REUBEN'S VIEWS
On Friday, the Supreme Court of Nigeria in a split decision voted 6-1 to nullify Executive Order 10 through which the Federal Government of Nigeria had sought in 2019, to give effect to Section 81 (3) and Section 121(3) of the 1999 Constitution, as altered by the 4th Alteration Act No. 4 of 2017, with regard to the financial autonomy of state judiciary and legislature which had been observed more in the breach by state governments and their Chief Executives. The Governors of the 36 states of the Federation had kicked against the Executive Order as an abbreviation of their rights under the 1999 Constitution. Collectively they elected to go to court, and hence asked the Court (a) to declare the Executive Order 10, unconstitutional and illegal; (b) compel the Federal Government to take up funding of capital projects for State High Courts, Sharia Court of Appeal and Customary Court of Appeal, and (c) refund to the 36 states a sum of N66 billion, being amount which they claimed to have spent on capital projects for the three courts in their respective states. To resolve the matter, the Supreme Court in addition to its panel of seven Justices invited five Senior Advocates of Nigeria (SANs) as amici curiae (friends of the Court). On Friday, the court ruled 6-1 that the Executive Order 10 is ultra vires, unconstitutional, illegal, and therefore null, void and of no effect whatsoever. Their Lordships also resolved, 4-3 that the 1999 Constitution already expressly spells out the responsibility of the states and the Federal Government concerning the funding of the State High Courts, Sharia Court of Appeal and the Customary Court of Appeal, even if it is silent on capital projects. In sum, the Supreme Court rejected the request of the Attorney General of Abia State and 35 others with regard to the aforementioned (b) and (c) parts of their prayers.
Many commentators have so far tried to be diplomatic in their response to the ruling, but from the outcome as reported, it is not difficult to see that what the Supreme Court has done is to take a technical view of the matter and offer a strict interpretation of the Constitution, the powers of the President, the relationship between the states, and the limits of the Federal Government in the exercise of its powers as spelled out in the 1999 Constitution. Did the President of Nigeria actually act ultra vires? Justice Mohammed Dattijo, delivering the lead judgment declared that “This country is still a Federation and the 1999 Constitution it operates is a federal one. The Constitution provides a clear delineation of powers between the state and the Federal Government. The President has overstepped the limit of his constitutional powers by issuing the Executive Order 10. The country is run on the basis of the rule of law.” Okay. The law is what the judge says it is. The powers of the various tiers of government are defined in Sections 4, 5, and 6 of the 1999 Constitution pursuant to the doctrine of the separation of powers. Executive powers are vested in the President in Sections 5, 130, 132, 148(1), 151 such that in general, the President of Nigeria is one of the most powerful executives in the world invested literally with the status of a constitutional monarch. In Section 130 (2), he is actually described as “the \Head of State, the Chief Executive of the Federation and Commander-in-chief of the Federation.” The strong effect of the ruling by the Supreme Court in A.G. Abia and 35 ors vs. AG Federation is that there are limits to these powers, nonetheless.
By seeking to enforce and extend Section 121(3) of the 1999 Constitution, the President, in other words, encroaches on the right of state governments to receive money from the Federation Account on behalf of the state judiciary and legislature and transmit their share to them. Thus, the Federal Executive overreaches itself when it assumes it has the powers to strengthen Section 121(3) through what amounts to additional legislation. It is the duty of the legislative arm of government to make or amend laws under Section 6. EO 10 further amounts to an interpretation of the law by the Federal Government and that Executive arm of government acting as adjudicator. The powers in that regard belong to the judiciary under Section 6. So, while the EO 10 would have protected the judiciary against the rascality of state Governors riding roughshod over the judiciary and the legislature at the sub-national level, and the judiciary would have been a beneficiary of the order, their Lordships looked beyond benefit to the judiciary and took a strictly purist and technocratic view of the law. It would be wrong to assume that the judiciary has ruled against itself. If the Federal Government is allowed to overreach itself and the President permitted to usurp the functions of the legislature and the judiciary, that would be a prescription for anarchy and an endorsement of dictatorship.
The lead judgment emphasizes the rule of law, separation of powers, the limits of powers and the federal principle. I would like to see the state legislatures begin to perform their oversight functions, to call over-bearing Governors to order. The judgment has also been described as victory for the Governors. It is most ironic that these same Governors are benefiting from a principle they themselves do not respect, an emphasis on the rule of law they have no regard for. In various states, Nigerian Governors are worse than tyrants. They seek to control judges, bribe them, humiliate them and violate their independence and integrity. It will be recalled that in one state, Cross Rivers State to be specific, magistrates not too long ago – January 2021- carried placards and organized protests because their salaries had not been paid for 24 months and nothing had been done to provide them good working conditions. State Governors also intervene unnecessarily in the appointment of judges, and seek to compromise them. As for the State legislatures, state Governors preside over them remotely. They behave like messiahs with the control of everything else. State legislatures in Nigeria are in any case pathetic. The members behave like the Governors’ houseboys, especially when the Governor’s party has the majority in the House. I argue that although the 36 State Governors may have secured partial victory in the matter of EO 10 with the Federal Government, but they lack the right to claim any moral high ground.
The judex may never at any time go to court to sue the state Executive arm of government, that would be strange but the abuse of privilege by state Governors actually got so bad, that in 2015, the Judicial Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) went on strike for two weeks. In 2020, they shut down the courts for 64 days. State Governments hurriedly signed a Memorandum of Action (MoA), the National Judicial Council also made an appeal before the strike was suspended. JUSUN asked for financial autonomy for the judiciary. The body insisted on compliance with the Constitutional provision which places the budgets of state judiciary as a first line charge on the Constitution. They have a point.. I would also like to see the state legislatures begin to perform their oversight functions, to call over-bearing Governors to order.
What the Governors do to Local governments is even worse. They rely on the powers of control conferred on the state government under Section 7 to render local councils totally ineffective. Governors decide on whether elections would hold at that level of government or not, and when they frustrate due process they appoint sole administrators or caretaker committees. They hide under the State-Local Government Joint Account and the associated committees to steal money meant for local councils. They get away with blue murder because nobody challenges them.
To put the matter in perspective, the Federal Government in 2019 introduced Executive Order 10 to correct the wrong being committed by the State Governors. It also introduced through the Nigeria Financial Investigation Unit (NFIU) a set of guidelines to ensure that state Governors would no longer withdraw monies meant for local council operations from the Joint Account (Section 162 (8)). Daylight robbery of local council resources is one of the reasons the local level of government is virtually dead. The big obstacle against the attempt by the Federal Government to enforce the fiscal autonomy of the local councils was again, the law. This is relatable to the minority judgment by Justice Uwani Abba-Aji who maintained that the EO 10 was in order “because of the hanky-panky and subterfuge played by state Governors against the independence and financial autonomy of state judiciary…This is not unconstitutional.” There has been a tendency to play down this minority view.
On Sunday as anchor of ThisDay Live: The Sunday Talk Show, I had tried to bring up the matter with one of my guests, the legendary Chief Robert Clarke, SAN. Chief Clark had admonished me not to even mention the judge’s name not to talk of offering a summary of his position. But Justice Abba-Aji enjoys the support of Professor Itse Sagay, SAN, who deserves to be quoted at some length: “I just read the judgment” he said. “I was out of the country. I just want to say broadly that I agree with Justice Abba-Aji, the minority judgment. The reason is that the constitution makes it clear that the legislative and judicial branches of state government are to get specific sums of money from what goes to the state. And if the state governors are not making them to have it, all that the executive order has done is to facilitate the implementation of the Constitution. And that is what executive orders are supposed to do. So, the Federal Government was right and I agree with the minority judgment entirely.” What are we dealing with here: form vs substance, the law as it is vs. the law as it ought to be? What is the minority opinion based upon? Was Justice Abba-Aji offering an opinion rather than a strict construction of the law as it is? But whatever it is, the Supreme Court is the apex Court of the land, and the majority decision carries the day, more so as it is focused on the very substance of EO 10.
