Six years ago, in my column in Daily Trust (https://dailytrust.com/the-gadfly-called-shehu-sani/), shortly after he broke the existing code of secrecy by revealing his humongous salary of N13.5 million as a senator, I said the following about the political activist, Shehu Sani:

“Shehu Sani has not disappointed those who swore that he was bound to shake things up in the national legislature. Having emerged from the trenches of social activism from where he was plucked and incarcerated by the Babangida, Shonekan and Abacha regimes, it was reasoned that Sani was well prepared for the battle of dredging the marshes of the Nigerian Senate even though he was but a first term legislator. (It seemed centuries ago when he was sentenced to life in jail by Abacha’s kangaroo tribunal!)”

Sani’s recent comments on the political manoeuvrings going on in the North are quite noteworthy. It is an open secret that many northern politicians have been meeting to persuade President Tinubu to grant them more favours, otherwise…

2027 Calculations

The 2027 elections are on the line even though we are still in 2024. You’d wish that the discussions were about advancing the cause of the poor. I know that political alliances are matters of give and take. But when a group gangs up with a demand supposedly on behalf of the North, and threatens that their continued support for the president in 2027 would depend on whether their demands are granted or not, the whole situation seems to reek of blackmail.

Thank God for patriots like Shehu Sani whose outlook makes it possible to discuss the most serious problems confronting the northern states without guile, suspicion or bad blood. I have always argued that every journalist in the public space ought to be able to comment on any subject under the sun without let or hindrance. But some self-appointed gatekeepers of regional interests always demonise “outsiders” who dare to comment on “Northern affairs”. I dare say there are soulmates of these xenophobic elements in the South as well. I have happily broken this rule over the years. People are people. Development is development. There is no Hausa poverty or Igbo hunger or Yoruba penury.

That is why Shehu Sani’s interventions are heart-warming. The socio-political activist has proved to be one of those unflappable Nigerians whose opinions are not coloured by religion, ethnicity or other provincial considerations.

Power Vendors

The North has been in power longer than any other part of the country but that fact has not led to the upliftment of the people. The North still lags behind the southern states in most indices of human development. So, it ought to be clear to power mongers in the North that being in power has only favoured the elite while the people are left to wallow in poverty. The power vendors who are presently crisscrossing various states in the quest for alternative 2027 alliances are wasting their time, says Shehu Sani. In his view, the focus should be on what the current government can do to help uplift the poor people of the North and what the North itself can do to help itself.

In his words, “For the fact that the North has been behind in a number of indices of development, there should have been a concerted effort in terms of bringing development to that part of the country. But look at what we are having now – in the last eight years before the coming of this administration, in 2015, there was so much hope. There was so much belief and faith that the leadership that took over at that time would address these fundamental issues, but it has not.

“Today, the states in the North West are facing serious problems of banditry, kidnappings, and killings by all sorts of violent groups. In the North East, Boko Haram, ISIS and other terrorist groups are still holding sway, despite the fact that not only has the North been in power from 2015-2023, but major organs of government were headed by people from that region, and they have not actually used it for development. So now, I think the fact that someone from the South has taken over, there appears to be an organised attempt for them to resurrect their power base and see how they can return to power.

“So, power should be of use to the masses… in the North, power should address their poverty, should address their insecurity, should address the issues of development, and not power should be used to enrich an insignificant few who simply are parasitic on the economy of the country.”

Almajiri

The almajiri system, which the Northern elite has refused to reform because it captures only the children of the poor, is one of the areas where Sani advocates urgent reform because it is a ready-made breeding ground for bandits and terrorists.

According to the senator, “Many parents in rural areas hand over their children to a religious teacher in the city, who depends on the children to beg or steal in order to feed himself and his family. For ethnic, religious, and sectional reasons, we have protected, defended, praised, and refused to hold accountable all our kinsmen who led the country at every wasted opportunity for five decades.

“The bandits and terrorists who kill and kidnap our people, deny our farmers access to their farms, and prevent our children from going to school, are not from any foreign country or from the South; they come from our homes and families up north. We worship with them in the same mosque…

“We concoct and spread all sorts of religiously inclined conspiracies to deny our children free health, immunisation against diseases, resulting in hundreds of thousands of blind, lame, crippled, and deaf children who grow up as victims of polio, glaucoma, or leprosy, begging in northern and southern cities.”

Northerners used to be very enterprising, as anyone who witnessed the First Republic would testify. The virus of dependency and lethargy became widespread over the decades when Northerners sat on federal power. This situation has to be reversed for the region to make progress.

