How can I forget? On April 22, 1990, Major Gideon Orkar announced the overthrow of Gen Ibrahim Babangida’s military regime which he described in choice words as “dictatorial, corrupt, drug-baronish, deceitful”. In those days, every coup speech was welcomed with enthusiasm. Every new administration was seen as the dawn of a golden era. Orkar made promises many southern activists and opinion leaders love till this day, calling the coup “a well-conceived and executed revolution for the marginalised, oppressed and enslaved peoples of the Middle Belt and the South with a view to freeing ourselves and children yet unborn from eternal slavery and colonisation by a clique”.

Orkar announced “on behalf of the patriotic and well-meaning peoples of the Middle Belt and the Southern parts of this country” that the new regime, named “National Ruling Council”,  would lay a strong “egalitarian foundation” for “the real democratic take-off”. To achieve this, he said five states had been “temporarily” excised from Nigeria: Sokoto (today’s Sokoto, Kebbi and Zamfara), Kano (Kano and Jigawa), Bauchi (Bauchi and Gombe), Borno (Borno and Yobe) and Katsina “to end the northern feudalistic and aristocratic quest for domination”. He said all their citizens were suspended from private and public offices and they should return to their states “within one week from today”.

At Dele Giwa Square, University of Lagos, hundreds of students gathered after the coup announcement. My friend and I went there to see the drama playing out as tension gripped the nation. A student appeared on the podium with a new map of Nigeria. Kwara had been chopped off! My friend and I were from Kwara (before I was transferred to Kogi state in 1991). My friend whispered to me in Yoruba: “Simon, jek’a ma lo o. Won ni aki ns’ara won!” (“Simon, let’s start going. They say we are not part of them!”) Even Benue, Orkar’s own state, had been wiped off the map by the exuberant cartographer. The map had only southern states. The coup, in any case, was foiled.

That friend of mine is Mallam Lanre Issa-Onilu, now the director-general of National Orientation Agency (NOA), a government body charged with fostering unity and national development through citizen enlightenment and engagement. Issa-Onilu and I had met at the Kwara Poly in 1987 where we studied for two years for A Levels, but we were mostly football-discussing pals, nothing more. We shared two subjects — economics and government — and attended some classes together. But when I got into the University of Lagos in 1989, we ran into each other — the “you again?” moment. It turned out we were going to study the same course. Our friendship was instantly reignited.

We were similar but different — and this has nothing to do with tongue or religion. He always wanted to serve in government and was also interested in prompting national values, patriotism, national unity and such like. I was also a preacher of patriotism and national unity, but, unlike him, I was not interested in being part of government or politics. All I ever wanted was to be a journalist. And for life. I remembered when I filled my JAMB form, mass communication was my first, second and third choices. Issa-Onilu and I also differed on our views about Babangida: he believed there was something good about his policies and his message of patriotism. For me, Babangida was bad news.

I initially loved Babangida when he became military president in 1985. I even sketched a portrait of him which was published by the Nigerian Herald on March 1, 1986. But as soon as he introduced SAP and the prices of essential commodities went haywire, I began to dislike him. I admit that my knowledge of economic policy was very limited then, but I believed his policies were too harsh and that he set out to punish the poor. I remember composing a song (I used to think I could sing in those days) with these lines: “Dem give us SFEM/Dem give us SAP/Dem drain our blood/We’re still alive/ Dem give us SFEM/Dem give us SAP/Dem drain our blood/We’ll still survive”. I was not a fan of SAP.

Despite our opposing positions on Babangida and politics, Issa-Onilu and I loved Nigeria. I find it surreal that not only has he ended up in politics, he has also been saddled with the responsibility of promoting patriotism and national values. I do not envy him. How do you preach national unity in a country bitterly divided along ethno-religious and regional lines which the Orkar coup speech amplified and which continue to define us as a people? How do you preach national values in a country ravaged by official corruption, low public morale and discontent? How do you preach moral values in a country where wealth without work has been so normalised? That is quite an assignment!

Recently, I wrote an article, ‘Let’s be Kind to Nigeria, Please!’ — basically pleading that we should not take joy in talking down on our country and amplifying only bad news about us while neglecting the good things also happening around us. I said we can dislike the president but still love our country. After reading it, Issa-Onilu called me up and shared his takes with me. We ended up having a long chat. He then told me about the National Values Charter (NVC) that the NOA has developed “to help redirect all Nigerians, irrespective of class, ethnicity, and religion, to the ideals and values for which we were traditionally known and that were used to build our various societies and their institutions”.

He said the “7 for 7” NVC is divided into two: the Nigerian Promise and the Citizen’s Commitment to the Nigerian State. The Nigerian Promise is the seven core promises of Nigeria (represented by elected leaders) to the citizens. He said the Nigerian state owes Nigerians seven promises: equality, meaning all privileges, opportunities and rights apply to all without exemption; democracy, or democratisation of governance dividends to all; entrepreneurship and employment, by promoting innovation and creativity to create jobs; peace and security, to keep everyone safe; inclusivity, for all classes of Nigerians; freedom and justice for all; and promoting meritocracy above “connections”.

