“If goat dey chop yam, na who open barn door we go ask.”

In the bustling streets of Nigeria, where the aroma of suya (spiced grilled meat) fills the air, the conversations that take place at these food joints often provide an informal yet powerful reflection of the country’s political climate. In many ways, these “Suya Spot Parliamentarians” embody the collective frustrations, aspirations, and beliefs of the Nigerian populace, offering a candid, if not humorous, lens through which we can better understand political leadership and its complexities.

I am intentional in my suya spot because for some reason Suya is not sold in the mornings in most parts of Nigeria, at best, we start the preparation in the afternoon. Either way, follow me in this conversation…

Suya spots, often informal, unassuming local eateries, have long been meeting ground for the everyday Nigerian, where the latest gossip, political discussions, and societal issues are shared with gusto. Here, amid the sizzling meat and spicy pepper sauce, Nigerians wax philosophical, sharing their views on national matters. These impromptu “parliaments” are a melting pot of ideas, perspectives, and critiques of the leadership in power.

The conversations are typically peppered with sharp wit and fervor, and more often than not, they reveal deep dissatisfaction with the political class. But what’s striking is the ease with which these leaders are vilified, reduced to mere “demons” in the minds of the masses. This is more than just frustration; it is a consequence of the systemic failure of leadership, where promises are broken, resources are mismanaged, and the average citizen feels increasingly disconnected from those they elect to lead them.

In a country like Nigeria, the relationship between the people and their leaders is often characterized by an unspoken yet palpable tension. The notion that “leaders are the demons we create” taps into a deep-seated truth: Nigerian leaders, for all their perceived faults, are not born into power—they are products of a system that allows them to thrive.

The electorate is complicit in this dynamic, too. Voter apathy, electoral malpractices, and corruption perpetuate the cycle of bad leadership. Nigerian leaders often rise to power through a mixture of patronage, promises of change, and the manipulation of public sentiment. Once in power, many fail to meet the expectations of their constituents, and instead of inspiring hope, they reinforce the sense of betrayal.

The reality is that these leaders are not foreign entities imposed upon us—they emerge from our communities, from our collective choices, and from the very system we participate in, whether passively or actively. When corruption flourishes, when politicians break promises, when national resources are looted, the Nigerian populace is often left lamenting the leaders who have failed them. Yet, these leaders are merely the reflection of a society that, in many instances, tolerates or even facilitates their rise.

One of the most significant issues within Nigerian politics is the chronic disconnection between leaders and the people. Over the years, the political class has become increasingly self-serving, creating an environment where national interests take a backseat to personal gain. This has resulted in the emergence of “leaders” who are more interested in amassing wealth and power than in serving the public.

However, the Nigerian electorate is not without fault. In a society where immediate gratification often trumps long-term vision, voters are sometimes swayed by promises of short-term benefits—such as a bag of rice, a token sum of money, or a plate of food. This transactional relationship between leaders and the electorate has become ingrained in the political culture, perpetuating a vicious cycle of electoral manipulation and unaccountable governance.

The result is a leadership class that often behaves like “demons” in the eyes of the people: those who consume the resources that should benefit the masses, those who create policies that serve their interests rather than the public’s, and those who remain disconnected from the everyday struggles of the people they were elected to represent.

While it’s easy to point fingers at politicians and lament the state of Nigerian politics, the responsibility for change doesn’t rest solely on the shoulders of the leaders. It lies with the citizens who must demand better leadership, who must hold politicians accountable, and who must push for systemic reforms that address the root causes of bad governance.

The way forward for Nigeria lies in the collective action of the people—breaking free from the cycle of patronage and transactional politics and embracing a culture of accountability and transparency. The country needs leaders who are not just figureheads, but true servants of the people, willing to sacrifice their own interests for the greater good.

Nigerians must also take the conversations from the suya spots to the voting booths. The “Suya Spot Parliamentarians” may have insightful critiques, but it’s time for these voices to translate into real political power. Civic engagement and active participation in the democratic process are crucial to reshaping Nigeria’s political future. It’s not enough to complain about the “demons” in power without understanding that we, too, play a part in the process of creating them.

I will end with a small story…a man stole a cap and brought it out for sale with notice to any prospective buyer that it was a stolen cap. A Man volunteered to buy at a given price.

On the following Saturday, the new owner wore the Cap to a wedding ceremony. The original owner coincidentally attended the ceremony, saw his cap from afar, and recognized the same.

He moved nearer to the Man wearing the cap, observed and ensured it was his stolen cap, greeted him, and asked where he came across the cap he was wearing.

The Man replied, “I picked it on the bed of my junior wife and I am looking for the owner myself. The Man removed the cap, handed it to the original owner for proper examination. The original owner checked and suddenly handed it back to the Man saying it’s not his cap but rather a look alike. In a couple of minutes, the original owner disappeared from the gathering without notice; hence sacrificing his cap.

The metaphor of “Suya Spot Parliamentarians” captures the essence of Nigerian politics: informal, outspoken, and often frustrated. Yet, this energy and passion for change must be harnessed and directed toward meaningful action. Leaders are indeed the demons we create, but they are also the ones we can choose to replace, reshape, or reform. Same way we need to ask, how intelligent are we in dealing with issues of critical interest to Nigeria, especially when we are addressing the leadership question.

Ultimately, the Nigerian people have the power to transform their country. It is not enough to sit in a corner and lament the state of leadership; it’s time to take action—through voting, advocacy, and participation—to build a leadership that genuinely serves the people, not just its interests. The question is, are we ready to break the cycle and create a Nigeria where leaders are held accountable, where corruption is no longer tolerated, and where the government truly represents the will of the people? Only time will tell, but the choice lies within us all.

—

Prince Charles Dickson PhD

The stark reality of unavoidable price hikes has woven itself into the fabric of the average Nigeria’s daily existence, a grim hallmark of an unyielding cost-of-living crisis.What began with increases in petrol, gas, transportation, interest rates, food, and power has now extended to telecommunications services. This unrelenting rise in costs has prompted many Nigerians to label the phenomenon the “Hike Economy.” The term encapsulates the frustration and despair of millions as essential services and commodities become increasingly unaffordable. At its core, this crisis is not just an economic challenge but a social one, threatening the very fabric of a society striving for development and stability. Understanding this trend and its implications has never been more critical. The pervasive impact of the “Hike Economy” demands urgent, innovative interventions to alleviate its burden on households and businesses, offering a glimmer of hope in these challenging times.

