government to fix the prices of the mentioned items; it did not specify whether the fixed prices should be above or below market rates.
Price control, first used by the military regime of Gen. Obasanjo in the 1970s, is a government order that stipulates a maximum or minimum price to be charged for specified goods and services, especially during periods of war or high inflation, as we have today. Minimum price is called price floors while the maximums are price ceilings. But with the continued expansion and liberalization of the economy over the years, price control has become largely otiose, although the government is still fixing price floor for wages and salaries (minimum wage). In 2004, the Obasanjo administration reenacted the Price Control Act and set up Price Control Board. The law remained largely unknown and unheard of until Justice Lewis-Allogoa’s pronouncement last Wednesday. If the federal government had been diligent enough to enter a defence and argue against price fixing, the judge might have given a different order. I await the government’s next move, but for now, I caution that reintroducing price control would be counterproductive and difficult to enforce and, in addition, create unintended consequences.
Price control could lead to shortages of goods and services as producers become less incentivized to produce them at lower prices, and this may result in the emergence of black markets where the goods are sold at higher prices than the regulated prices. A good example is the foreign exchange market where black market has become a major determinant of reference prices. Another challenge is that price regulation could also result in reduced investments and innovation in some sectors as producers may be less motivated to make huge investments if they cannot raise prices to recoup their investments. This is one of the reasons that foreign investors shied away from investing in refineries in Nigeria. Regulated prices of refined products were considered major disincentives. Proliferation of fake products as genuine producers cannot produce at regulated prices is another problem of price control, and as I said earlier, price control could be very difficult and costly to enforce. Government will have to deploy regulators or ‘’mystery shoppers’’ to go from shop to shop to catch violators. Trust Nigerians, another set of extortionists and bribe takers would emerge. Every unemployed youth and motor park ‘agberos’ would want to enlist in the Price Brigade! I urge the government to abandon any idea of a return to price regulation.
The leading cause of inflation in the country is food inflation, and to address this problem, it is important to note that Nigeria is not suffering from shortages of food and basic commodities. In fact, our markets are still full of food items in large quantities. Rather, the problem is that people do not have money to buy the food they want in the required amount and quality. This is known as food insecurity. Our problem is not food shortage, but food insecurity. I should note that this is not developing countries’ problem alone. There are many cases of food-insecure households even in the US and some European countries, and they have devised many programs to check it. We should. First, there’s a strong need for employers to increase salaries of low-income earners in their organizations. It’s heartening that the federal government has started minimum wage discussions with the NLC. Second, state governments should establish some kind of food stamp programs in which governments buy basic items in large quantities and resell at reduced prices to the vulnerable members of the public. It was common in the 1970s and ‘80s in the old Cross River State and I am not surprised that Akwa Ibom State government is already planning to bring back the scheme. But the government should guard against possible abuse by light-fingered officials. Third, every household should be encouraged to grow own food crops, especially annuals (those crops that are grown and harvested under one year), and raise poultry. Every civil servant should be mandated to own a farm and Fridays should be declared work-free to enable them go their farms. This is an emergency.
Food insecurity and large-scale hunger in a large population such as our poses serious national security challenges. The outbreak of protests in some northern states last week where, incidentally, poverty is very pervasive should be an early warning signs that things may go out of hand.
Wigwe University…
An online video emerged last week alleging that Wigwe University would be charging school fees in dollars, and that each student would pay over $12,000 in tuition and sundry charges. Although I knew that this was a misleading allegation that could damage the reputation of the new institution, I promptly contacted its founder, Dr. Herbert Wigwe. He responded: ‘’This is not true. It is only foreign students that will pay in dollars. Nigerians will pay in Naira. This is clearly stated in the University’s website. No amount of mischief will derail us from contributing to the development of our country’’. All over the world, foreign students pay far higher fees than citizens of those countries. Since Wigwe University is planning to attract students from other countries, they should pay in dollars and the university will earn foreign exchange. But this is not new or unprecedented. I recall that there were some foreign students at UNN in those days (1970sn and 1980s) when our public universities were among the best in the world. University of Calabar was also full of Camerounian. In fact, Cameroun had to establish a consulate in Calabar to take care of the influx of its students into UNICAL. That era has long gone with the reduced funding and prolonged labour strikes. Now that our private universities in general and WU in particular are hoping to bring back the lost glory, we can only support them.