On a rather doleful note, the senator notes that, “All the spare parts, building materials, and pharmaceutical stores in the North are private businesses owned by people from other regions who were not backed, funded, or supported by any government… The FCT is in the North. Can anyone explain why people from the region couldn’t dominate the private businesses in the FCT, Suleja, and Mararaba? Who should be blamed for this?”

Making a clarion call for the elite to change their ways and look inwards, he asserts: “God gave us the largest land mass, the largest number of people, most of the rivers, and resources and livestock, and gave us power for the most part of our history. Which of the favours of our Lord can we deny? In the North, 80 percent of our problems are ourselves and not anyone outside of ourselves.”

A problem identified is a problem half-solved. It’s time to reverse the culture of “one millionaire surrounded by one million beggars”. A massive, region-wide campaign for attitudinal change to encourage skill acquisition, entrepreneurship and give access to loans would be a good starting point.

When next the conclave of Northern power vendors gathers, let them concentrate on how to end banditry and other criminalities, and then map out dedicated programmes to make the populace productive. The ongoing conspiracies regarding realignments towards 2027 can only birth a few concessions for the political elite while the overwhelming majority of their people remain empty-handed.

The Independent National Electoral Commission INEC, says it is set to conduct a governorship election in Ondo state as scheduled for next Saturday November 16, 2024. The commission has also given firm assurances that all would be well. Whether or not people believe the electoral body is not easy to tell. In truth, whereas there are a few permanent optimists who would always look forward to the assurances ending in successful elections, there are at the same time sceptics who justifiably think otherwise. History teaches this latter group that the narratives currently coming out of INEC and the nation’s security agencies are exactly same as those of previous locations where the people ended up disappointed.

There is therefore no evidence that Nigeria’s subsisting electoral deficiencies will this time around vanish in Ondo state next Saturday. It is noteworthy that Professor Mahmood Yakubu, the ?INEC chair has personally visited the state in the last couple of days not just to ascertain the level of preparedness but also the status of the electoral tools as well as the processes and procedures lined up for the contest. But it was essentially a routine visit which he usually makes to every location just before voting day. In other words, the visit is incapable of ensuring that all will be well. In addition, all the promises made in the state last week at a stakeholders’ meeting concerning issues such as prompt deployment and early arrival of electoral personnel and materials were also made but not strictly kept in Edo state in September.

Perhaps, it is important to make the point that what INEC should prioritize now is how to deal with the devil in its electoral room which is the collation process. This is because if all electoral materials are fit for purpose and the process goes well, there is still the vexed issue of the general belief that votes no longer count in Nigeria? What this suggests, is that efforts ought to be made to have a transparent collation of votes. As this column suggested last week, it is time to put an end to the use of unauthorized collation venues and the forced recess during which time alleged manipulation of results takes place. Put differently, INEC has an obligation to ensure that results declared at polling centres are not different from those presented at local government areas and state level.

Part of what can make the collation process transparent is to allow all accredited observers and journalists to have access to the collation venues all through the process.  According to INEC, the coming Ondo governorship election would have “the largest number for any off-cycle governorship election in Nigeria.” Already accredited for the polls, are 3,554 observers from 111 domestic and international organisations consisting of “700 journalists from over 100 radio, television, newspaper, and online media organisations, with no less than 129 female journalists.” By accrediting such a large number of observers, journalists and indeed, party agents, INEC demonstrated its preparedness to follow international best practices. Unfortunately, during collation, some of the accredited observers and party agents are suddenly denied access.

Yet all party agents are identifiable with “accreditation tags bearing their names, photographs, and location of deployment as well as added QR code to the tags that can be read even from mobile phone applications.” What this alone suggests, is that it is not rocket science for the commission to use the Ondo election to correct past mistakes. Part of INEC’s dilemma is that insider abuses during elections have become prevalent. Speaking in Akure last week, the INEC chair warned all the staff of the commission that “there will be consequences for dereliction of duty in any way or form.” The posture of the commission does not portray that of ‘charity beginning at home.’ With more than one month after the Edo election, we are yet to hear of the number of staff penalized for their conduct which embarrassed the commission.

INEC is either unwilling to penalize staff in line with the reluctance of the political class to allow for the emergence of an electoral offences tribunal or probably shy of washing her dirty linen in public – a strategy that is clearly ill advisable. Of course, publicising disciplinary measures against erring staff can to some extent boost public confidence in the electoral body. In fairness to INEC, many actors in an election process are hard to manage because they are not INEC staff.