In 2023/2024, Nigeria recorded one of the highest inflation rates globally, with figures hovering between 25% and 36.4% by November 2024. This marked the highest inflation peak in 30 years, pushing more citizens into poverty. Inflation has permeated every aspect of the economy, making it seem as if Nigerians are destined to face new price increases daily. For example, the price of a 50kg bag of rice—a staple food item—rose from ₦40,000 in early 2023 to over ₦100,000 by late 2024, creating food insecurity for millions of households. The term “Hike Economy” reflects the relentless escalation of costs burdening households and businesses alike.

The latest manifestation of the “Hike Economy” is the impending increase in telecommunications costs. With the active support of the regulator, telecom companies are poised to raise prices, citing rising energy costs and currency devaluation. For instance, a leading telecom provider recently announced a 15% increase in data tariffs. While these reasons seem plausible, they warrant closer scrutiny. Rising energy costs have been exacerbated by Nigeria’s reliance on imported fuel and the lingering effects of subsidy removal. Currency devaluation, a persistent issue in the Nigerian economy, raises operational costs for telecom providers who rely on imported technology and infrastructure. However, these factors do not tell the whole story.

Consumers often question why telecom companies fail to lower prices when such factors stabilise. For example, telecom tariffs remained unchanged during periods of lower global crude oil prices, which typically reduce energy costs. This one-directional trend fuels skepticism and frustration among consumers. A glaring example is the rollout of 5G technology in Nigeria. Touted as a game-changer for connectivity, its implementation has been marred by high costs passed on to consumers despite promises of affordability and accessibility. Such practices underscore the need for regulatory oversight to ensure price adjustments are justified and reflective of market realities. Without mechanisms for fairness and transparency, these hikes erode consumer trust.

The far-reaching effects of these price hikes deepen financial struggles for the average Nigerian. With household budgets already stretched, further increases in telecom costs will push many to the brink. For instance, a family spending ₦30,000 monthly on telephone and internet services may need to adjust to a ₦37,000–₦40,000 expense, forcing cutbacks on other essential needs. This move starkly contrasts the government’s promise to reduce inflation to 15% by 2025, raising questions about policy coherence.

Higher telecom costs threaten Nigeria’s vision of leveraging technology to drive economic revival. Affordable connectivity is a linchpin for progress in critical sectors like digital banking, education, healthcare, agriculture, and e-governance. A price hike risks derailing advancements in these areas, undermining efforts to build a robust, technology-driven economy.

Increasing telecommunications prices will exacerbate poverty and widen existing inequalities, hitting lower-income families the hardest. Informal sector workers who depend on affordable mobile data to access gig work opportunities may find it harder to stay connected. Small businesses, which rely heavily on affordable telecommunications for operations, marketing, and customer engagement, will face additional strain. A local trade group estimates that a 10% increase in telecom costs could reduce small business profitability by up to 7%, potentially leading to closures. Education, increasingly reliant on digital platforms, will also suffer. Higher costs will limit students’ access to online learning resources, putting global competitiveness further out of reach.

Telemedicine and remote healthcare services, which rely heavily on internet connectivity, may become less accessible to rural and underserved populations, widening healthcare disparities. Farmers and rural communities increasingly depend on mobile technology for market access, weather updates, and agricultural extension services. Rising telecom costs could disrupt these advancements, reducing productivity and economic opportunities. For instance, a farmer cooperative in northern Nigeria that uses mobile apps to connect with buyers and monitor crop prices could be cut off from critical market information due to increased data costs.

The telecommunications regulator plays a pivotal role in navigating this crisis. Regulatory bodies must prevent unjustified price increases, push for service quality improvements without adding financial burdens on consumers, and advocate for innovative solutions that balance operator needs with consumer affordability. For example, regulators in South Africa have successfully implemented price caps tied to inflation indexes to protect consumers. Such measures in Nigeria could mitigate the effects of the “Hike Economy” while supporting technological and economic growth. Transparency in telecom operators’ cost structures can also help consumers understand the rationale behind price adjustments, building trust and accountability.

The National Association of Telecoms Subscribers (NATCOMS) has opposed the planned hike, calling it insensitive in an already challenging economic environment. Their argument highlights the undue burden these increases place on consumers and the threat to Nigeria’s digital economy. As more Nigerians embrace digital solutions for education, healthcare, and commerce, higher telecom prices could force many to cut back on usage or disconnect entirely. This would reverse years of progress in digital inclusion, especially in underserved areas where connectivity is vital for accessing government services and economic opportunities.

Addressing the “Hike Economy” requires more than opposition; it calls for actionable strategies. These include encouraging renewable energy use to reduce operators’ power costs, offering tax incentives to telecom providers committed to affordable pricing, promoting public-private partnerships for infrastructure development, and establishing a price review mechanism to ensure fairness and transparency. For example, shared broadband networks in Kenya have reduced costs for telecom operators, resulting in more competitive data pricing for end users. Adopting similar strategies in Nigeria could alleviate the financial strain on both operators and consumers, creating a win-win scenario.

Connectivity is the backbone of Nigeria’s service-based economy. Price hikes in telecommunications risk jeopardising economic recovery, worsening inequalities, and stifling technological progress. Regulatory ingenuity is essential to combating these challenges. The focus must shift towards maintaining affordability, improving service quality, and ensuring telecommunications remain a catalyst for national development rather than a source of financial strain. Addressing the “Hike Economy” with empathy and innovation will be key to securing a prosperous and equitable future for all Nigerians.

“Now to the oba-elect. Whoever sits on the stool of Oyo should never be seen at weedy, seedy joints. He must speak the language of his beginning and clothe his ancestors with velvets of respect and respectability. Shameful journeys he must not make. Strange words and/or gestures that attack the reason for his stool should not be his to say or make. We have seen enough wrong persons ‘shitting’ on ancestral beds. We cannot add Oyo to that rank. There was an Alaafin Abiodun for whose reign the people till tomorrow sing songs of praise. Abiodun’s successor was Aole whose reign made refugees of the people. The choice of who to copy is for the new moon to make.”