The dollarization of the economy has become a major problem, contributing to the weakening of the Naira and rampant inflation. The EFCC has announced that it is on the trail of culprits. But we should be careful not to make sweeping allegations against genuine citizens. The Herbert Wigwe I know will never flout the law.
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Dear Mr, Festus Keyamo,
Our epistle is today addressed to you as a contact point because our object of reflection is aviation, in reality though, the content of our considerations affects all of us citizens, operators, regulators and consumers of the aviation sector of Nigeria. They are considerations about a sector that was conceived to make all fly but in Nigeria it has the knack of making the most prominent drown.
I invite you to think of and read about the rise and fall of many Nigerian airlines and allied companies in the sector to get a feel of the gist here.
Let us start from the personal. Well over two decades ago, my son who is now a computer scientist but seems more interested in making money than computerising the world, expressed a desire to become a pilot, and many in my family expressed their concerns about the dangers of flying and the concern each of his flight would give the family.
Amazingly, my late papa, an economist turned accountant and practicing auditor who had spent over four decades in aviation, simply quipped that “the real endangerments in aviation come from the offices and management not in the sky…”. He was a man that firmly believed that “accidents in aviation are planned and achieved via bad management and negligence of the rules of aviation”.
Whilst still on a personal note, let me invite you, Honourable Minister, to consider that the most noticeable of your predecessors in the ministry of aviation you head today are noted in the industry not for their contributions but for their troubles with the law. Messer Femi Fani-Kayode and Stella Odua are two names that should suffice to making this point clear to all within and beyond the aviation community.
Your immediate predecessor has not disappointed those expecting the wings of aviation to drown many. Former Minister Hadi Sirika is a man who lately tweets about Islamic teaching, in Hausa, and copiously quotes the Quran. Before then however, he was a man who about 20 days before leaving office got the Federal Executive Council to approve over half a million dollars for the engagement of consultants for the master plan of airports, then about three days before leaving office he launched an airline that had no plane and Air Operator Certificate to operate.
Like the children of his generation that believe that packaging is everything and that the “why” trumps the “what”, the then minister and his team hurriedly arranged an Ethiopian Airlines plane draped with the logo of “Nigeria Air”, and made it fly to Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja, a few hours to the end of his tenure in office. The logo of “Nigeria Air” was first unveiled at the Farnborough Air Show in the United Kingdom, we were told then that the project was expected to cost $8.8 million in preliminary cost and $300 million as take-off cost.
Readers of this page will remember me saying that the “Nigeria Air” so dear to the minister was “conceived on PowerPoint, presented in PDF and will die on twitter”. The project was suspended two months later….
When the “Nigeria Air” fantasy reared its head, or shall we say logo, again in May 2023, we, on this page, called for an independent public inquiry that will allow all those involved and interested to give and get a clear, detailed and final understanding of the process, negotiations, partnerships, expenses, and parties involved in the “Nigeria Air” project. It is now close to a year since then and we are still waiting.
As if to respect the tradition of notable ministers of aviation in Nigeria, former Minister Hadi Sirika has returned to people’s mind because the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission is having conversations with his brother over contracts awarded by aviation ministry and have frozen an account with over N8 billion, please note that given the rate of the naira to the dollar when the money got into the account, the frozen funds must have been nothing less than 10 million dollars then. The former minister’s brother is a deputy director in the Federal Ministry of Water Resources.
As citizens respectful of the law, we must assume all are innocent until proven guilty and we must give the minister and his brother the space and the right to explain and defend themselves in a clear, detailed and final way on why a civil servant will be getting millions of dollars worth of contracts awarded by a ministry headed by his own brother, what happened to the contracts and the source of the money in the account. All those are criminal matters and we can leave such to the EFCC and the courts to deal with.
We must however remind the operatives of the EFCC from investigators to prosecutors to make sure they have a clear, tight and convincing case. Sensationalism will lead us nowhere, what we desperately need are more looted funds refunded and paths to future looting blocked.
The rest of us however need to look at the political, institutional and financial elements of the aviation industry. You, Hon Minister, need to call and promise yourself not to follow the tradition of the noted ones that came before you, yes, a promise to be good is not enough but it gives you a vision to follow. Operators in the aviation sector need to find a way to ensure that no one is allowed to abuse office, disrupt plans and hinder the many progress that the aviation industry can bring to our economy and country.