The Nigerian President is empowered to give orders, and in this regard, there can be a recourse to Section 315(2) of the 1999 Constitution, but this particular section states clearly that the President can only act “in conformity with the provisions of this Constitution”, certainly not in breach of it. The Buhari administration has adopted Executive Orders, the first administration to do so in Nigeria in a manner that looks like a copy-cat imitation of the American Donald Trump’s Presidency. Within the first five months of his assumption of office in 2017, Trump had signed 37 EOs! But even in the US, Executive orders are administrative handmaidens to facilitate the execution of policies within the Executive arm of government, commands to Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) as instruments of management or to prepare a framework for proposals to the legislature, but certainly not an attempt by the Executive to usurp legislative and judicial functions. To date, the Buhari administration has proclaimed more than 10 Executive Orders. A close scrutiny may reveal that most of them would pass the test. These would include EO 1: on the promotion of transparency and efficiency in the Business Environment; EO 2: On Submission of Annual Budgetary Estimates by all Statutory and non-Statutory Agencies, including Incorporated Companies wholly owned by the Federal Government of Nigeria; EO 3: Support for Local Content in Public Procurement by the Federal Government; EO 4: On the Voluntary Assets and Income Declaration Scheme (VAIDS); EO 5: to promote local content in public procurement with science, engineering and technology components, and to prohibit the Ministry of Interior from issuing visas to foreign nationals whose skills are available in Nigeria; EO 6: on assets connected with corruption and other related offences; EO 7: On Road Infrastructure Development and Refurbishment Investment Tax Credit Scheme; EO 8: On Voluntary Offshore Assets Regulatory Scheme, EO 9: On Companies Income Tax. The problem with EO 10 as appropriately pointed out by the Supreme Court is its breach of constitutional provisions.
It seems to me therefore that Executive Orders are not necessarily in themselves bad; they are good only to the extent that they are in conformity with the basic law, that is the Constitution. Every affirmation of the supremacy of the rule of law is a good sign, but all parties concerned, including the apex court must be seen to be consistent accordingly, and prepared to embark on judicial activism, beyond narrow technicality, for public good, when required to do so. The ruling under review thus throws up more questions than answers: how do we truly ensure the independence of the co-equal parts of government? How do we prevent cynical elements from violating the laws of the land because it is expedient to do so? There are many Nigerians who believe that the 1999 Constitution is the biggest problem of Nigeria and that the Constitution needs to be replaced with a people’s Constitution forged and agreed upon under a democratic dispensation. They also think that for as long as Nigeria is unable to find the political will and the right political leaders to promote unity and national loyalty, so long would the lawmakers and the judex continue to talk about the rule of law in vacuo. In that sense, the Supreme Court ruling under review has not solved any problem. It is instead, a strong reminder, of the inchoateness of the Nigerian essence.
The politics of zoning is likely to make or mar the 2023 Presidential election, with implications for the stability of the country. It is one of the most contentious issues in Nigeria at the moment particularly in the two major political parties: the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), which both represent most of the contending stakeholders in Nigeria. It is often argued that zoning is not expressly stated in either the 1999 Constitution or the Electoral Act, but it is a convenient measure adopted by the Peoples Democratic Party in 1999, with the return to civilian rule, in order to ensure equity, justice and a sense of ownership in the political representation process. Even though the word zoning is not used in the 1999 Constitution, it is nonetheless in line with the ideals of Federal Character as stated in Sections 14(3), 147(3) and 171(5) and the establishment of a Federal Character Commission in Section 153 (1c) and Part 1(C) of the Third Schedule.
The principle is that in a multi-plural, diverse country like Nigeria, with over 400 ethnic nationalities, it is important that every group is given a sense of belonging, and participation, to promote national unity and loyalty, and to prevent the overt domination of some sections of the country, lording it over others in appointments and the sharing of power and access. It is in this sense that zoning or the concept of rotational presidency is a derivative of the Federal Character principle. Since independence, this principle has been a source of tension and conflict among the various ethnic nationalities, regions and zones that make up Nigeria, with minority groups protesting about their marginalization by majorities, and great discontent over the distribution of power and positions by leaders who assume office and resort to the politics of hegemony, nepotism and favouritism to the advantage of their own ethnic stock. This was an issue during the military era, under Lt. General Aguiyi-Ironsi - Igbos were accused of dominating other groups. Then, there was the civil war, and the North seized power. Over the years, other Nigerians complained of marginalization, and the Northernization of power in Nigeria. The return to civilian rule in 1999 and the exit of the military were both meant in part, to address this volatile issue and ensure true, participatory democracy sitting on a tripod of equity, justice and good conscience.
It is therefore most unfortunate that as Nigeria moves closer to the 2023 general elections, there is so much disquiet about zoning and rotational Presidency. The kernel of it is the insistence by certain Northern interest groups that there is nothing wrong in a Northerner becoming President after eight years of the Buhari Presidency. These groups including the Northern Leaders of Thought, Northern Elders Forum, Coalition of Northern Groups and the Arewa Consultative Forum and their spokespersons have at one time or the other in the last few months argued that the North has as much right as any other zone in the country to run for the Presidency in 2023, and that there is no such thing as a consensus or an agreement to zone the Presidency of Nigeria to either the South or to the South East. Most Northern commentators on the subject indeed sound irritated by the idea of Igbo Presidency or the thought that Ndigbo is the only major ethnic group that has not been allowed to lead Nigeria since the return to civilian rule in 1999. There are however exceptions from the North: the Arewa Consensus Assembly for example, has called for a Southern Presidency in 2023.
The main argument of the naysayers is as articulated by former Governor of Kano State, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso who argued in a Television Interview: “If you look at it from 1999 to date, or even after 2023, we have 16 years for PDP, eight years for APC. Now in the 16 years of PDP, we had a situation where the Presidency has been in the South for 14 years and only in the North for two years during the Umaru Musa Yar’Adua of blessed memory.” Similarly, the Governor of Bauchi State, Bala Muhammed has argued as follows: “I want to let all Nigerians, especially those clamouring for the 2023 Presidency to go to the South, that it is the turn of the North to produce the next President.. We are aware of the agitations of the Southern part of the country because the leader of the country today, President Muhammadu Buhari who is from the North will finish his tenure in 2023, so power could rotate to the South. But I want to say that I am in PDP. I am not in APC that has this burden of zoning the Presidency to the South….my party was at the centre for 16 years; 14 of those years were led by people from the South, so where is the justice and the justification. Therefore, it is the turn of the North to produce the next President…”
Both Kwankwaso and Muhammad may be defending the reported plan by the PDP to throw the race for the Presidency open within its ranks, but at the heart of their argument is the suggestion that the South has spent more time in power at the centre than the North. It is a specious argument that has been taken up by some youth groups in the North and they are wrong. Nigeria did not begin in 1999. In the 61 years of the country’s independence, under both the military and civilians, the North has controlled power at the centre, for more than 41 years! So there is a case to be made for equity and justice and it is in part why many Nigerians from the Middle Belt to the South are calling for restructuring. This is also at the root of calls for self-determination and/or secession by ethnic nationalist groups in the East and the West.
For the benefit of those arguing that nobody should come to power based on sentiments, they may need to be reminded of a bit of history, which they seem to be conveniently ignoring. After the annulment of the 1993 Presidential election won by Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate, Bashorun MKO Abiola and the turmoil that enveloped the country, the military junta in setting up the Interim National Government (ING) had to choose as its head, a Yoruba man, and not just a Yoruba man, but someone from the same town as Chief Abiola, that is Chief Ernest Adegunle Shonekan. It doesn’t take much commonsense to see that there was an attempt here to assuage the feelings of the Yoruba and the Egba even if that didn’t last for too long. Again in 1999, with the tension over the 1993 debacle yet to settle, the two major political parties at the time: the PDP and the SDP, both chose Yorubas as Presidential candidates: Chief Olusegun Obasanjo (PDP) and Chief Olu Falae (SDP). The plan obviously was to appease the South West over the injustice that had been done to Chief MKO Abiola in 1993, and perhaps to show that Abiola’s party, the SDP still stood a chance of winning Nigeria’s Presidential election Again, for the benefit of those opposing the idea of a Nigerian President of Southern extraction in 2023, they should remember the dust that was thrown up by the North in 2010, after the death of President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. The 1999 Constitution is very clear on succession to power in the event of the death of a sitting President: the Vice President is immediately sworn in. But Northern groups opposed the idea of then Vice President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan assuming office in accordance with Constitutional provisions (see section 146).