The oba under our law is not a king; he is a chief. That is why the law governing the appointment and removal of the oba and his ìjòyè is called Chiefs Law. The colonial government made it so. The oba was not recognised as king by the law – because the English king/queen was the sovereign here, and there could not be more than one king in a kingdom. They didn’t stop at that. What the oba occupied or vacated was a ‘stool’, not a ‘throne’. Only the English king or queen had a throne. And, one more thing: the oba was allowed to raise revenue but he must not call what he did “collection of taxes”; only His/Her Majesty, the King/Queen of England had that right. The revenue-raising privilege the oba had was known and called “imposition of tributes.”

Sixty four years after the British left, the law is still Chiefs Law; what the oba occupies is still the lowly ‘stool’, not a ‘throne’. Imposition of tributes or collection of taxes? The oba lost that power to the local government council. Ìgbì Aiyé Nyí. No condition is permanent.

‘Ìgbì Aiyé Nyí’ is a Yoruba novel that teaches the impermanence of power and privileges. Authored by T. A. A. Ladele, the title literally means ‘The Tide of Life Ebbs’ – or, in simple words, the cliche: “no condition is permanent.” In chilling details, we read the story of unbridled excesses and a humbling fall. From the mountain top of privileges, we read the Alaafin of Oyo, his palace and his chiefs descending the stairs to abject subjection. It is a book for every new king to read in their period of seclusion. I particularly recommend it to the three high chiefs of Oyo who are currently talking tough against their employers (the government) over the choice of their new oba.

In a contest between egg and stone, the result is easily predictable. No oba should think himself God – or government; and no chief must act like king. The past is in the past. In the past, one vote of the palace trumped sixteen votes. That vote today belongs to the state. This is not just about Oyo State. A new Owa Obokun of Ijesaland was chosen last month. Whose call was that? You have also seen the making of the Emir of Kano by one governor and his unmaking by another. The real chiefly kingmakers lost their scepter the day the British came and took power.

There is a gain in what has just happened: Future contestants now know the abortive result in kingmakers commodifying stools and thrones. Tomorrow, no kingmaker will find intelligent buyers for what belongs to all.

No oba will also think himself God tomorrow. The king was very powerful and divine in the past. But that part is buried in the past.

I once reported this: In the West Africa magazine of March 3, 1945 was a piece in celebration of the memory of Alaafin Siyanbola Ladigbolu I (1911 – 1944) who joined his ancestors a few months earlier. “The highest oath that an Oyo man could take was to swear by the head of the Alaafin,” the magazine wrote, and added that the people believed their oba was God. The oba himself thought himself so and he said so and acted so. How?

Eshugbayi Eleko was deposed as the Oba of Lagos in 1925 by the British. He was subsequently banished to Oyo town but he didn’t go quietly into the night; he went to court. During the ensuing celebrated case, evidence on some historical issues was needed in support of the deposed oba. It was to the Alaafin of Oyo that counsel to Oba Eshugbayi went.

Oba Ladigbolu was asked to swear an oath before his evidence was taken.

Alaafin queried in anger:

“By whose name?”

“By God’s name or by the name of your idol,” the lawyer told him.

“I myself am God!” The oba thundered.

That was hubris; he was too big to know that the horse of his powers had bolted. If you doubt the reality of how the Alaafin perceived himself in the statement above, maybe you should read another case recorded for him in history. It is the account of a visit of Ibadan Councillors I. B. Akinyele and J. Aboderin to Alaafin Ladigbolu on a peace mission on 1 October, 1934. It tells of what an Alaafin thought he was – and capable of doing.

The councilors left Ibadan and reached Oyo at 4:00 p.m. They reported themselves to the Resident. With the Resident, they went to the Aafin in company of the District Officer, Mr. Jones.

They then delivered the message of the Baale of Ibadan and of his council to the Alaafin: “In the olden time, our forefathers and your fathers were friends, and we earnestly wish that this friendship should continue. Your messengers have been treating our messengers with contempt and abusive language whenever we sent them to give you compliments and presents during the time you hold your yearly festivals. We do not like this sort of treatment any longer. If our friendship is to continue, our messengers should be treated with courtesy befitting our dignity. We do not presume that you are responsible for this kind of treatment that our messengers receive from yours. We would like you to take step to warn these messengers to stop this bad habit. We wish that we should maintain the old bond of friendship and live as neighbours in peace and harmony. Wishing you long life and prosperity. When we have delivered the above message, the Resident called upon the Alaafin to reply. The Alaafin then said that this message was not meant for him, and the Resident himself should reply to it. The Resident again reiterated the message, and explained it to the Alaafin. The Alaafin again said that the message was not meant for him. The Resident gave the gist of the message two times more and asked the Alaafin to give his reply to the message.

Then the Alaafin said: “Of all the inhabitants of Ibadan, with the exception of Oluyole, which of you has got a father? And, are you not all my slaves I used to send out on expeditions to fight my enemies?”

The Resident said that the Alaafin should not say that again, because in the Treaty of 1893 between Ibadan and Queen Victoria, his predecessor (the late Alaafin) admitted that the Ibadans are free.

The Alaafin replied:

“He! He! (Fie, Fie) I think all white men are the same. Captain Ross, my friend, had put them under me, and if you wish to take them away, you could please yourself. I know there is no else beside me but God. What shall I do with the Ibadan people? They do not work for me on the farm; they have not helped to construct roads in Oyo. What do they do for me? If any man wanted promotion at Ibadan I used to send my friend, Captain Ross, to elevate him; and if any appeared recalcitrant, I used to send my friend to punish him and remove. When I instructed Situ the Bale to promote one of my friends, and he did not listen, I worked his removal through my friend. I think you white men are the same and I think you adopt my friend’s policy, and if you do not wish to do so, you could please yourself, this means ‘Omi titun dé, eja titun dé’ (New water comes and new fishes come) Ten Kings ten times. You Resident are the new water and you are the new fish. It is your own look out, to manage the business as you like.”