No minister can manage or mismanage the aviation sector alone, those around the office of the former minister too should be looked at and those around the current minister should look at themselves.
Outside government, operators in the private sector need to find their voices, before that, they even need to discover or rediscover their worth and consequence in the country’s economy as a whole and in the aviation sector in particular. A well organised, invested, committed and self-regulated private sector that strives for excellence can and should take the lead in aviation, treat regulators as guests not as owners, so that the wings of aviation will make all fly not drown.
Join me on Twitter: @anthonykila, to continue these conversations.
The new Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) has, so far, demonstrated a hands-on determination to make a difference regarding the fate and fortunes of the Naira. The forces arrayed against him and his team include the following: (1) A volatile and economically insensitive political environment, (2) Elite consumption patterns, (3) Overall low national productivity, (4) Limited public understanding of the difference between fiscal and monetary policy issues, (5) Incredibly high demand for the dollar and, very importantly, (6) The new-found use of the dollar as a major Store of Value.
The points I made on this page on November 15, 2021, Under the title “What the CBN Cannot Do” are even more poignant today, as the new leadership of the bank grapples with great odds today. Those points are so relevant, and so painfully responsible for the crisises of the moment that the article under reference will be reproduced in large measure here; so that Cardoso does not draw undeserved flack for the systemic, contrived and institutionalized shadowboxing that has taken over the profile of our national currency. Here we go, as was said here two years ago.
“The CBN cannot do much about the value of the Naira, for as long as we produce very little, consume much that is not produced here and retain a monocultural economy that is driven by a leadership elite that focuses on distribution and consumption, rather than production. The calls for diversification of the economy have been on for over two decades now. These calls have been so strident, repetitive, and over-dramatised by successive government. That is why, today, the concept has become all but threadbare, tiring, boring and of little interest to many people.
Yet the point remains, that only the diversification of the economy, redemption of our national road infrastructure, reversal of the current state of insecurity in the land, rescuing the power sector, making realistic and sustainable investments in education and health, among other critical interventions, can save the national currency, the national economy and the people.
Looking at some of the issues in detail, it is a matter of record that general insecurity and banditry have been undermining the massive national investments in agriculture for years now. Banditry has laid waste massive farmlands, reduced farmers’ access to their farms and their farm produce, in addition to outrightly wiping out or chasing away large farming communities. When financial outflows into the agricultural sector do not yield the expected returns due to insecurity, the projected gains in terms of food availability, food security and forex earnings from food exports go up in smoke.
Thus a “silo” conversation on diversification of the national economy, especially with agriculture in focus, which does not also simultaneously address insecurity and national road and transport infrastructure is an exercise in self-delusion. You do not drive foreign exchange earnings by designing wonderful projections and making speeches about them in airconditioned halls, when farmers cannot go to their farms.
It is the same thing, that is, misplaced priorities and wrong leadership orientation, when many states of the federation mistake investments in health and education infrastructure for actual investments in “education” and “health services.” They need to be told that brand-new health centres, schools, new classroom blocks and massive stockpiling of teaching equipment are procurement contracts. They do not translate into investment in health and education unless, and until, these states also have commensurate and possibly higher investments in health workers, teacher recruitment, teacher skills upgrade, training of new teachers and retraining of old teachers.
An investor who spends money setting up new baking ovens and launching them is not a baker. Bakeries produce and deliver edible bread. So, state governments that are awarding construction contracts, importing furnishing material for new public and private facilities, have no idea of how much damage they are doing to their states and to the national economy. They are not offering needed health services or producing the needed human capital for development. When misapplied funds are retired under the heading “investment in health” or “education and human capital development,” the people and Nigeria are swindled. But we are digressing.”
The foregoing, which was said over two years ago, reads like it was written for the first time this morning. The reason it sounds so fresh is simple: Nothing has changed. The problems are still the same today.
The article under reference continued thus. “That the value of the naira continues to plummet, as I write, is not the work of the devil; no! That many big and small businesses have lost value and shut down, is because of high replacement cost for goods sold out and their inability to obtain long-term facilities that would make sense in a Third World economy.
To understand the “replacement cost” narrative, let us suppose that you sell bicycles. If you buy fifty bicycles at twenty thousand Naira each, that would mean that you spent one million naira to stock up your shop. If you sell the bicycles at twenty-five thousand naira each, it will mean that you have made a profit of two hundred and fifty thousand Naira on your current batch of bicycles. It is up to you, whether to keep aside your profit of two hundred and fifty thousand naira, or buy more bicycles; after removing other costs. Whichever way you look at it, or whatever you decide to do, you have enough money to “replace” the bicycles you sold.