Nigeria almost broke up because some Northerners argued that only a Northerner could complete President Yar’Adua’s remaining one year in office. It took the National Assembly coming with a “doctrine of necessity”, something unknown to the Constitution before reason prevailed. The people behind the planned subterfuge never forgave President Jonathan. They took their pound of flesh in 2015, when they began yet another drama about how President Jonathan had promised to do only one term in office, and it was the turn of the North to produce the next President. Even Northern members of the PDP, some of whom are now opposed to power-shift to the South, engaged in anti-party activities just to get power back to the North. As a worst case scenario for 2023, across the aisle, some other power brokers, including Emirs, are now suggesting that the same Jonathan that they opposed in 2015, should be allowed to return to office, and it is not certain that they want him back for altruistic reasons or out of love. So, should political parties and their leaders be allowed to always take decisions based on expediency?
It seems to me however that the APC seems to be handling the politics of zoning for the 2023 Presidential race much better than the PDP. With perhaps the exception of Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State, the other APC members that have publicly shown interest in the Presidential race are from the South: Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Governor of Lagos State, Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, former Governor of Abia State, Senator Rochas Okorocha (former Governor of Imo State), Governor David Umahi of Ebonyi State and by proxy – Vice President Yemi Osinbajo and Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti. So far, the APC seems to be tilting towards the South as most of its Northern members seem to be more interested in vying for the Chairmanship of the party – 12 so far in the APC Chairmanship race. APC insiders also claim that President Buhari believes that it is immoral and inequitable for a Northerner to succeed him. What is not clear is which Southerner from the South, East or South West the President is interested in, but in any case that is left for party delegates to decide. What is clear is that the APC has problems of its own, the party has been somewhat riotous as a constitutional, legitimate body in managing its own affairs, and that may be seen when and if the party is able to hold its National Convention scheduled for Feb. 26. Is there a Third Force within the APC? So it seems. Already, some members of the party are challenging the legitimacy of the Extra-ordinary Convention Planning Committee led by the Governor of Yobe State, Mai Mala Buni. Even if the Convention holds, there is still the possibility of some aggrieved members of the party going to Court to challenge the legitimacy of the Buni committee as in the Ondo State case: Jegede vs. Akeredolu. The technical point raised by Jegede’s counsel at the time, was determined narrowly by the Supreme Court 4-3. The res in the matter, can still be revisited.
The PDP is likely to find itself in the eye of the storm if it zones its choice of Presidential candidate to the North. Except the PDP is playing some kind of game or a curious strategy, those who are pushing for a Northern PDP Presidential candidate must know that it amounts to political arrogance for anyone from the North to think he or she can win the Presidential election by jettisoning zoning or without the support of the South. The Constitutional provision on the character and spread of votes for a person to be elected Nigerian President is a bit cumbersome (see Section 133). The country is also fragile from many perspectives. We need to manage people’s expectations in the best interest of national stability. Why would the Northern PDP leaders say that they have not had their chance within the party? Do those of them who engaged in anti-party activities in 2015 have the moral right to talk about the Northern interest in 2022/23? Those pushing for a Northern Presidential candidate in the PDP apparently under-estimate the resolve of the Southern Governors Forum comprising the Governors from PDP, APC, APGA and the position as well of the various ethnic socio-political organizations - Ohanaeze Ndigbo, the Southern and Middle Belt Leaders Forum, PANDEF and Afenifere. Southern leaders are unyielding in their determination that the next President of Nigeria must come from the South. Both PANDEF and Ohanaeze have warned about the possible break up of Nigeria if power at the centre remains in the North. Afenifere leader, Chief Ayo Adebanjo wants a President of South East extraction
Unlike the APC, the PDP has a long list of Presidential hopefuls from the North: former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, former Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki, Governor of Sokoto State, Hon. Aminu Tambuwal, Bauchi State Governor, Bala Muhammad, former Kano State Governor, Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso. If the PDP goes ahead with its proposed no-zoning policy, these Northern aspirants, would confront, for now, from the South – former Governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi, former Governor of Ekiti State, Ayo Fayose, Governor of Rivers State, Nyesom Wike, Governor of Akwa Ibom State, Udom Emmanuel, former Senate President Anyim Pius Anyim, former President of the Manufacturers Association of Nigeria (MAN) Mazi Sam Ohuabunwa, veteran journalist, Dele Momodu and others within the party who may also have their eyes on the ticket. The politics of zoning is bound to widen the gulf within the party with grave consequences in the 2023 elections. In 2014/2015, the PDP lost woefully and imploded, basically because of this same division, with many of the party foot-soldiers at the grassroots level, scattering like pigeons. The standard explanation that is offered by PDP leaders is that consultations are ongoing and that many of the aspirants are also still busy with consultations. Whatever it is, the uncertainty within the party serves only the purpose of giving an advantage to other political parties at all levels.
It remains to add that while the concept of Federal Character has been grossly abused in its application, the zoning principle in politics has helped to ensure a sense of balance, rotation and inclusion, but to jettison it for purposes of expediency would be counter-productive and costly. In an ideal situation, every aspect of national life should be driven by merit, but there is nothing ideal about Nigeria, and that is why we run a turn-by-turn democracy, with emphasis on how access to power amounts to access to the proverbial national cake. The logic is simple: every group wants their own share of the cake before anyone begins to talk about merit, as if any single group in the country has a monopoly of talent. This is the Nigerian dilemma.
Femi Gbajabiamila, Speaker of Nigeria’s House of Representatives was the Guest Speaker at the 52nd Convocation Ceremony of the University of Lagos, his alma mater, on Monday, January 17, 2022. The theme of the lecture was: “Building Back Better: Creating a New Framework for Tertiary Education in Nigeria in the 21st Century.” The Speaker had a lot to speak about but what has caught public attention is his declaration that the time has come to increase the academic qualification for persons seeking to lead Nigeria either as President or at other levels within the political space: in other words, the President, Governors, and members of the National Assembly. He argues at page 16, of his 22-page published presentation, that just as the National Assembly reduced the minimum age of eligibility for public office, in response to the “Not Too Young To Run Campaign”, there would be a need to also review the mandatory academic qualification for persons aspiring to high offices, in order to enhance the quality of candidates who elect to lead Nigeria. I agree with the Speaker of the House of Representatives. My only concern is that in the face of a yet to be concluded amendment of Nigeria’s Electoral Act, he as Speaker of the Blue Chamber, has not yet raised it on the floor of the Assembly or cause it to be raised, in line with parliamentary procedures. He has chosen the platform of a public speech, and even more surprising is the fact that since he raised the subject, there has been very little attempt to amplify his viewpoint which I think is very relevant to current attempts to deepen Nigeria’s electoral system. My own take is that Gbajabiamila has raised a very fundamental question about Nigeria’s leadership recruitment process. Who should lead Nigeria? Who is best qualified to do so? The Speaker said that current provisions in Section 131 of the 1999 Constitution are no longer relevant in the 21st Century, and that the limits set therein are too low.