The Alaafin said further:

“You, the two councillors, I want to give you a special message to Okunola who calls himself a Baale. Tell him he should remember that in his father’s family, no one has ever borne a title in Ibadan which is higher than AYINGUN. When he came to beg me here that I should give him a title, I asked my friend, Captain Ross, to go and promote him to the title of Ekerin, although he had not been a Mogaji before. When he wanted to become the ASHIPA, I again sent my friend to tell Situ, the Baale of Ibadan, that if he refused to make him the ASHIPA I would demote him and make the Ekerin Baale in his stead. When he wanted to be made the Balogun, it was the turn of Aminu, the son of Apanpa, to be the Balogun, but I took the turn from Aminu and gave him and promoted him to become the Balogun. When he wanted to become the Baale of Ibadan, I deprived Otun Ayodele who had the right to the post and made him the Baale of Ibadan. Whenever he quarreled with any of his wives, I used to settle the quarrel. If he could follow this Oyinbo (the new Resident) let him hold on to him. He should remember that when he had no horse, I gave him one. If that was the way he could show his gratitude, alright. He should remember that Situ had not done half of what he had done and he should remember how I hated him.”

The Alaafin then gave the councilors one turkey and one pound and sent them away.

The account above is as it is carefully set out on pages 933 and 934 of Toyin Falola’s ‘Ibadan: Foundation, Growth and Change, 1830-1960.’

The Alaafin who said all the above was the same Alaafin who died and was denied the customary company of courtiers on his journey back to his ancestors. You remember Wole Soyinka’s ‘Death and The King’s Horseman’? The historical incident that birthed that play happened at the exit of Oba Ladigbolu. His predecessors enjoyed the privilege of the company of their Olokunesin, the king’s horseman who must commit suicide and follow his late lord to the world of the dead. The white man said no to Ladigbolu’s Olokunesin; the king who said he was God went home alone, and lonely.

We hope the new Alaafin knows that he is appointed king and not God. We hope he learns from the tide that washed away his ancestors’ privileges. I hope he knows he is not coming in to become rich, become a pastor or an Imam. His coming is to retie the snapped rope of life of his land.

The people saw other trees in the forest before they settled on this òmò trunk for making the newest Gbèdu drum. The choice must always remember that fact and beat the right beat, sing the right song. When a prince is crowned king, he must never be seen again making good-luck charms – except he wants to become Olódùmarè. The one who did that was presumed seeking to be God. He should ask his predecessors for guidance.

Fifty years is a good age to enter the ancestral grove. When a child is invested with the Egungún costume, he has become an elder and must, therefore, be found with elderly conduct. Courage lives with leaders. A key wisdom the new king will hear in Ìpèbí is that one does not become an elder and yet lacks courage. Cowardice has consequences. He should ask Alaafin Ajaka.

The Alaafin institution is bigger than Oyo town, bigger than the oba and bigger than the chiefs. It cannot be abandoned as hostage to principals and principalities. What do you do when a calabash buries its face in the ground and won’t look up? The answer happened on Thursday and Friday last week. The chiefs are not the town.

Now to the oba-elect. Whoever sits on the stool of Oyo should never be seen at weedy, seedy joints. He must speak the language of his beginning and clothe his ancestors with velvets of respect and respectability. Shameful journeys he must not make. Strange words and/or gestures that attack the reason for his stool should not be his to say or make. We have seen enough wrong persons ‘shitting’ on ancestral beds. We cannot add Oyo to that rank. There was an Alaafin Abiodun for whose reign the people till tomorrow sing songs of praise. Abiodun’s successor was Aole whose reign made refugees of the people. The choice of who to copy is for the new moon to make.

The National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) is planning to rebase Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and the Consumer Price Index (CPI).

There are expectations that the economy will be bigger while inflation will be lower.

This was the situation in 2014 when Nigeria became Africa’s largest economy, with its GDP surging by 89 percent to $510 billion and inflation averaging 8.05 percent compared to 8.50 percent in the previous year.

But the NBS at the rebasing sensitisation workshop it organised in collaboration with the Nigerian Economic Summit Group in Lagos, last Thursday, emphasised that the exercise does not necessarily mean that the GDP will become more robust or shrink, rather it would give an accurate assessment of the economy.

“Rebasing is a very vital exercise that ensures our economic indicators are accurate, reflecting the updated structure of our economy,” Adeyemi Adeniran, the statistician general and CEO of the NBS, said.

“It’s done to absorb the new ministries that the new government just created, upgrade the CPI basket and change the methodology of CPI and GDP,” he added.

Why does rebasing the economy matter?

Most governments overhaul GDP calculations every three to five years to reflect changes in output and consumption. Prior to 2014, Nigeria had not done so since 1990.

According to the NBS, rebasing is a process of updating an old base year with a recent one to reflect changes in the prices of goods and services produced within the economy. The agency explained that constant price estimates are recalculated using the new base year’s prices.

It stated that the rebasing will cover new areas of the economy, including digital economy, modular refineries, pension fund administration, national health insurance scheme, mining, among others.

Beyond potentially increasing the size of the economy, tax-to-GDP and debt-to-GDP ratios are expected to decline, allowing for more fiscal balance. Similarly, per capita income, which is about $877, will rise.

Will Nigeria become the largest economy once again?

Nigeria became Africa’s biggest economy following the 2014’s rebasing, but analysts point that while the country’s GDP would rise in dollar terms, the results might not be as impressive as what was obtainable over 10 years ago.

Amaka Anku, Africa director at Eurasia Group, said the rebasing will likely increase the size of Nigeria’s economy in dollar terms despite its entry to a second recession in five years and a weakened naira.

“They will be adding new components to the GDP, so it would likely result in a larger economy but, definitely, not as big a bump as in 2010,” Anku said.

Similarly, CardinalStone analysts said that the proposed rebasing will drive improved capturing of economic activities and support planning initiatives. However, it is likely to shrink the size of the informal economy.

It further explained that the rebasing is also likely to result in a significant increase in the reported size of the economy.

How does it affect rising prices?