Now imagine what would happen if, after selling your 50 bicycles you discover that the price of bicycles has jumped from twenty thousand naira apiece, to N50,000 apiece! That is a 150 per cent increase in bicycle prices. This means that, all of a sudden, you will now need N2.5 million to buy the same number of bicycles! It also means that your “replacement cost” has moved up astronomically. If you do not have the new replacement cost, and your original business capital can only get you twenty bicycles, your business has lost value by a whopping percentage.
Which means that 80 per cent of the shop space may not be needed anymore. Which means that at least 50 per cent of you workforce may have to be laid off. Which means that property rate for shops, and related, real estate will drop at the same time that young traders are becoming jobless and declining income is becoming the norm. Which means that some parents won’t be able to pay school fees, etc., etc. Which then further means that most sellers who still have some old stock will do “anticipatory” mark-up, because of the difference between their original “procurement cost” and the new replacement cost.
That is the reality of the Nigerian wholesale and retail trade economy and situation today. This is in addition to the fact that more is being imported from outside than what we are sending outside for sale. But assuming that, by some as-yet-unknown magic, the CBN grabs the naira by the neck and yanks it back to one dollar to one naira, what then? Will this increase national productivity, diversify the economy, or remove the fact that the problem is much broader than the CBN as such? Will it remove the fact that our foreign exchange problems are connected with our taste patterns, limited productivity, elite excesses and poor integrated national planning? With agriculture, education, health, power, tourism and security in the doldrums as major national challenges, we cannot save ourselves from the avoidable foreign exchange constraints the nation is saddled with at the moment.
A nation with a predominantly consumption-drive economy cannot suddenly catapult itself into the Neverland of foreign exchange El Dorado. You make money from what you produce and sell, or from what you can do and be paid for. You also buy with what you have earned from either goods or services you offered. You get paid nothing when you produce nothing. You spend more than you earn when you produce and sell far less than you buy. The person who produces nothing and earns nothing, but buys a lot, must be getting the money for his purchases from somewhere. If in addition to producing nothing, the person also has some savings, then he must be depleting his savings. But what if this person also has no savings, in addition to producing nothing, that means he must be borrowing. And to borrow is to get credit for present needs, with payment deferred to a future date, right? Well, that is our lot in Nigeria today. And we are still borrowing!
The Igbo man will tell you that you do not borrow money in order to take the Ozo title, or to marry a wife. If you borrow for either of these endeavours, how about maintenance – and other matters arising? But we are digressing, again!
It is largely because we are consuming more than we are producing, and also buying more than we are selling, that the speculation for “phoney money” and profits without productivity have overrun the land. Thus arises the predicament of nations and individuals with “unbalanced” market profile and appetites. Thus also stands the crisis of the Nigerian state and economy today, in bold relief. Thus also shall it remain, no matter the ingenuity and efforts of its central monetary and fiscal regulatory mechanisms, until the right things are done.
Truth be told, our monocultural economy, or overdependence on one major source of foreign exchange revenue, is a drawback that can only be remedied by real diversification of the economy. We are yet to see the alleged gains, or the promised food sufficiency, of the tenure or Adesina as Minister of Agriculture, or the food exports of Audu Ogbe’s intervention.
Are we producing enough to save the Nigerian economy? Is our foreign exchange capacity not constrained because we are not producing, or exporting enough? What is the impact of our energy problems on overall national productivity? If I must buy an industrial generating set in order to set up a big business outfit, and a pepper grinder must also do the same in order to be in business, will the demand for generating sets of all makes and sizes not remain? And will this not mean a continuous demand for forex by importers to buy generating sets from outside the country? And what do you expect when the outflow for all sorts of things, including furniture and kitchen napkins, is not only higher but continues to rise even as the inflow is smaller than the outflow and also dwindling?
As a farmer trying to water and nurture the naira, the CBN “alone” cannot rescue a currency that is surrounded by thorns, dangerous weevils and inclement weather.”
With the above coming from my intervention of two years ago, I conclude today by pointing out that Cardoso is no magician. The man is swimming in very turbulent waters. Besides policy support, he needs resolute political backup as he takes the necessary hard decisions. And take them he must.