Section 131 of the 1999 Constitution simply says that “a person shall be qualified for election to the office of President if: (a) he is a citizen of Nigerian by birth; (b) he has attained the age of forty years; (c) he is a member of a political party and is sponsored by that political party; and (d) he has been educated up to at least School Certificate level or its equivalent.” Section 142 states the same provisions with regard to the office of the Vice President. The same provisions apply to other elected positions except with regard to the age of qualification as indicated in Section 65 (2(a) for candidates seeking election into the National Assembly, Section 106 (c) for the State House of Assembly and Section 187(2) for Governors and Deputy Governors. In section 137, the Constitution outlines the grounds for disqualification. But Gbajabiamila’s concern is about Section 131(d) and the insistence on “School Certificate and its equivalent” in the 21st century. What does this mean exactly, in today’s Nigeria? The answer is provided in Section 318 (1) of the 1999 Constitution, which is the Interpretation Section. Here it is expressly stated that in fact a Primary Six School Leaving Certificate is enough for anybody to aspire to any political office in Nigeria. Even the equivalent of a Primary School Leaving Certificate would be considered good enough. Section 318 defines “school certificate and its equivalent” as (a) secondary school certificate or Grade II Teacher’s Certificate, the City and Guild’s Certificate or (c)Primary School Leaving Certificate or its equivalent and -(i) service in the public or private sector in the Federation in any capacity acceptable to the Independent National Electoral Commission for a minimum of ten years, and (ii) attendance at courses and training in such institutions as may be acceptable to the Independent Electoral Commission for periods totaling up to a minimum of one year, and (iii) the ability to read v, write and understand and communicate in the English language to the satisfaction of the Independent Electoral Commission, and (d) any other qualification acceptable by the Independent National Electoral Commission.
Thus, the Nigerian Constitution has created a liberal and accommodating situation whereby anybody at all can occupy important political positions in the country, and lead a country where the youths and others are some of the most vertically and horizontally educated persons in the world. Nigeria’s educated elite has no problems with education, the problem is that the educated ones run away from politics, when they attempt to be part of it, they are labeled and stigmatized, and so we have a country where the uneducated, the ignorant who have cash in their pockets, influential Godfathers, and the courage to hire social media noisemakers, who are even doubly ignorant, are the ones dictating the country’s pace. Within the purview of the extant law, no Nigerian political aspirant is required to show proof of having passed the School Certificate Examination or its equivalent. An F9 parallel in all subjects is considered perfect, even a concocted testimonial from a primary school or a secondary can take any Nigerian to the highest levels of government. That is even going too far. Some dubious proof of attendance at one or two seminars is enough, once the Electoral Commission says it is okay. In fact a certificate is not even required as we have seen in the case law on the subject. So why should anyone be surprised that half of the people who get elected to the National Assembly simply go there to sleep or that Governor behave like tyrants and that some State Houses of Assembly rarely meet except when money is to be shared?
Gbajabiamila thinks this is not good enough. So, why has he not raised it where it matters? Why is minimum qualification for elective office not one of the issues in the ongoing debate about the Electoral Act Amendment? Going to UNILAG to run his mouth sanctimoniously is hypocritical. Indeed, as he pointed out, and let us help him deodorize the point, Nigeria cannot continue to recruit the uneducated, the ignorant, the sleepy, rambling wing of society to lead it into the future. This of course is not new. Once upon a time in this country, a matter was taken all the way to the Supreme Court over qualifications and the apex Court ruled that the Constitution recognizes something called RSM (whatever that is) as the equivalent of a School Certificate as long as it is acceptable to the Electoral Commission. In another case, when the issues of qualification came up, the Court ruled that a candidate for an election does not even need a certificate. That is how this country has been elevating persons in ishiagu, Babariga and flowing agbada to go and make laws and design policies that they know nothing about. Gbajabiamila as Speaker of the House of Representatives must have seen the danger up close. He presides over a House of Representatives where at least one member has paraded his four wives as an illustration of his male virility and has also had the effrontery of announcing the birth of his 28th child as a major contribution to national progress. Hon. Al Hassan Ado Doguwa, House Majority Leader, is threatening to produce up to 30 children before the next general elections and he wants the Nigerian Government to classify his home as a polling unit if he achieves the feat. Gbajabiamila presided over that session. He turned it all into a joke.
And that is precisely our problem. We think leadership is a Nollywood episode. When the President’s qualification became an issue in the 2019 election, the Nigerian Army showed up in court to make the claim that the Army does not keep the certificates of its recruits. In other parts of the world, former soldiers who have made sacrifice for the country are treated with respect and exemptions may be made for them, but the risk we run which the House of Representatives Speaker may be alluding to is that in the 21st Century, Nigeria may end up electing into high offices persons who may know next to nothing about climate change, global trade, artificial intelligence and the internet of things and they will go abroad and sit with better educated persons and end up disgracing all of us. It is a problem also with the country’s value system. Wealth, no matter how ill-gotten, has become more important than everything else. With the way the aforementioned sections of the Nigerian Constitution are constructed, we may one day elect into office, touts and all kinds of characters who would not be fit enough to represent the country internationally. We elect holders of “school cert or its equivalents” and yet we still worry about the poor attention that is paid to education in Nigeria, the rank anti-intellectualism that pervades the land, and the perpetual conflict between the educated and the monied elite in our land? To be a big man in Nigeria, you only need to attend a seminar and communicate in English, and the English you speak may not even be good enough for you to get an exemption for IETLS from the UK Home Office or for TOEFL from US Education Authorities.
Our argument: as 2023 approaches, is that we cannot afford to elect into positions, persons with “school certificate or its equivalent”. That has to change. Gbajabiamila, even if he has been negligent on the subject is right. We cannot afford to send to international platforms, persons who do not know the difference between foreign exchange and interest rate, or what is called diaspora remittances. The kind of avoidable leadership recruitment crisis that this country has faced so far must come to an end. I am not asking for a collection of certificates. A graduate degree would be enough. The assumption is that a Nigerian graduate would at least have enough sense to read up on what he or she may not know, and ask the relevant questions. But it is not enough to be a graduate also. That graduate must have necessary cognate experience in either the public or private sector. I recommend a minimum of 10 years. A Nigerian university graduate who has been sitting at home doing nothing significant, should not be allowed to suddenly show up to seek high office. That is not what we are talking about. This is not about paper qualification, but a kind of training that guarantees the ability to think. Mexico once insisted on educated economists, Ph. D holders running its system. The 60th President of Mexico (1988 – 1994), Carlos Sarlina de Gortari had a Ph.D from Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. He was an economist and an apostle of free market ideas. Ernesto Zedillo was Mexican President from December 1994 to 30 November 2000. He had a Ph.D in Economics too, but the economy failed under his watch. There was also Enrique Pena Nieto (EPN), the 64th President of Mexico (2012 – 2018) who was sometime down the line accused of plagiarism in his academic thesis. It must also be noted that between 1958 and 1988, every President of Mexico was a law graduate. Their successors were similarly well educated. The eggheads of Mexico did not make much difference. In other words, strong academic qualifications may not make up for such other factors as emotional intelligence, maturity, integrity and character that may be central to the making of a political leader. That notwithstanding, it is certainly not the same when you compare the group of incompetents and strange bedfellows that occupy the policy heights of the Nigerian economy.
We need a new orientation. We need to pay attention to how we recruit leaders in Nigeria. The National Assembly must take a second look, or should have taken another look at Section 131(d) of the 1999 Constitution. Touts speak English. Yes. Thugs have access to school headmasters who can prepare testimonials and affidavits. In Nigeria - yes. The country’s Electoral Commission will accept any “equivalent”. Oh, yes. It is just too easy in Nigeria for anyone to become a major political stakeholder. The bar for legitimate political ascendancy is too low! We are already witnessing that in the traditional institutions where all sorts can wear beaded crowns. Within the larger arena, there must be due respect for minimum standards. The irony is written larger as follows: Under Nigeria’s Public Service Rules, nobody can be recruited as an Administrative Officer (AO) without a university degree or its equivalent, and yet, in the same country, the Constitution says a Primary School Certificate holder is good enough for the highest positions available in politics! Gbajabiamila failed the test when he took his opinion to the 52nd Convocation anniversary of the University of Lagos. He probably did not want to offend his colleagues in the National Assembly whose qualifications he knows cannot be vouched for, many of them don’t have the School Certificate that is the minimum. They can’t even provide the equivalent! And yet these are the same people making laws and taking decisions on behalf of the millions of well-read and capable Nigerians who stay away from Nigerians politics because they don’t want to mix and mingle with a certain Nigerian type with whom you can’t even have a simple conversation on anything. Why are we like this? Is it still possible to save Nigeria’s 2023 from the charlatans?