The NBS said the rebasing exercise may not directly lead to a reduction or upward trajectory of consumer prices, rather it aims to capture price changes over time

However, Ayo Andrew, head of price statistics at the NBS, revealed that four ‘special indexes’ will be added to the CPI computation as part of the rebasing exercise.

“Services index, both national and states; energy index, both national and states; farm produce index, both national and states; and goods index, both national and states, will be added,” Andrew said.

This update will, no doubt, result in more accurate inflation data, potentially altering Nigeria’s inflation outlook compared to previous measures. It is expected to provide better information on business strategies, moving forward.

Structural changes between old, new numbers

The NBS revealed that the base year adopted for the GDP was 2019 while 2024 was used for the CPI.

For the CPI, the year was proposed to capture the structural changes that have taken place over time. It is driven by the removal of subsidies on foreign exchange and petrol.

For the GDP, 2019 was chosen as a preferred base year because economic activities were relatively stable within the period, compared to subsequent years disrupted by the impact of COVID-19 and policy shifts.

The constituents of the inflation basket are expected to expand from 740 to 960.

The contributions of items on the divisional level to the headline index has been increased to 13 from 12, with the addition of insurance and financial services.

Likewise, there will be adjustments to weightings of the previous 12 division level weights.

However, analysts at CardinalStone, in a report last week, said that the re-weighting of the CPI basket may result in a reduction in the impact of food and non-alcoholic beverage price changes on the overall headline inflation reading.

It said that housing, water, electricity, gas and other fuels are likely to have a lesser impact on future core inflation readings due to the re-weightings.

“The likes of transport and restaurants & accommodation services are likely to have a more pronounced impact on future inflation readings due to the re-weightings,” it said.

While the rebasing exercise will no doubt raise Nigeria’s economic profile, with over 129 million Nigerians living below the national poverty line, analysts hold the view that the effects would be felt more in statistics than in everyday life.

As the race for 2027 elections begins to shape up, strong rumours of defection are swirling around no fewer than five first term opposition governors, LEADERSHIP checks have revealed.

Investigations by LEADERSHIP showed that governors of Abia (Alex Otti) Enugu (Peter Mbah), Delta (Sheriff Oborevwori), Rivers (Siminalayi Fubara) and Akwa Ibom (Umoh Eno) have had to address concerns surrounding talks about their plans to dump their parties for the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC).

While Mbah, Fubara, Eno, Oborevwori belong to the major opposition PDP, Otti belongs to the Labour Party. Interestingly, both parties have been locked in post-2023 election crises which seems to have defied interventions so far.

While some sources confided in LEADERSHIP that some of the governors are being subtly pressured to join the ruling APC, others noted that others, mindful of the instability in their party, are open to joining a platform that would enhance their chances of securing a second term.

Since the return of democracy in Nigeria in 1999, over 20 sitting governors have dumped their political parties for another. The top states with the highest number of sitting governors jumping ship are Sokoto, Imo, Abia and Adamawa.

In Sokoto, three governors have dumped their parties for another, while two sitting governors in Imo, Abia, Zamfara and Adamawa have done the same.

While some first term governors were able to win a second term, others were not so lucky.

In Abia State, concerns about Governor Otti’s loyalty to his party arose when he resorted to the Zenith Labour Party as a special purpose vehicle for the local government election in the state last year.

However, talks about dumping his party heightened when after the groundbreaking ceremony for the Abia airport, the minister of Aviation, Festus Keyamo, declared that the Abia governor would return to the APC.

Also, the Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives, Benjamin Kalu, had mounted pressure on Otti to join the APC.

LEADERSHIP Friday reports that no fewer than five Labour Party House of Representatives members have joined APC so far.

In Rivers State, Governor Fubara’s use of APP for the local government election, following his inability to wrest the PDP structure from the minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Nyesom Wike, has sustained talks that he may dump the PDP ahead of the 2027 election.

The closeness of the Akwa Ibom State governor, Eno, to Senate President Godswill Akpabio, one of the national leaders of APC, has sustained suspicions that he might join the party at the centre.

In Enugu, there are insinuations that the disruptive politics within the PDP at the national level might make the governor, who isn’t disposed to be distracted by party intrigues, seek another platform.

PDP leaders in Delta, under the aegis of Concerned Leaders of PDP, blew the whistle about Oborevwori’s romance with APC leaders. The party leaders, namely Mr Theophilus Ekiyor; Mr. Ochuko Oghenekome, and Mr. Ezekiel Chukwudi, in an open letter accused the governor of secretly romancing President Bola Tinubu’s chief of staff, Hon Femi Gbajabiamila and the Lagos State Governor, Mr. Babajide Sanwo-Olu, in order to secure a second term as Delta governor.

Recall that Hon. Erhiatake Ibori-Suenu, a federal lawmaker and daughter of former Delta State governor, James Ibori, had dumped PDP for APC last year. Ibori is a Tinubu contemporary as governor in 1999 and a close ally.

But the governors have pushed back on the rumours, declaring, albeit through their aides, that they will not dump their parties for the ruling APC.

Also their parties have declared such claims as the handiwork of the ruling party, seeking to sow confusion within their parties and suspicion against the governors.

Mbah has no plan of leaving us – PDP

The spokesman of Enugu State Chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Uchenna Obute Udi has described as falsehood allegations that many members of the party are planning to defect to APC.

He dismissed the allegations in an exclusive interview with LEADERSHIP Friday in Enugu.

He described Enugu State Governor, Peter Mbah, as the leader of the PDP in Enugu State and the Southeast and wondered why such allegations would be made against the PDP members including the governor.

The PDP spokesman stated that in less than two years in office, the governor has transformed the state through massive infrastructural development.

He noted that the governor has endeared himself to the people of the state irrespective of their party affiliations through his numerous projects.

On the recent visit of President Almed Bola Tinubu to the state, Udi stated that he came to Enugu State as president of the country and not for party politics.

He noted that the president knew Mbah before the latter became governor, and that the governor was a key actor in the private sector.

Udi added that the speech of the President during his visit clearly showed that he came to see what the governor had been doing irrespective of his party affiliation.