For instance, it is obviously not easy for INEC to manage law enforcement operatives deployed to election duties. Consequently, vote buying which security agencies condone would be difficult to stop. There is also the fact that all the major political parties are involved in it, just as voters themselves look forward to it especially now that the nation’s economy is exceedingly tight. In which case, it is persuasive to imagine that vote buying would more likely persist in the coming election.

In many agencies, lobbying for deployment to election duties has reportedly become more intense than the struggle to be posted to checkpoints on the highways. Elections now provide opportunities to help favourite staff to attain huge commercial gains. In such an all-comers-game, what now plays out is the formation of cartels which share gains to members of each cartel. This is a worrisome development which INEC is poorly equipped to stop. Understandably, many stakeholders who attended the forum convened by INEC in Akure last week to reach some consensus on how to attain free and fair elections appealed more to the police than INEC not to compromise next Saturday’s governorship election in Ondo state.

The inability to have a level playing field during elections is another problem. The opposition political parties are more bothered about the growing phenomenon of ‘federal power’ during Nigerian elections. Those who think that INEC assurances of credible elections will neutralize federal power need to think again. To start with, nothing has been done about the presence of partisan commissioners in INEC. They got in because efforts to invalidate their nominations were blocked by members of the ruling party of the relevant committee in the National Assembly. Such commissioners having been brought in for an unpatriotic purpose are more likely to meet the purpose for which they were nominated. The greater pain here is that any ruling party would act like the current one if the roles are reversed.

The opposition parties that are deeply worried about the presence of commissioner Oluwatoyin Babalola in Ondo INEC certainly have more reasons than the argument that she is the equivalent of an indigene of the state. The electoral body has no business engaging in the debate for or against her. Instead, there is wisdom in recognising that if stakeholders are opposed to a particular electoral commissioner, it is better to redeploy the official to another state. It does not mean that the official has been found guilty of anything; all that needs to be appreciated is that apprehension by team players that a referee may not be impartial during a game is enough reason to redeploy the official and establish beyond reasonable doubt that like Caeser’s wife every electoral commissioner is above board.

INEC itself must be prepared to play the game by its rules. The nation is aware that the commission is in a position to stop its election results from being controversial. The results declared at the polling centre being the only one that represents the sacred choice of the people, should never be experimented upon. What is more, nothing should be done to give the impression that anything is shrouded in secrecy. If next Saturday’s election in Ondo state is truly one where the electoral body is determined to correct past mistakes, no room should be given for the alleged printing of result forms with same serial numbers just as there is no need to exclude duly accredited persons from certain segments of the process.

The healthy television debate between the APC and PDP candidates the other day underscored the fact that Ondo politicians have come of age. INEC can show similar maturity by playing down on the publicity of cosmetic ceremonies like the arrival of sensitive or non-sensitive materials, stakeholders’ meetings, peace accords and indeed LIVE transmission of the declaration of controversial results. Instead, it should enthrone a transparent collation of votes. Here is hoping that INEC would prove her critics wrong next Saturday.

At its recent meeting in Isanya Ogbo, the Afenifere was piqued by my article titled “Is Tinubu settling scores.”

Though the meeting’s communique showed the article was slightly misinterpreted, it was nonetheless heartwarming. At a time when taboos are falling into disuse, activists are becoming political mercenaries, and the common good has become nobody’s priority, Afenifere’s resilience is noteworthy. In standing against the Yoruba bias Tinubu has manifested, Afenifere has shown that its chronic allergy against Fulani hegemony was not a ruse.

In a country where elected officials and institutions trivialise accountability, the Afenifere deserves commendation. Perhaps, though divided and declining, the Afenifere hasn’t lost its soul. That’s a consolation to all of us who witnessed Afenifere in its prime. In a country where other cultural organizations are rabidly ethnocentric and susceptible to money politics, the Afenifere must be commended for abiding altruism.

That’s something, even though its influence has tragically waned. In a country where critical institutions have lost the stamina to aspire to glory and have degenerated into caricatures of their old selves , the Afenifere perhaps deserves our collective sympathy. Though its political decline might have been partly self inflicted, it still has principled leaders and hasn’t sold out. They have stuck to their principles, lost followership, relevance and authority, but refused to be cowed or bought. That’s something. The politics of the fourth republic has been too ruthlessly transactional for cultural organizations to play deciding roles, but the Afenifere has hung in there.