Is it too late? Nobody knows. The National Assembly has transmitted the re-amended Electoral Act Amendment Bill to President Muhammadu Buhari for his second consideration in accordance with Section 58 (3) of the 1999 Constitution. There are issues about mode of primaries, but there is this other big issue about a political system that recruits persons with “equivalents” in the 21st Century. The persons with “secondary school and its equivalents” are part of the problem with Nigeria.
Nigerians are very bad losers in politics, sports or both. Nothing illustrates this better than the politics of acrimony that is already emerging over the mode of primaries for the 2023 general election. But even more specifically, would be the anguish, outrage and frustration that have attended the exit of the Super Eagles from the 2021 edition of the African Cup of Nations Tournament in Cameroon. The Super Eagles finished in the preliminary group stage as the best team with all the nine points, having led Group D, where they were able to beat Egypt (1-0), Sudan (3-1) and Guinea Bissau (2-0). Four Nigerian players were included in the best XI after that round. Austin Eguavoen, Technical Director of the Super Eagles and interim coach of the team won the best coach award. The entire country was excited. Initial fears by Nigerian football pundits that the Super Eagles would fare badly if Gernot Rohr, former coach of the national team was not removed had been replaced by boundless optimism that it was fine after all that Rohr was sacked, and that without him, the country would perform exceedingly well. Eguavoen, the tested footballer who replaced Rohr, was promoted as master tactician who could in fact be promoted the substantive coach of the Super Eagles. Eguavoen was further used to justify the fact that there are good indigenous coaches who only needed to be given a chance.
It should be noted that no other factor unifies Nigerians more than football, especially when the country is competing on a continental or global stage. At such moments, Nigerians forget geography, religion and other differences that push us apart. It is only during such moments that you can have a glimpse of national pride, or patriotism among Nigerians at home and abroad from Cairo to Kaura Namoda. It was therefore not surprising to see that the Super Eagles caught the attention of the entire country with their performance during the group stage at AFCON. Men and women of means represented by the CBN Governor, Godwin Emefiele, visited the Super Eagles and promised them a Dollar Rain, denominated in Naira, for every match they won from the group stage onwards. Between CA-COVID, the private sector coalition, and Femi Otedola, the billionaire who personally promised a largesse of $250, 000, the country’s adrenaline level rose. Go for gold, boys, we all said. The Super Eagles had won the African Cup of Nations thrice in the past (1980, 1994, 2013). They were runners up thrice (1984, 1988, 2000). At other times they got to either the quarter finals or the semi-finals. Between 1982 and 1990, they were eliminated during the group stage only once.
The bubble about the possibility of Nigeria getting to the finals of the on-going AFCON, based on group stage performance burst on Sunday, January 23 when the Super Eagles of Nigeria met the Carthage Eagles of Tunisia. In the 47th minute of the match, Tunisian ace player, Youseff Msakni sent a long volley in the direction of the Nigerian goal post. It looked like something that the goalkeeper of the Arise TV football team could easily punch away, but Nigerians were shocked to see the ball in the net, going past goalkeeper Maduka Okoye. The Super Eagles struggled for the rest of the match, but the Tunisians defended their goal, and now, the Super Eagles are out of the tournament. Nigerians are in pains. They think the team could have done better, the goalkeeper in particular. One elementary lesson in football is that no team can or should be underrated, and that every match comes with its own dynamics. And no team should rely on initial success and then go to sleep. And three, the better prepared team, the most technically smart team, psychologically strong and skilful would always win. Luck is a very small element in a sport that has risen to the level of the exactitude of science. Nigerians do not want to hear this. They are inconsolable. This is why I argue that we are bad losers. What happened to sportsmanship? Many of the people bursting a vein because the Super Eagles have crashed out of the African Cup of Nations (AFCON) would not have received a penny out of the proposed Dollar Rain, anyway. Let’s look at the excuses.
Austin Eguavoen, the interim coach has since stepped down, to return immediately to his formal position as Technical Director of the Super Eagles. This means that the Super Eagles would now be managed going forward by Jose Poseiro, the Portuguese coach that the NFF engaged in December 2021, just before the AFCON. The defeat of the Super Eagles in Cameroon may be unfortunately read as a setback for indigenous coaches, unfortunately, because of Eguavoen’s stature and past records. He blames poor officiating, and the Senegalese referee, Mguette N’Diaye. Why? Alex Iwobi got a red card in the 66th minute reducing the Super Eagles to 10. Iheanacho also got a yellow card. There may have been cases of poor refereeing at AFCON, the most dramatic example being the group stage match between Tunisia and Mali which the Rwandan referee, Janny Sikazwe, ended prematurely twice as if he was in a hurry to catch up with a date. But Nigeria cannot give such excuse. Many teams have won with 10 men on the field, overcoming an 11-man team in come-back situations. Bayern beating Stuttgart 4-0, in March 2021, Chelsea 10 men beating West Ham 4-1, way back in 2006, Manchester City coming up from 3-0 down and with ten men to beat Tottenham 4-3 in the 2003-4 FA Cup, Chelsea beating Barcelona in the second leg of the 2012 Champions League semi-final, Arsenal beating Newcastle 1-0 with just 10 men in 2015, Manchester United beating Crystal Palace 2-1, with 10 men in 2016. It can be argued that there may be other considerations or that it is not always that a 10-man team can perform magic. Yes. Alex Iwobi was pivotal to the Nigerian team on Sunday. His exit from the field affected the team.
But the key issue is that the Tunisian team was better prepared and far stronger in terms of tactics. We played a Tunisian team that had 10 of its main players down with COVID. Their main coach, Mondher Kebaier was not even available. He was in his hotel room isolating, after testing positive for COVID. The Tunisians fielded their Team B. They were strong on ground, and focused. The Super Eagles throughout the first half played as if some of them had just returned from a house of pleasure, and were having trouble concentrating on the task at hand. It was clear that they underrated the Tunisians despite having been warned by the likes of Jay Jay Okocha and others that the Tunisian football team should not be under-estimated. Daniel Amokachi famously said in fact, that the Carthage Eagles have the capacity to blow hot and cold like the British weather. On Sunday, January 23, Nigerians learnt a bitter lesson about the Carthage Eagles and the British weather analogy. The Tunisia coach says they were able to beat the Super Eagles because Nigeria was predictable. Eguavoen has reminded him that Nigeria had defeated Tunisia before now with just 10 men. So, why didn’t we re-enact the feat this time around? That is the question. The Eagles were tired. They could not fly.
Twitter Nigeria and Reno Omokri, the self-confessed Buhari Hater, have not been sympathetic at all. They blame President Muhammadu Buahri, who had made a phone call to the Super Eagles, before the match, as the source of the bad luck that led to their defeat. Quoting the Book of Job at 32:8, Omokri accuses President Buhari of negative energy, and hence anything he touches, goes to dust. In Turkey, President Recep Erdogan and his sycophants would have taken this as hate speech. A Turkish journalist, Sedef Kabas is in jail for having the temerity to compose a poetic innuendo about the President’s head. Omoyele Sowore, El Zaharadeen and Agba Jalingo in Nigeria have had their own experiences in that regard also here in Nigeria. It is certainly not true that the President’s phone call led to the Super Eagles defeat, the superstitious affirmation is too far-fetched but when Nigerians mix politics with sports and everything else, there can be no limit to the manufacture of conspiracy theories. “Who gave the team, Buhari’s number?”, someone actually asked. One fellow with the twitter handle @ayemojubar turned the reactions into a choreographed farce when he picked on another public figure, Desmond Elliot: “Blame Desmond Elliot for all this.” How? Desmond Elliot is an actor and a member of the Lagos State House of Assembly. What has he got to do with the performance of the Super Eagles in the Cup of Nations?