Otti not under pressure to dump LP

As at press time, efforts to get clarification on the report from either his adviser on Media and Publicity, Ferdinand Ekeoma,  or the chief press secretary, Ukoha Njoku on their mobile phones failed.

However, a top member of the administration, who pleaded anonymity said he was not aware of such pressure even as he argued that by his performance in office, Otti had become a brand.

“Like a beautiful bride, it is possible that some opposition parties might be wooing him to join them. Such moves are not out of place in our clime,” he asserted.

But the story is different in the Labour Party where most of the members feel the governor sidelined them “in all ramifications after climbing on our back to victory”.

According to a reliable source in the party, securing the party’s ticket for 2027 might be an uphill task for Otti “so, the earlier he starts looking elsewhere perhaps the better for him.”

“I’m not aware whether he has indicated interest to participate in the ongoing membership revalidation in the party,” the source added.

Oborevwori’s defection rumours sponsored by opposition

The chief press secretary to the Delta Governor, Sir Festus Ahon, said there is no iota of truth in the claim by PDP leaders in the state that Oborevwori’s plans to defect to the ruling APC.

“It’s a lie being pushed by opposition elements” he told LEADERSHIP Friday.

Similarly the PDP in the state has dismissed rumours as mischievous and unfounded.

In a statement issued by the party’s chairman in the state, Chief Solomon Arenyenka, the PDP described the reports as the work of unemployed political hirelings and their unscrupulous sponsors, who are failed agents of destabilisation and betrayal.

The statement read in part:  “We assert unequivocally that the faceless group of individuals spreading these rumours and presenting themselves as concerned leaders of the PDP are impostors and not members of our esteemed party.

“We strongly condemn, in the strongest terms, the vile and malicious propaganda of these depraved perpetrators, particularly the key peddler—a notorious serial blackmailer and dishonest individual who will be remembered infamously for concocting lies as a means of survival.”

Why Gov Eno Won’t Defect To APC – PDP

PDP in Akwa Ibom has also dismissed the claim about Eno’s surreptitious moves to join APC, calling it a ruse.

The party hierarchy in the state led by Elder Aniekan Akpan had at various fora dismissed such report as mere speculations within the imaginations of the purveyors.”

Akpan, noted that “PDP is like a religion in Akwa Ibom,” stressing that, “PDP is Akwa Ibom and Akwa Ibom is PDP.”

In the vein, the PDP publicity secretary, Mr. Edwin Ebiese, urged the people of the state not to believe in rumour as propagated by some opposition forces in the media,

However, a PDP leader in the state, who pleaded anonymity, admitted that the rumour shouldn’t be dismissed wholly.

He said, “Tinubu is not like Buhari, who appeared apolitical throughout his presidential stint.

“Tinubu is an ardent, suave and alluring politician with massive Machevellian attributes of the end justifying the means. So he will not spare anything to capture Akwa Ibom.

“Surviving to emerge the winner of the 2023 presidential election against all odds, the President would want to dismantle all perceived obstacles by wooing some of the remaining opposition states, especially Akwa Ibom, that they had over the years longed for, into the APC.

“They had done it in Edo and Ondo states, so the complimentary dispositions by Governor Umo Eno, and the Senate President could be a pointer to the likely defection of the governor to crumble and further weaken the opposition structure in Nigeria ahead of the 2027 general elections”, the PDP stalwart in Uyo told LEADERSHIP Friday.

Fubara Has No Plan To Leave

PDP – Rivers Information Commissioner

The Rivers State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Warisenibo Joe Johnson, has said Governor Siminalayi Fubara has no plans to dump the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) for any other political party.

Speaking with LEADERSHIP Friday in Port Harcourt, Johnson said: “Rumour is rumour and will remain in the realms of rumour. I am not aware of such a move.”

[Leadership]

Governor Abdullahi Sule of Nasarawa State has explained why he reversed his stance on the controversial tax reforms bill, stating that his concerns regarding the bill have been addressed.

Governor Sule, who was one of the vocal northern political leaders initially opposed to the bill, made this disclosure during an appearance on Channels TV’s Politics Today programme.

He highlighted that the opposition was not to the idea of tax reforms but to the bill’s contents in its original form. According to him, the key objective was to ensure that the bill was thoroughly discussed before any decision was made.

“We have achieved our goal, and that is the reason today I talk differently. I talk differently because the goal we wanted to achieve has been achieved.

“We wanted the bill to be further discussed and not passed in its original form. Now, there are opportunities for further review, and I commend the House of Representatives, particularly the speaker, for the way they have handled the issue,” Sule stated.

The governor also expressed satisfaction with the current handling of the bill by the lawmakers, especially the House of Representatives and its speaker, adding that the concerns raised by him and others had led to a more thorough scrutiny of the bill.

[DailyTrust]

Boavista have rejected Trabzonspor’s €2.5m bid for Super Eagles defender, Bruno Onyemaechi, DAILY POST reports.

According to Turkish news outlet, Fotomac, Trabzonspor’s offer is below Boavista’s valuation of the left-back.

Boavista will only consider offers in the region of €3m for Onyemaechi.

The 25-year-old has been one of the Portuguese side’s top performers this season.

DAILY POST recalls that Onyemaechi was recently voted Boavista’s December Player of the Month.

He arrived Boavista on loan from Feirense in the 2022/23 season.

The move was made permanent the following campaign.

[DailyPost]

• AG-F to begin direct disbursement
• Committee begins two-day meeting
• Edun to brief President

The Federal Government is taking a step forward today in the implementation of the Supreme Court judgment on local government autonomy.

An Inter-Ministerial Committee set up to enforce the verdict would begin a two-day meeting in Abuja, the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).

Members of the panel will be discussing the modalities for the enforcement of the apex court verdict that mandates direct disbursements of funds to the 774 local government areas from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC).

The committee, chaired by the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Senator George Akume, has as members Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun; Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice, Lateef Fagbemi (SAN); Minister of Budget and Economic Planning, Atiku Bagudu and the Accountant-General of the Federation (AG-F).

Others are: Central Bank of Nigeria (NGF) Governor Yemi Cardoso; Permanent Secretary, Federal Ministry of Finance; Chairman, Revenue Mobilisation Allocation and Fiscal Commission (RMAFC); representative of the Nigeria Governors’ Forum (NGF) and representative of the local governments.