On the other hand, he said, Nigerians owe their country seven things: discipline, by obeying the rules, etc; duty of care by looking out for one another and participating in their community; tolerance and respect, through harmonious co-existence; leadership by example in our little corners; transparency and accountability in our dealings; environmental awareness by living, thinking and acting sustainably; and resilience, cultivated through pride and perseverance as individuals and as communities through the thick and thin. The citizenship code is quite a lot to take in, sure. He summed it up by saying the proper definition of citizenship is to be found in those seven core values.

NOA has already taken the campaign to schools, starting with a debate on university campuses with special focus on the balance between government promises and citizens’ responsibilities in nation-building. It came with cash prices and training opportunities. The initiative seeks to create a generation of value-conscious leaders who will promote national unity and strengthen our collective identity. There are plans to incorporate citizenship studies into the curriculum and launch citizens’ brigades in elementary schools, which I think is the right target if we want to produce new Nigerians. It will be too challenging trying to re-orientate Nigerians who harbour 1914, 1960 or 1966 mindsets.

For me, I believe we can build a new Nigeria. However, I believe we cannot build a new Nigeria without new Nigerians. We need a new generation of thinkers and opinion leaders who will see beyond their primordial cocoons, who will create a big picture. National integration and cohesion can help drive peace and progress, as we have seen in many parts of the world — including Rwanda that went through a genocide 30 years ago — but there are many Nigerians who dearly believe the way forward is ethnic chauvinism and balkanisation. It is the same toxic mindset that got us into this bind in the first place. I know these people have their reasons, but extremism does not solve problems.

By the way, I have my own misgivings about Nigeria. I have issues with certain practices, certain structures, certain notions. But, as I have been arguing on this page for 22 years, our fundamental problems go beyond the popular diagnosis of “1914”. How many African countries that were not “amalgamated” are better off? Moreso, every country is an artificial creation. Some chose to work with their realities and became success stories. If they can, we too can. We are victims of political mismanagement and the relentless manipulation of primitive sentiments for political gain. My critics think I say these things to portray myself as a patriot. No. I say them because I believe them.

I know that ordinary Nigerians suffer from the same afflictions of misgovernance: poverty and disease. The system is heavily rigged against them. They feed on crumbs, no matter their region or religion. As Lagbaja sang, “Me and you no be enemy/We suppose to be family/Na wetin you dey find I dey find.” The NVC makes sense to me because it is not just about the responsibilities of the citizens to Nigeria but also the duties of the leadership to the citizens. Will Nigerians embrace it? Will it get the buy-in of the critical political authorities? Most importantly, if Nigeria fails to deliver on the obligations, what can we do? Issa-Onilu and his NOA team have an unenviable task in their hands.

AND FOUR OTHER THINGS…

ONE LOVE

Governor Alex Otti of Abia state just gladdened my heart: he appointed Mr Benjamin Ojeikere from Edo state as the head of civil service. This high-level appointment of a non-indigene encourages me yet again to keep dreaming that national integration is possible. I am a pro-integration Nigerian. I am anti-balkanisation. Therefore, when things like this happen, I am encouraged to keep pursuing my mantra: that Nigerians do not hate one another as it appears. It is politics that divides us. To be sure, these cross-border appointments have been happening for years but they are in fits and starts and not widespread enough. I look forward to the day it will become a norm, not an exception. Progress.

MIDDLE ROAD

After much spat, the states have reached a common ground on the new sharing formula for VAT which had stalled the passage of the tax reform bills. The current VAT vertical formula allocates 15 percent to federal government, 50 percent to states, and 35 percent to LGAs. States share their slice on a horizontal ratio of 50:30:20 — equality, population, derivation. The new vertical proposal was 10 percent to federal government, 55 percent to states and 35 percent for LGAs. States were to use a horizontal ratio of 20:20:60 — equality, population, derivation — for their own share. A resolution has been reached to use 50:20:30. We can now kill the tension and move forward. Compromise.

GOOD RIDDANCE

Hon. Mudashiru Obasa was surprisingly removed as the speaker of the Lagos state house of assembly on Monday and replaced with Hon Mojisola Meranda, who is now the first female speaker in the state. Obasa impeached? Who saw that coming? I don’t know him and I have never interacted with him but, somehow, I have never been his fan. My attitude to him was worsened by his response to allegations that he awarded contracts running into hundreds of millions to a “female friend”. His response was “nina lowo” — meaning “money is meant to be spent”. I was so enraged. Lagos does not joke with collecting our taxes and its principal officials still talk down on us like this? Arrogant.

NO COMMENT

Senator Ali Ndume is one of the most outspoken senators and has been very critical of the policies of President Tinubu. He was very vocal over the tax reform bills, which he says would marginalise the north. These bills are at the heart of a major policy thrust of the Tinubu administration and the president wanted to push them through despite strong opposition. Ndume, also a member of the president’s party, was recently spotted at Jummah prayers shaking hands with Tinubu and grinning from ear to ear. He later said Tinubu is his mentor and that he only criticises his policies, not his personality — meaning he was shouting at someone he could have whispered to. Wonderful.