I have hesitated to treat Afenifere as splintered, ageing, disjointed and incapable of any consensus. Because of my abiding admiration for that institution, I still regard all the major leaders fondly, as authentic, particularly when they are standing social justice, peace and progress. I have therefore resisted the temptation to categorize the categorical rejection of Tinubu’s tribalism as political vendetta by the Pa Adebanjo group which didn’t support Tinubu’s presidential ambition and has never shown admiration for his politics.

Regardless of the rife insinuations of envy and the above mentioned caveats notwithstanding, in the words of Soyinka, the man must have died in any Afenifere leader or faction that stays silent in the face of the glaring repudiation of Afenifere core values of equity and inclusion by Tinubu or anyone else who claims Afenifere. So on this measure, the Pa Adebanjo faction must be regarded as the only ’living’ faction.

The other faction and the leaders must speak up or own up.

In ‘Is Tinubu Settling Scores’, I had wondered why Tinubu who rode to power in 1999 on the back of the Afenifere could become so disdainful of the cherished Afenifere that paved his way to power. Despite Pa Adebanjo’s disavowal, Tinubu still claims Afenifere. But why hasn’t he gunned for the greater good for the greater number by enthroning probity and transparency in government business? This isn’t just about the filth of the Lagos-Calabar road project. It isn’t just about the relentless allocation of the choicest and most powerful jobs to the Yoruba, concentrating power in the Yoruba without bothering about the feelings of the others groups.

It’s beyond that. It’s the utter disregard for decency and common sense. It’s about the myopic prioritization of self or tribe above the collective that points to an abject absence of purposefulness. Why does Tinubu appear more interested in building a Yoruba dynasty rather than an equitable and just political society in Nigeria? What is his motivation?

How did an Afenifere man become an Emilokan or Yorubalokan champion?

That was the meat of the article. But in the eyes of the Afenifere, earcitel was mischeivous because they percevied an artbiuoitnovfciaroiusailbytili to them for Tinubu’s ethical waywardness.
Again, I understand the urgency of the group, particularly the Pa Adebsnjo faction, to wring
their hands. In their words, Tinubu in 1999, was a wolf in sheep’s clothing and he has done everything to cannibalize the organization since 2003. I’m paraphrasing the Afenifere. So they felt compelled to restate the values of the organization, label Tinubu as feral and invite me to join their struggle.

In the days of Ajasin, Adesanya and Ige, Afenifere was a compelling organization. I admired them from a distance. Whatever they said was truth and justice. Their wide moral appeal cut through the breadth of the country and infected their Yoruba people with pride and other peoples with hope. They stood boldly for fairness and justice. Their command and control lines were clear and decent. Those memories now fill with harrowing nostalgia.

When politics returned in the fourth republic all the rivalries that had been hidden by the presence of a common enemy came to the fore. Afenifere tried to metamorphose. Their political vehicle was the AD. Though Afenifere had an early chance to produce a president, it wasted time and the military developed other ideas. That was how northern consensus solidified around Obasanjo. Afenifere clinched almost all the seats in the Southwest. Obasanjo, their kinsman, but who wasn’t part of them took the presidency. One of those whom the Afenifere made governor in 1999 was Tinubu. Once political office holders took the keys to the treasuries, the old dynamics became outdated.

I never intended to make Afenifere carry Tinubu’s cross. Not even as Simon the Cyrene. My article didn’t foist any responsibility on them for Tinubu’s startling parochialism. Their political predicament is regrettable. Had I intended mischief, I could have portrayed Afenifere as being negligent in recommending a ‘wolf in sheep’s clothing’ to the people in 1999. But I didn’t do that. I voted Tinubu in 2023. So am I also liable? Rather than use a broad brush and paint the impression that Afenifere perhaps didn’t do due diligence before imposing Tinubu on Lagos, the article only politely urged Tinubu to remember his roots.

Tinubu’s reversion to ethnic chauvinism is perplexing. The blame is Tinubu’s. Had I intended to be a little naughty, I could have insinuated that Afenifere despite its moral claims, perhaps offered a questionable political upbringing to its protege which is now manifesting in this delinquency of brazen Yoruba bias. But I love Afenifere. Its penchant for justice and fight against oppression helped mould my political ideas. If I had intended devilry as they claimed, I could have argued that perhaps Afenifere taught Tinubu political opportunism rather than virtue.

After all, didn’t we all witness envy and rivalry and backstabbing at the De Rovans? But I didn’t because despite all those internecine squabbles, Afenifere had moral appeal. My article was benign. I didn’t push the point that though Tinubu passed through the Yar’adua school, which many regard as the ultimate school of political expediency rather than moral ideals, of political smash and grab instead of values, the school was noted for inclusion.