The AG-F has concluded plans for the disbursement of funds to democratically elected councils this week, a government source told The Nation.

A member of the committee, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said the panel’s focus is to finalise measures for achieving financial and administrative independence for the 774 councils, despite resistance by governors.

He said the committee is expected to evolve counter-actions against some governors seeking to undermine the autonomy by maintaining direct access to funds from the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC).

The source also disclosed that the panel would proceed with the assignment after receiving “guidelines and guidance” from the Attorney-General of the Federation (AGF) and Minister of Justice.

He acknowledged the need for specific clarifications on how best to handle resistance by some state governments ahead of the commencement of direct payments to local governments this week.

“We are waiting for the pronouncement of the Attorney-General first. We will take a position before Wednesday,” the source said.

The two-day meeting is expected to evaluate the Committee’s progress and finalise operational frameworks for direct payments.

According to the source, the meetings aim to address the moves by some governors to coerce elected local government leaders into truncating the objectives of the autonony.

“The meetings will address the actions of governors attempting to undermine the autonomy of democratically elected LGA chairmen, deputies, and councilors, ensuring they are not coerced into serving state interests,” he added.

Despite the Supreme Court’s ruling, some governors are maneuvering to maintain their hold on council funds by influencing Houses of Assembly to pass laws empowering state governments to have access and retain oversight on the FAAC allocations.

Shedding light on the challenges before the committee, he said: “There are a lot of discussions going on, but for now, honestly, we are waiting to see. While all the states have conducted local government elections, some governors are determined to maintain financial control over local government areas.”

In preparation for the Supreme Court judgment’s implementation, the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation (OAGF) confirmed its readiness to commence direct FAAC disbursements to councils.

A senior OAGF official disclosed that structures are already in place to ensure a seamless transition.

The official said: “It won’t be a challenge to carry out the approval from the minister to start making the disbursements to the LGAs. The structure has been on the ground.”

He pointed out that a dedicated department within the OAGF would oversees the processes, assuring that the transition will proceed smoothly.

“A whole department is in charge of it. So, it’s not going to be a challenge. I can confirm that,” he stressed.

The source hinted that Finance minister might consult with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu upon his return to the country this week to finalise strategies for dealing with governors.

“The minister of Finance might have discussions with President Bola Tinubu and others on how to address the issue of governors. But we are paying local government areas directly.

“We don’t want to presume anything. Everyone knows the judgment has been made, and we are waiting for the government to start implementing.”

The enforcement of direct FAAC allocations to local governments marks a significant shift in local government administration. It is aimed at curbing undue interference by governors.

Historically, funds meant for grassroots development were disbursed through joint accounts controlled by governors, often leading to delays and diversions.

[TheNation]

Around 300 North Korean soldiers have been killed and 2,700 wounded while fighting in Russia’s war against Ukraine, a South Korean lawmaker said Monday, citing information from Seoul’s spy agency.

Seoul has previously claimed North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has sent more than 10,000 soldiers as “cannon fodder” to help Moscow fight Kyiv, in return for Russian technical assistance for Pyongyang’s heavily sanctioned weapons and satellite programmes.

Over the weekend, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said Kyiv had captured two North Korean soldiers, releasing video of the injured combatants being interrogated and raising the possibility of a prisoner swap for captured Ukrainian troops.

“The deployment of North Korean troops to Russia has reportedly expanded to include the Kursk region, with estimates suggesting that casualties among North Korean forces have surpassed 3,000,” lawmaker Lee Seong-kweun told reporters after a briefing from the spy agency.

This includes “approximately 300 deaths and 2,700 injuries,” Lee said, after a briefing from Seoul’s National Intelligence Service.

The soldiers, reportedly from North Korea’s elite Storm Corps, have been ordered to kill themselves rather than be taken prisoner, Lee said.

“Notably, memos found on deceased soldiers indicate that the North Korean authorities pressured them to commit suicide or self-detonate before capture,” he said.

He added that some of the soldiers had been granted “amnesty” or wanted to join North Korea’s ruling Workers’ Party, hoping to improve their lot by fighting.

One North Korean soldier who was about to be captured shouted “General Kim Jong Un” and attempted to detonate a grenade, Lee said, adding that he was shot and killed.

The NIS analysis also revealed that the North Korean soldiers have “a lack of understanding of modern warfare,” and are being used by Russia in a manner leading to “the high number of casualties,” the lawmaker said.

– Soldiers captured –

Lee — speaking for South Korea’s intelligence committee in parliament — said in the coming year US president-elect Donald Trump, who has previously tried to woo North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, “may push for dialogue… once again”.

He also said Kim may “weigh the possibility of a visit to Russia in the first half of this year” after meeting Russian President Vladimir Putin in late 2023.

In a post on social media platform X Sunday, Zelensky said: “Ukraine is ready to hand over Kim Jong Un’s soldiers to him if he can organize their exchange for our warriors who are being held captive in Russia.”

There would “undoubtedly be more” North Korean soldiers captured by Kyiv, he added.

“For those North Korean soldiers who do not wish to return, there may be other options available,” said Zelensky.

Ukraine, the United States and South Korea have accused nuclear-armed North Korea of sending more than 10,000 soldiers to help bolster Russian forces.

Neither Moscow nor Pyongyang has acknowledged that North Koreans have been deployed to fight against Ukraine.

The two countries have boosted their military cooperation since Russia launched its 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

On a visit to Seoul this month, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Washington believed Russia was expanding space cooperation with North Korea in exchange for its troop contribution in fighting Ukraine.

Washington’s top diplomat said the United States also believed Russia “may be close” to formally accepting North Korea’s status as a nuclear power.

The video posted by Zelensky of the interrogation of the two North Korean prisoners of war shows one lying in a bunk bed and the other sitting up with a bandage around his jaw.

One man can be heard speaking to a Ukrainian official through an interpreter, saying that he did not know he was going to fight in a war with Ukraine and that his commanders “told him it was just training”.

In translated comments, one of the men says he wants to return to North Korea.

