Protests become legitimate means of social expression when they are structured in such a way that their objectives revolve around the desire to effect useful, and positive, interventions in the society. They may take the form of written correspondence, verbalized and non-violent submissions, or physical displays of discontent; including street matches and the display of placards with inscriptions depicting the issues in contention.

Now, that is different from a riot, wherein aggravated misconduct is the norm; very often with no higher social purpose in view. Most riots are characterized by deeds of madness, with no clear objectives beyond the general and specific acts of vandalism that could acquire a life of their own if unchecked. Even when they are checked, riots are what they are: riots. Unstructured, self-defeating and sometimes driven by that can best be described as motiveless malignity.

The protests of the last week here in Nigeria were no riots in most places. No! But they were taken advantage of by different species of highwaymen, and also highway-children, in some northern states, who set about looting whatever they could lay their hands on. Which is hardly surprising, given the amount of hunger, privation and insecurity in the land.

But let us get real! This nation was born in protest, or even as a protest.

It was the long-drawn “protests” our our founding fathers, in written addresses, in several constitutional conferences and some other means, that eventually birthed an allegedly independent Nigerian in 1960. Just as sceptics had their doubts about the sincerity of the colonialists when they promised us independence, many reasonable Nigerians also doubted the sincerity of the military whenever a ruling junta announced plans to return the nation to civil rule.

Even more sceptics looked on with grave misgivings at the protracted military rule that began in the unconvinced that it was serious when it “threatened” to birth a democratically elected government. Twenty-five years later, and despite the apparent shortcoming, we are making progress; willy nilly if you will. And that progress has more elements of suffering, misgovernment, lack of intraparty cohesion and the absence of a memorable ideological focus from the political class.

As was observed here not too long ago: “Our progress is coming through bitter, mind boggling, morally disorienting and psychologically devastating lessons. The lessons are apparently unscripted, and the teachers are teaching away without Lesson Notes and conventional teaching certificates. And they are exacting and merciless – these teachers. The names of the teachers include the following: (1) Dishonest politicians, (2) Broken promises, (3) The consequences of citizen gullibility, (4) The results of supporting the wrong candidates, (5) The progressive denudation of the capacities of our national defense and security forces, and (6) The increasing inability of the ruling elite to protect itself from its own depredations”.

As was further observed, “President Obasanjo, coming in as the first to hoist the flag of democratic rule after the military, was a quasi-military-civilian president. He did his best to craft good policies and establish institutions that would aid good governance… Presidents Goodluck Jonathan and Muhammadu Buhari were the circumstantial by-products of a system of elite myopia that had prevailed in the land for over 50 years. They were not entirely responsible for the problems they inherited. Their parties, the PDP the APC, were, again, not entirely responsible for everything that went wrong with Nigeria under their watch.

The Nigerian State was taken hostage long ago. For over 50 years now, many powerful individuals and groups have succeeded in pushing personal and limited group interests into the front row of national consciousness; such that, today, 25 years into a now-unsettling experience with a fledgling democracy, we are not sure where we really are as a nation. Those whose interests are at variance with wider and deeper national interests have become the real enemies of Nigeria. They may well have actually constituted themselves into a team of highway men and women who waylay everything that could rescue Nigeria and consolidate our current democratic experiment.

Protests are coming and going, because our “25 years old democracy is being bombarded from all sides by (1) A fundamentally distorted eldership recruitment process, (2) Skewed values, (3) A largely dysfunctional educational system, (4) A flawed national psyche and (5) A youth bulge that is increasingly becoming the biggest unaddressed national crisis. With every passing day, these problems morph into new, and self-replicating, societal challenges”.

The Nzeogwu coup d’état of January 1966, and the counter coup that came some six moths later, set the tone for much of the paralyzing elite impunity that we are living with today. Hell was let loose on Nigeria and Nigerians by that military intervention. This initial coup, and the subsequent ‘retaliatory’ one, banished the nation’s true leaders from the political and leadership playing field”. They lived in silent protest for over a decade.