But the man who has suffered most in the hands of football-loving Nigerians is Maduka Okoye, the 22-year-old goalkeeper of the Super Eagles. Maduka Okoye is a goalkeeper with Watford FC, UK, currently on loan to Sparta RotterDam, and on national duty for the Super Eagles in the 2021 AFCON. During the group stage matches, Okoye was the darling of Nigerians. He was highly instrumental to Nigeria’s three-match win, displaying great talent beyond initial expectations. He was hailed as one of the new faces of Nigerian football and those on whom the future depends including Alex Iwobi, William Troost-Ekong, Wilfred Ndidi, Kelechi Iheanacho, Taiwo Awoniyi, Moses Simon and others. Female fans particularly loved Maduka Okoye. They were more interested in his looks, and many of them said so on social media. The famzing was so much from cougars and all kinds of eyes-rolling, lips-pouting, Nigerian girls, I had to advise on television that the Super Eagles crew should keep ladies away from Maduka Okoye, to prevent them from spoiling him with love and affection, the same way they spoiled some other young men we know who have children from multiple continents. After Nigeria lost the match against Tunisia, the same Nigerians, men and women who praised Okoye turned against him. He was called “fine useless boy on the pitch…Okoye too sexy for the shot.” Memes suddenly emerged: “Okoye on Instagram vs. Okoye on the field” – very uncomplimentary reactions to a young man who came to help his country. On Twitter, @jibbyfordPr said “It is not Okoye’s fault. He probably thought the shot was from a photograph.” Another person: @EneMariah1 said “I think he should go for modeling. Football is not his calling sha.”
One more reaction from @chimejaypee: “He tried to pose for the shot.” Former Super Eagles striker, Julius Aghahowa also singles out Maduka Okoye for blame, accusing him of failing to save a ball that was coming directly “towards his direction.” What is the big lesson? Nigerians simply don’t want to lose at all. They will blame anybody including the weather. In life, in every sphere of it, you are only as good as your last performance. The day you fail, nobody remembers all the good things you did previously. The same people who praise you today can turn against you tomorrow, once their expectations are not met. It was never about you to start with, but their own feelings and selfishness. Can someone please explain this to Maduka Okoye to let him know that he tried his best and we must be glad that he showed up for Nigeria?
But why is everyone so uptight about Nigeria’s performance at the AFCON? You cannot sow corn and expect to reap wheat. Is that possible, within the laws of nature? Nigeria wants to win gold at AFCON 2021, but the same country was never ready to excel. In fact, the sterling performance at the group stage was a miracle. In Nigeria, we go to tournaments and expect to perform miracles – miracles that are not backed up with strong preparation and organization. We experiment and expect accidental success. That kind of approach to international competition, be it in sports, science or literature, does not yield the accidents that we expect simply because the opponents are better prepared. Rohr was Nigeria’s longest serving Technical adviser but after 64 months, he had nothing to show for it. Nonetheless, Rohr must be laughing wherever he is now. After he was sacked, he granted interviews in which he said his sack was unnecessary and he could have won the cup for Nigeria. Nobody trusted him because the best he offered and achieved was a third place position in the 2019 AFCON in Egypt. During the playoffs for the 2021 AFCON in Cameroon, Nigerians were shocked that the country only narrowly qualified. They also found it hard to believe that Nigeria had to struggle not to be disgraced by Cape Verde. They asked for Rohr’s sack. And he was booted out, and now he doesn’t even have a visa to Nigeria. He can’t even access the unpaid arrears that have now been paid into his Nigerian bank accounts. He should therefore be very careful how he laughs because he was certainly part of the problem: coaching the Nigerian national team from Europe, and failing to modernize his tactics!
There are other problems of course: the crisis of football administration in Nigeria. Those who can make a difference are not allowed to express opinions: so much division in the House of Football. Nigeria also lacks the infrastructure for developing local talent. The structures of old that produced gifted footballers from the secondary school level, Principal’s Cup have disappeared. Nigeria used to have a robust local league in the days of Stationery Stores of Lagos, BCC Lions of Gboko, Leventis United, Abiola Babes FC, Iwuanyanwu National, Enugu Rangers, Bendel Insurance, IICC Shooting Stars FC of Ibadan, NEPA FC, New Nigeria Bank FC, Calabar Rovers, Mighty Jets of Jos. Not anymore. There are many teams across the country, but their owners are not investing enough. Nigeria has the talents and a youthful population that can offer more, given the right nurturing environment. We should stop blaming phone calls, spiritual energy, Okoye’s good looks or the weather for the Super Eagles exit from the 2021 AFCON in Cameroon. The exit was foreseeable. Under different circumstances, it was avoidable.
We have had a dizzying last 10 days at home and abroad: Novak Djokovic, with his COVID time-line of humiliation, from Melbourne to Dubai, and probably back to his home land of Serbia, where a disgraceful hero’s welcome awaits him for his abominable conduct which may have far-reaching implications for his legacy and career, the Party Gate Scandal at No 10 Downing Street, where PM Boris Johnson and his team have been downing booze during COVID restrictions (May – December 2021) and pretending to be holier than thou on top of it. BoJo needs to be reminded that he is not above the law. The UK needs to remind its leader that if the Chairman of Credit Suisse can be forced to resign for failing the test of personal responsibility and accountability, and Her Majesty’s favourite son can lose his pampered kid privileges because of bad association and conduct, then journalist turned Prime Minister Boris Johnson also needs to be reminded that the laws of England do not allow him to disobey the people’s laws and his own government’s guidelines, and get away with impunity. The Labour Party is 10 points ahead in the polls, and Boris Johnson is about to lead the Conservatives to perdition. His hurriedly concocted “Operation Red Meat” and populist sops may not save him and his government. China has recorded a GDP growth of 8.1%, above the target of about 6%, but retail sales is down to 1.7 %, the property sector which accounts for 25% of GDP is in trouble, the country’s zero COVID policy has impacted on productivity and efficiency, the People’s Bank of China’s reduction of interest rates has raised questions about how far China is willing to go to make key loans cheaper for businesses even as that amounts to a loosening of President Xi Jinping’s “common prosperity policies”. Nonetheless, the President of China is beating a different tune on interest rates, and the path to economic recovery. The Chinese should keep their troubles to themselves!
Back home: There is the on-going African Cup of Nations (AFCON) in Cameroon. The Super Eagles seem to be doing well. But there have been killings in the North East of Nigeria and yet the Governor of Yobe State and Caretaker Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress party (APC), Mai Mala Buni says there is so much peace in Nigeria, that the people can now sleep with two eyes closed, because President Muhammadu Buhari has tackled the insecurity problem in the country effectively. Pure sycophantic tosh. That is what that is – in a country where the people have been blinded by killings and sundry forms of terrorism in all directions. And on top of all that, in the week that just ended, more Nigerians showed interest in the 2003 Presidential race: Asiwaju Ahmed Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Governor of Lagos State and chieftain of the All Progressives Congress (APC) increased the volume with his visit to President Muhammadu Buhari to declare his interest in the Presidency of Nigeria and seek the President’s support. Questions: Is the Tinubu dream realizable? And what next for Vice President Yemi Osinbajo just in case he is also interested? Can he stand up to his former boss and mentor? In a copy-cat move, the Governor of Ebonyi State also rushed to the Presidential Villa to announce that he is also interested in the Nigerian Presidency. He also met with the President and addressed the State House Press Corps. Can someone in charge please stop this charade of going to the President to announce Presidential interest? Nigeria does not run a branch of any political party secretariat at the Presidential Villa. I honestly hope that one of these days we would not wake up to see some elements pasting their campaign posters in front of the President’s office and other parts of the Presidential Villa! These are definitely issues of interest, but sometimes the big issues can be boring and so repetitive, “the God of small things” speaks truth to power, and that is why I have chosen today to talk about books and something else, and here goes.