That would have made this tribalism, if it was learnt, more likely an Afenifere than Yaradua trait. Yet Afenifere’s moral rectitude cannot support relentless tribalism. My point was that anyone who passed through the Afenifere crucible, whom the Afenifere found worthy to be governor, shouldn’t retain the capacity to relapse into wanton clannishness . He should retain some scruples.

In that communique Afenifere denied Tinubu more than three times. They said Tinubu doesn’t swim like the Afenifere. Perhaps if he did, he wouldn’t be building a private political dynasty that privileges his business partners and cronies. He would be self sacrificing like a true social democrat. They said Tinubu doesn’t walk like Afenifere. Perhaps if he did, he would have been more people-centred. His EFCC would be impotent against his indicted ministers. He wouldn’t opt for a bloated cabinet peopled with crooked politicians while preaching austerity and taxation to the masses. He wouldn’t spend his holidays in Europe, while promoting Made-in-Nigeria and bemoaning the predicament of the fallen naira.

The Afenifere said Tinubu doesn’t quack like Afenifere. If he did, he wouldn’t taunt and diminish political opponents, while preaching national unity. He would visit Atiku and Obi and share his vision with them. He would reform the courts and INEC and save the country from the scourge of rotten elections. He wouldn’t sell Sovereign National Conference for so long and forget True Federalism to pursue local government autonomy when in power.

The communique described Tinubu in roguish terms. I don’t agree with all the submissions. I don’t agree that Tinubu was a sheep in wolf’s clothing as they claimed. But it appears Tinubu didn’t imbibe some of the most important values of Afenifere. And perhaps he only railed against Hausa Fulani domination at the time because it left him and his Yoruba tribe in the fringes of the power equation.

The Afenifere concluded that Tinubu’s main agenda is one party dictatorship. That’s interesting. But Tinubu’s baffling concentration of power in the hands of the Yoruba supports that ridiculous conclusion.

“A society can be judged by the way it treats its children” – Nelson Mandela, 1913-2013.

Few Nigerians now harbour any hope that this country would produce a Mandela among its present crop of old politicians. And, if the young member of the House of Representatives, from Abia State, exhibiting delirium of power, as well as all the young Ministers, just sacked, represent the next generation of power seekers, then, we might have to wait until those in nursery school grow up.

UNPRECEDENTED DETENTION AND PROSECUTION OF CHILDREN

 “The over-zealous man, doing his duty, will, sooner or later, pay his dues to the Devil.” That observation made in the thirteenth century by a philosopher summarises why President Bola Tinubu found himself engaging in damage control. A lot of irreparable damage has already been done to the images of Nigeria, the Federal Government, Tinubu, the Nigeria Police and the judiciary the minute the pictures of those children slumping in Abuja hit the internet.

Messages and calls came to me from four continents; from lawyers, retired justices and human rights advocates asking, among other questions, if Nigeria has decent people running its government. The world has witnessed all sorts of trials by absolutely atrocious and murderous regimes; we have also had two Kangaroo military trials staged by the Abacha junta. In every case, as Mark Twain, 1835-1910, had remarked, it was always a matter of “Are you going to hang [them] anyhow, and try them afterwards?” The accused persons were never going to have a fair trial; because “power tends to corrupt; and absolute power corrupts absolutely” according to Lord Acton, 1834-1902.

But, the world has never seen so many children in an adult court; charged with, of all things, treason. Abuse of power against the most vulnerable and powerless human beings had never been more on display. All the kids have several things in common. They are all out of school, illiterate, malnourished and in rags. Most of them are probably homeless and would not know where to find their parents. They were on the streets when the protests started; they were not among the organisers. To them, what was going on was probably entertainment helping to break the drab monotony of their lives.

So, they joined the procession to have some fun – as kids in Lagos would spontaneously follow a masquerade passing by; without thinking about it. Interestingly enough, the very poor children were arrested in Abuja, Kaduna, Kano, Gombe, Jos and Katsina. None of them could possibly have a GSM set to call others in the same state; let alone, those in Gombe calling Katsina. So, there could be no collusion or conspiracy. Even those arrested in each state might never have met until that day and that hour.

That brings up a question: who were the security officers who decided that three or four children waving Russian flags, thrust into their hands by adults, constituted a threat to President Tinubu? None of those we saw on television could pronounce the word REVOLUTION even if asked to at gun point. What then is the basis for arrest and detention? Another question: why were they not tried in the states where the crimes were committed?