The other says he will do what he is told but, if given the chance, wants to live in Ukraine.

AFP

n 22 August 2024, Olukayode Ariwoola, the penultimate Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN) retired from the bench and transitioned into a published author. At a well-attended event in the Abuja, the former CJN beamed at the public presentation of his autobiography. Published under the title Judging with Justice*, the book was ghost written by Olanrewaju Akinsola (the author better known as Onigegewura).

 The story reveals the son of a doting and committed dad who appears to take family and his faith seriously. Judging with Justice is a deeply personal story of a judicial figure whose rise to the highest office in his country’s judicial grease pole was as improbable as his route was unusual. The author is quite open in his disclosures about his health, including open heart surgery in London in 2016.

Olukayode Ariwoola became a lawyer at 27 and a judge at 38. In the eleven years that separated his enrollment at the bar from his elevation to the Bench, Olukayode Ariwoola worked first as State Counsel in Oyo State from where he resigned into private legal practice. That stint of his professional career began in Ibadan, the state capital, under the tutelage of Ladosu Ladapo, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN) who twice ran unsuccessfully for the presidency of the Nigerian Bar Association (NBA).

After one year of practice under the Senior Advocate, Olukayode Ariwoola chose to set up his own legal practice in Oyo, not far from his beloved natal community of Iseyin. At the time, there were only five lawyers in the city. Making ends meet was difficult and his clients were mostly reluctant litigants, many of whom had to improvise in order to find the currency for transacting business with a lawyer. He stuck with it and in 1992, the year after Oyo State was split in two to produce Osun State, got propelled to the office of a judge of the High Court of Oyo State by what from his narration surely was a stroke of providential happenstance. In the cohort of six new judges, Olukayode Ariwoola was the youngest by all of nine years.

After 13 years as a judge of the High Court, Olukayode Ariwooola got elevated to the Court of Appeal in November 2005. The major actors in his elevation to the appellate Bench included Aloma Mukhtar, who would later rise to become the first female Chief Justice of Nigeria; Bola Ige, a former Attorney-General of the Federation; and Bolarinwa Babalakin a former Justice of the Supreme Court. None of these three shared the same origins with Olukayode Ariwoola. Aloma Mukhtar came from Kano; Bola Ige and Bolarinwa Babalakin both came from Osun State.

After six years on the Court of Appeal, Olukayode Ariwoola ascended to the Supreme Court in November 2011, where he served for another 12 years before becoming the CJN. In all, his judicial career spanned nearly 32 years, including two years and two months served as CJN. All his judicial elevations (except his preferment to the office of CJN) occurred in the month of November.

Judicial autobiographies, especially in common law countries, are far from easy to confection. The balance between achieving a captivating narrative and preserving the mystique of the high judicial office is hard. The temptation to deodorize the tale can be tantalising. Judging with Justice wrestles valiantly with this dilemma and not always successfully.

The author offers about the Supreme Court that it is “more than a court of law. It is the tradition that the Supreme Court is regarded as a court of policy.” Having said this, the book offers no insight as to how the Supreme Court on which he sat for 13 years or the office of the CJN which he occupied for over two of those years, articulated or advanced this idea of the Supreme Court as a court of policy. If anything, the court did the opposite under him.

The best that can be said of the book and about its author is that they chose to be economical with any indication of a coherent judicial philosophy. Entirely in keeping with this, the author writes with what appears to be some pride that he never “had any cause to write a dissenting opinion be it at the Court of Appeal or at the Supreme Court.” He spent a combined18 years in both courts.

The author, nevertheless, drops hints of inspiration. He counsels, for instance, that “a judge must not frequent social events where litigants and lawyers congregate.” Those who read this may wonder whether he remembered it when he showed up in Port Harcourt in November 2022 to serenade politicians (many of whom had cases before his court) in their quest for electoral victory in elections that were then impending.

Many who were witness to Olukayode Ariwoola’s tenure as CJN will wonder when he came to what he claims in the book to be his long-held belief “that the judiciary is an independent and separate arm of government and should not be regarded as an appendage of the Executive or the Legislature”. The disposition of his entire term appears to have been the very opposite of these sentiments.

Judging with Justice is littered with a few more examples of warm and comforting shibboleths. Yet, it is what the book omits that is most telling.

The author thanks “God for the privilege to have been instrumental in the appointment of people into positions of responsibility”. As CJN, he sure had a lot of practice at this. He also claims that he always “ensure(d) that the persons to be nominated are credible, qualified, and people of proven integrity.” His record as CJN will show this claim to be worse than bogus.

At the end of his narration, the author tells with pride his achievements as CJN. Among these, he lists attainment at the beginning of 2024 for the first time in the 70-year history of the Supreme Court of full judicial establishment size of 22 (including the CJN). He also points to the appointment since 2023 of new judges to the various courts, including the Court of Appeal, the Federal High Court and the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory.

In Judging with Justice, Olukayode Ariwoola is punctilious in listing all the people whom he processed for appointment in that frantic sequence of judicial elevations that occurred during the year preceding his retirement as CJN. He takes fulsome paternal pride in the fact that his son – also named Kayode Taslim – “is a jurist like Judge Taslim Olawale Elias he was named after”, but omits to disclose that it was him, the father, who appointed the son to the role of judge (with no need for the helping hand of a Holy Ghost). He did not stop there, he also appointed his own daughter-in-law as judge, as well as the daughters of the President of the Court of Appeal; of the Chief Judge of High Court of the FCT; the daughter of his predecessor in the office of CJN; the wife of the Minister of the FCT; and many more high-up insiders too numerous to mention.

Judging with Justice missed an opportunity to show how a judiciary of sons, daughters, wives and even a few mistresses, meets the standard of “credible, qualified, and people of proven integrity.” He may have been closer to the mark if he had chosen to title the book “A Convenient Memory.”

A lawyer and a teacher, Odinkalu can be reached at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

• Olukayode Ariwoola, Judging with Justice: The Autobiography of Hon. Justice Olukayode Ariwoola, GCON, The Chief Justice of Nigeria [As Narrated to Olanrewaju Akinsola, (Onigegewura)], (Lagos, Asco Publishers, 2024)