“The ‘replacement generation’ for the founding fathers and leaders of Nigeria, whom they were grooming along ideological lines for the propagation of specific ideological norms, stagnated for 12 years, until 1979. Zik, Awo and Aminu Kano, who would since have given way to the likes of Tafawa Balewa, Michael Okpara, Bola Ige and others before 1979.

The backlog of two generations of leaders, who were left unfulfilled by the military interventions, did not exercise and fulfil their calling. The petulant idealism and uninformed exuberance of the groups of coup makers trampled upon traditional rulers, traditional values, and almost every other thing that was generally respected as instruments for social control”. So, it has all been series of voiced and unvoiced and unclear protests at every turn.

The many institutional, sociopolitical and axiological problems plaguing the nation today, and which have plagued it for over 50 years now, got all the fillip they needed from the actions and inactions of the past. We got a deluge of prematurely retired military officers within a span of 20 years, precisely because of the negative dynamics of coup making in Nigeria. Many such retired military personnel became frustrated and unfulfilled professionals because of the new character of the Nigerian state after the 1966 military coups. Without intending it, many of them ended up being pushed into areas they would never have contemplated. And their new trajectories naturally elicited protests.

The point was also made here that: “Our nascent 25 years old democracy has thrown up leaders with sudden stupendous wealth from questionable sources. Their wealth has mostly impacted their immediate and extended families, of less than 15 persons, and a few friends. Their local communities, members of their religious congregations, most of their friends and even members of their extended families know how poor or rich they were a few years before they went into politics. The priests, traditional rulers and other supposed custodians of public conscience ask no questions”.

Is this new reality not markedly different from the profile of our very first set of leaders, including traditional rulers, religious leaders, district and village heads, uncles and aunt? Does anyone still ask another the sources of any sudden? Not at all.

Now that the decades-long effects of the overlooked fundamentals of true patriotism and nationhood have caught up with us, we are looking at the immediate causes of problems that have shockingly remote and well-nourished roots.

When Nigeria threw away the chance to rise from the ashes in the name of true democracy in 1993, protests erupted. The voters were sure of the expected outcomes; so, the protests were grounded in some measure of logic. Even then: rioters also poured out in their dozens here and there to take advantage of the situation and make a quick haul through opportunistic criminality.

Yes, riots may accompany protests, not as part of the plans of the protesters. This singular fact makes it imperative that the reasons for he recent national protests are not swept under the carpet because of the misconduct of some equally aggrieved Nigerians who are simply driven by hunger, poverty and lack of survival skills to see any security lapse as their means of livelihood. The lesson from the protests is this: The Federal Government should take a dep look at the hunger in the land and review the impact of the measures he has so far take n to alleviate it.

There should be a rededication to the pursuit of our long-term national interests, so that our young, and reborn, democracy is not asphyxiated by the overwhelming evidence of insensitivity and leadership irresponsibility at all levels of government; especially at the sub-national, level

The security challenges threatening the nation today fuels declining national productivity. Farming communities are being displaced; eve as refugee camps are springing up anew in many places. Can this be right? I think not. Add to the foregoing the historically unparalleled grand larceny in the form of institutional and personal corrupt practices. What does it all portend?

If we count our gains of the last 25 years, they would be found more in the areas of suffering for refusing to learn from our past mistakes. “A lot, in terms of the lessons of life. There are more to lessons to learn, and the teachers are lined up to deliver them; until we come to our senses. Tottering, wobbling and flip flopping, we are being taken on a path of growth which many great nations of today have gone through. It is not yet time for the ideal, because the profane is still tolerated and celebrated. But a time will come when that will also not be possible”.

Yes, the protests are justified. But the purpose would be lost if it only ends as a media event. The specific demands of the protesters should be addressed in a comprehensive and convincing manner.

QUOTE

“Our nascent 25 years old democracy has thrown up leaders with sudden stupendous wealth from questionable sources. Their wealth has mostly impacted their immediate and extended families, of less than 15 persons, and a few friends. Their local communities, members of their religious congregations, most of their friends and even members of their extended families know how poor or rich they were a few years before they went into politics. The priests, traditional rulers and other supposed custodians of public conscience ask no questions”.