In the early 90s, I was privileged to have been actively involved in the Non-Governmental (NGO) community in Nigeria, working either as a consultant or resource person on a number of diverse issues including, development funding by international aid agencies, HIV/AIDS and health reporting, public health communication, women empowerment advocacy, women’s reproductive health and decision making, youth mentoring, population management, the environment, and adolescent reproductive health and sexuality. International donor agencies were particularly interested in the latter, that is adolescent reproductive health and sexuality in the context of the spread of global poverty, population explosion, harmful cultural practices and prejudices, gender imbalance and the rapid surge in cases of HIV/AIDS, and the findings by researchers and observers alike that both the girl-child and female adolescents were among the most vulnerable categories of the world’s population. I recall in particular in those days, sessions at the Action Health Incorporated (AHI), a Lagos-based NGO established by Mrs. Nike Essiet and her husband, Dr. Uwem Essiet, with a special focus on adolescents. The Essiets conducted research and surveys, and ran advocacy and peer review clinics for adolescent girls on such topics as abstinence, reproductive health, family life, sexuality, condom negotiating skills, and the dangers of early pregnancy and marriage. The tone of the methodology was preventive: how do we prevent many young girls, burdened by all kinds of factors, from becoming victims of those same factors and how they can be empowered to negotiate and make informed choices, and live a meaningful life. One of the early gains of that period was the development of a National Sexuality Education Curriculum within the school system, and the generation of useful literature on the subject to promote awareness.
The problem as identified was that adolescent sexuality was unusually high among Nigerian adolescents. Many young girls in secondary schools were already sexually active by the age of 16, many of them with multiple sex partners. The result was a high rate of abortion, often carried out by quacks and in secrecy, because of the illegality of abortion in Nigeria and the stigma of teenage pregnancy. Many young girls had their future aborted, their potentials destroyed, and the net of poverty and social deprivation was expanded. The boys and men who put the girls in the family way were usually not affected; nor did they take responsibility. The girls were either forced to marry early or they dropped out of school. Close to 60% of abortion related cases in Nigerian hospitals involved adolescents. Many were also not protected by culture. In parts of the country, male adults married teenage girls and justified this on the grounds of religion and culture. Many of such girls were denied the opportunity of going to school, and because their bodies were not fully developed for pregnancy and motherhood, the hospitals were filled with young girls afflicted with Vesico- Vaginal Fistula. Maternal mortality and morbidity among pregnant teenage girls was high. The girls needed to be saved.
It is unfortunate however, that as I reflect on some of the early work done in the 90s, in which I was both observer and participant, the condition of the Nigerian adolescent appears worse today than it was two decades ago. The education sector is troubled, as young girls are now special targets of kidnappers, bandits, terrorists and criminals who turn them into sex slaves or brides against their wish, to their detriment. Nigeria has in place the Child Rights Act, signed into law in 2003 but many states, 12 of them have to date refused to give assent to the law. Child marriages remain rampant. Poverty has turned many young girls into prostitutes and victims in the hands of sexual predator. Rape is prevalent. Economic deprivation has destroyed family life. Parents are distracted. Teachers no longer pay enough attention to their roles in loco parentis. The gains of the past have been eroded. The present is worse than the past. Nonetheless, in a country that has one of the youngest populations in the world, a critical segment such as the youth population cannot be allowed to lose its potential to reckless sex and depravity, in an age of sexual permissiveness.
It is with these preliminary thoughts and reflections that I introduce three books that I have just read and now available for public appreciation and appraisal by Temilolu Oluwakemi Okeowo, namely Becoming An Alpha Female – A Guide Book for the Young Female, (2021, 96 pp.), Wisdom for Girls (2021, 84pp) and Letters To My daughters (2021, 82 pp.). Temilolu Okeowo is an Apostle, a Christian Evangelist of the Word, founder and Head Girl of The Girls Club of Nigeria, The Girls Apostolic Ministry of All Nations and the The Girls Club of Africa US. Inc. Since her days as an undergraduate student of Law, Ms Okeowo has been involved in advocacy for the girl child: how can she be saved in a depraved society, where a young girl is a natural victim of the combined forces of poverty, sexual predation and misogyny. Whereas the NGO work that I referred to earlier conducted research and community based counseling, Temilolu Okeowo adopts the strategy of counseling and mentoring, and her platforms are the church pulpit, newspaper writings, the social media, books and direct action. She relies heavily on the Bible, and in all three books, the moral and Biblical dimensions of her arguments are unmistakable. Okeowo does not talk science. Her mission is to prevent young girls from going to Hell and losing their souls, because of what she calls “five minutes of enjoyment.”
She leaves the reader in no doubt that she believes pre-marital sex is more than a sin, that sexual intercourse is a spiritual encounter and chastity until marriage is the best and only option for any young lady who wants to become an Alpha Female. In the book, Becoming an Alpha Female, Temilolu Okeowo articulates the main themes of her concern. In a rather feminist tone, she argues that an average woman is imbued with divine privileges and gifts that men cannot “boast of” – women are designed by God to nurture the universe and sustain it, but many women have lost their purpose in life and ruined their own potentials because of sexual intercourse with men who deposit ill-luck and evil in their destiny. In 20 Chapters, the author offers detailed counsel about what a young girl must do to achieve her full potentials in line with God’s principles. She says for example: “Girls, You are Institutions, not Barbie Dolls”, “Don’t let the World Damage You”, “Don’t End up (as) Slay Morons”, “Must You Have a Boyfriend Even at 18?”, “Pre-Marital Sex Gives the Devil an Upper Hand…”, “Don’t Let the Social Media Redirect Your Life” , “A Prayer Warrior Has the World At Her Feet”… “Stop Idolising Your Pastors”. My favourite Chapter if you may imagine is Chapter 20 on the dangers of idolizing pastors. Okeowo is forthright in declaring that some pastors are at best “evil men hiding under the cloak of man of God”, and that they are human and not flawless men who could destroy the souls of innocent young girls.
Okeowo preaches faith in God, proper alignment with God. This much is well stated in the two other books: “Wisdom for Girls” and “Letters to my Daughters”. Here, the author is the “Agony Aunt” as she provides a compilation of columns she had written in The Nation and Punch newspapers and on her Facebook page. The chapters in both books are in the form of requests for advice as well as comments, sent to the columnist/author by the public, mostly young girls, and their mothers. Accordingly, every response is directed to “my darling, precious, glorious, dignified, world-famous and heavenly-celebrated daughters”. Her tone is affirmative and optimistic. She seems convinced that every girl can be saved if only the female adolescent would avoid sex, or covenant with the Devil through pre-marital sex, and live a chaste life like Esther and Joseph in the Bible. She recommends the spiritual life, and the need to avoid a certain distraction called “boyfriend” which can only result in sexual exploitation, slavery, misery and bondage. There are practical tips about how to go through university and graduate as a virgin! In Wisdom for Girls, the author specifically tells girls to beware of men and to learn how to deal with them, and that it is possible to get pregnant as a virgin if a woman does not keep her distance from a man. Okeowo’s ideal girl is “The God Girl”, “The Virgin”. The villains of her narrative are lecherous men who take advantage of young girls with baits, randy young men who are just interested in their own lust, reckless young girls who give in to peer pressure or are simply wayward, and parents who have a duty to guide their children but are themselves neck-deep in sin, setting bad examples from generation to generation. Okeowo’s evangelical mission is to save everyone and to get those who may have been victims at one point or the other to move on, and embrace a new life, like Oprah Winfrey and Joyce Meyer.
These are altogether, books that should be read by every young girl out there who has been rendered vulnerable in a society that has lost its moral dimension. Copies of the book should be purchased and distributed widely in schools not just across Nigeria but the entire African continent. The plight of the girl-child in Nigeria as demonstrated in the pages of these three books is fairly representative of a universal dilemma, felt and experienced more, in varying degrees, in the developing world, especially, where poverty is rife, and the enforcement of fundamental human rights is culturally determined. Okeowo constructs a binary universe of vulnerable girls and bad boys/men but isn’t it society itself that should be blamed and isn’t the system of leadership and governance in need of re-consideration? The assumption that men are evil may be too much of a generalisation. I do not believe that all men and all boys are bad or that the overriding goal of every male in relation to the opposite gender is sexual intercourse. The truth is that even adolescent boys are also as vulnerable as the girls and there must be examples in that regard if we look closely enough. The argument about more responsible and intentional, value-driven parenting is unexceptionable but it truly takes a village to raise a child, and to the extent that the environment is important: certainly there must be roles for institutions- religious, civil, traditional and communal. Okeowo raises important questions about how to save the girl child. Who will save the boy-child too? And what role must governments play to protect all segments of the population? These are the other questions beyond the teachings of the Bible, beyond morality, beyond faith and individual choices.