Why bring all of them to Abuja, far from home, if not to satisfy the sadistic instincts of those who took them there? There is more to be said later about the competence and character of all those responsible for the arrest and detention of the kids for 93 days in the first instance. Apparently, the Inspector General of Police, IGP, approved everything. But, the IGP would not have gone far without a complaisant justice.

MAKING HISTORY THE WRONG WAY

 “It takes years to make a reputation and five minutes to ruin it. If you think about that, you will do things differently” – Warren Buffett, 2022.

For 93 days, the detention of so many children under horrible conditions (it has to be horrible because neither the IGP nor the justice would want to keep his children there) was a best kept secret from the public – until their tormentors decided to stage a judicial charade with the kids as the main actors. Not trained in Nollywood production techniques, the prosecutor and the justice messed up the script. Comedy turned to tragedy when four of the kids slumped; and would have died with cameras from global media recording everything. The whole world witnessed the horrors in living colour. In less than five minutes, the reputations of the police and judiciary were ruined forever.

Irrespective of how long Justice Egwuatu had been on the bench, and how long he remains there, justices from four continents think he had soiled the bench. The bail conditions imposed on the victims of this injustice betrayed the hidden agenda to deny them bail and hold them perpetually in detention. Who can take a look at any of those kids and conclude that they can raise N10, 000 bail; not to talk of N10 million? Additionally, can anybody seriously expect any Federal Civil Servant, regardless of grade or level, to risk his/her career by bailing kids who are probably homeless even in their states?

Bail refusal was disingenuously wrapped around bail conditions impossible to meet for all the defendants. Unfortunately for the battered reputation of the Nigerian judiciary, the only person deceived by that subterfuge was the justice. The whole world saw clearly the intention to keep the kids in horrible custody conditions indefinitely. The Nigeria Police, perennially held in contempt, went a notch downwards. Try as he may, the prosecutor could not convince the global court of public opinion, as well as jurists, that he was in the right court, at the right time and prosecuting the right case. How did he expect to interrogate kids who never went to school on treason? He might as well have been prepared to talk to walls. Whoever handed him that case to prosecute must have achieved the intended consequence of ridiculing him. They got more than they bargained for. He has attained notoriety globally. His name will never be erased from the internet for as long as people inhabit this planet.

PRESIDENT TINUBU TO THE RESCUE

“There are times when a leader must must move out ahead of the flock; go off in a new direction; confident that he is leading his people the right way” – Nelson Mandela, 1913-2013, VBQ p 124.

With all the relevant officials of government tied up in their self-imposed judicial problems, while Nigeria’s image was again being dented worldwide, it was left to President Tinubu to set us off in a new direction; to restore sanity to the judicial system and to engage in damage control. His intervention was effective and face-saving for all concerned. Only God knows what would have followed otherwise. I grant the political adversaries their right to play down the gesture.

One commentator pointed to the sudden appearance of the British Foreign Affairs Minister in Aso Rock on the day the announcement was made as proof that Tinubu was prodded by the European Community and the Commonwealth nations to act. I have no evidence of that. But, the EU and the rest of the world tried in vain to convince Abacha to release Obasanjo. So, we must give Tinubu the benefit of doubt; that he acted based on his own conviction. There’s reason for this assumption.

“Idealists in politics lack a sense of reality; and a politician must be a realist above all” – Henry Miller, VBQ p 192.

Tinubu is perhaps the first real politician we have had as President. All the other Presidents, from Shagari to Buhari, were imposed by others. Shagari was not a presidential aspirant in 1978. A deadlocked convention forced leaders of the NPN to turn to a non-aspirant. Obasanjo was the candidate of the four Generals – Babangida, Abdulsalami, Danjuma and Aliyu Gusau. He in turn imposed Yar’Adua; who was really not interested on account of ill-health. Jonathan inherited the Presidency without which he could not have won in 2011. Buhari, after three failed attempts, was invited by Tinubu to return to political war. Only Tinubu plotted his journey to Aso Rock on his own and confidently announced EMILOKAN. Everybody, including me, who thought he was joking, has become a believer eventually.

While the IGP, Justice Egwuatu and the Minister of Justice were in a quandary regarding how to proceed, the politician with his uncanny sense of danger moved to diffuse the tension. What the officials failed to observe was obvious to Tinubu. Another day in court with the kids would have triggered the ‘Mother of all Protests’ – which the security forces might find difficult to contain. One group was planning to get three lawyers to represent each of the children and turn the trial into a circus. Tinubu was right to stop it.