[OPINION] Consistency in Public Intellectual Advocacy: Akin Osuntokun’s Role in Nigeria’s Ideas Industry - Reuben Abati
AdminI want to thank the organizers of this 60th Birthday Anniversary event in honour of Balogun Akin Osuntokun for inviting me to say a few words about the themes of consistency, in relation to public intellectual advocacy and to focus on a Nigerian Case Study. In doing so, I join others in congratulating the celebrant and subject on his attainment of the diamond jubilee. I cannot think of another case study as the departure point for my commentary than Akin Osuntokun himself, although an inquiry into the nature of the ideas industry in Nigeria with specific emphasis on public intellectual advocacy would be incomplete without additional illustrations of the role of others in that nexus between culture, politics and society which is the province of the operation of the public intellectual as opposed to the strict academic intellectual and writer, who is burdened by the demands of specificity and disciplinarity. I make no clear cut distinction in this regard, however, and the reason for this will be clear in a moment. Ahead of this particular occasion, I had written a tribute to Akin Osuntokun in my weekly back page column in the ThisDay newspaper (see “Akin Osuntokun at 60” by Reuben Abati, December 14, 2021) which is a reflection of my knowledge of him as a person and a portrait of his life as I know it. The present commentary can be taken as a further reading of the subject, but within the specific context of his exertions in the public domain. I seek to raise questions and navigate the subject.
The literature on the subject of public intellectualism suggests that there is no clear, single definition of who a public intellectual is, might be or become, in the same sense for example in which we talk about a carpenter or a tailor. This absence of specificity speaks to a certain diversity and plurality, with regard to context, range, and the central figures that have featured in the ideas industry in different parts of the globe. Every public intellectual is to be understood in the context of the role that he or she plays or the theatre of his or her engagement. Hence, Edward W. Said, the Palestinian-American scholar wrote that “the definition of who or what a writer and intellectual is has become more confusing and difficult to pin down.” What does it mean for example to be “public”? Does that suggest the idea of a private intellectual?” The public is an open space. What part of the public? And who is an intellectual? In many political and cultural contexts, the word “intellectual” indeed attracts a negative connotation, if not adversarial revulsion. It is not a job, except perhaps you are an academic intellectual working in a research environment, and yet it is possible to be academic and not public, and to be a public intellectual and be academic, or provide ample primary material for academic work. Thus, there are many uses of the word “intellectual” and attitudes towards it. Edward Said sees the intellectual as a “critical outsider”. Jean Paul Sartre considers him “a person of action”. Michael Waltzer, the American political theorist sees him as a “caring insider.” Akin Osuntokun fits easily into each of these definitions, an indication of the scope of his engagements in the public space.
Whereas definitions of meanings and labels may seem academic, there seems to be very little confusion with regard to the role that the public intellectual plays in society, beginning with the production of ideas, and the creation of what Amitai Etzioni calls “communities of assumptions”, that is assumptions about how society should be organized in a more utilitarian and beneficial manner. The contribution of the public intellectual is to question received assumptions, create new ones, by asking questions again and again, about public policy and cultural constructions. Public intellectuals provoke debates through books, essays, and commentaries. They do not speak to a narrow audience, not to an expert audience that understands only technocratic jargon, but to a larger community of men and women who are interested in moving society to a higher level. The public intellectual’s tool is thus therefore, disruptive thinking. He is an agent provocateur, an advocate and at the same time, an activist, holding a magnifying glass unto society. The trajectory of human society, its growth and character, owes largely to this form of intervention and disruption encapsulated in Wole Soyinka’s affirmation that “the man dies in all who keeps silent in the face of tyranny” or Nelson Mandela’s example. In more contemporary times, the face of the public intellectual has changed significantly. The democratization of the information space and the rise of the age of convergence simply means that unlike the public intellectual of past centuries, today’s public intellectual can engage through a multiplicity of platforms – books, the pulpit, lectures, speech-making, television, radio or even internet blogs. This means an expansion of influence and reach. Today’s public intellectual is an authority, but this in itself generates conflicts with established authority figures, whose attempts at weaponizing power and position are unmasked by men and women of ideas. Many public intellectuals are brands and celebrities as well.
But how do public intellectuals establish their authority, spread their ideas and influence the way we think and act? The topic for this presentation as sent to me already provides a clue: “consistency” and a clear indication that this must be in the arena of “advocacy”. But why should consistency be important? Being consistent is about commitment, courage, and a sense of being human, devoted, and ready to make necessary sacrifices. The classical definition of this would seem exemplified by the totality of Nelson Mandela’s symbolism encapsulated in his famous declaration: “For my own part, I have made my own choice. I will not leave South Africa, nor will I surrender. Only through hardship, sacrifice and militant action can freedom be won. The struggle is my life. I will continue fighting for freedom until the end of my days.” (June 26, 1961). Consistency in public intellectual advocacy confers brand, identity and authenticity. But it is not every public intellectual that lives to the end of their days. Seeking to challenge orthodoxies through struggle, direct action, ideas and insider participation comes with risks. Marcus Tullius Cicero, the Roman orator and philosopher had his tongue freed from his body. His head was severed for speaking truth to power and for having the temerity to challenge “constituted authority.”
The dilemma of public intellectualism invariably defines its scope and relevance: more liberal societies tend to be more appreciative of ideas and those who produce them. Closed societies, under the grips of conquerors, dictators, “constituted authorities”, and tyrants naturally suppress the people’s free will and those who claim to be intellectuals. In January 2016, I wrote an essay in The Guardian (Nigeria) titled “Where are the Public Intellectuals?” My theme was what I referred to as “the decline of public intellectualism”. Permit me to quote a little from that essay. I wrote:
“Something sad has happened and is happening and is happening in our society: the decline of public intellectualism. And so I ask: where are the public intellectuals? Once upon a time in this country, the public arena was dominated by a ferment of ideas, ideas that pushed boundaries, destroyed illusions, questioned orthodoxies and enable societal progress. Those were the days when intellectuals exerted great influence on public policy, and their input into the governance process could not be ignored. Ideas are strong elements of nation-building, and even where interests are at play, you know the quality of a country by the manner in which a taste for good thinking propels the leadership process. Public intellectuals are at the centre of this phenomenon: they include academics who go beyond their narrow specializations and university-based scholarship to take a keen interest in public affairs and who use their expertise and exposure to shed light on a broad range of issues. They also include journalists, writers and other professionals who question society’s direction and offer alternative ideas. The beauty of public intellectualism is that the intellectual at work is a disinterested party, he is interested in ideas not for his own benefit but for the overall good of society and he does not assume that his opinions are the best or that he alone understands the best way to run society and its organs. The product of this attitude is that discourse, a culture of debate, is encouraged and in the cross-pollination of ideas, a good current of thought is created, truth is spoken to power.”
I have had cause to take a second look at those words. When I said “once upon a time”, I was somewhat nostalgic and was probably referring to a period in Nigerian history that could be regarded as “the best of times” in the public space, but even that would be correct in only strictly relative terms and as a measurement of how as of 2016, Nigeria had gradually become a dangerous place to express an opinion or project oneself as a public intellectual. There was a uniformity of thought, a submission to authority, group thinking and the hijack of instruments of expression by a monied, political elite that was frightening. The seeds of the present tension may well be traced to those early beginnings. “The once upon a time” , in my reckoning, was to a season of ferment when the university campuses bubbled with ideas and the Nigerian Left provided thought leadership. The universities were a melting pot for ideas as the gown fulfilled its own idea (to borrow John Henry Newman’s contextual usage of that phrase) by showing interest in the town and how the fortunes of both town and gown could transform or derail society.
Across the country, many Nigerian scholars and others went beyond disciplinarity to test research ideas in the field of action. In Ahmadu Bello University, we had Bala Usman and Patrick Wilmot, in University of Lagos: Professor Ayodele Awojobi, Ebenezer Babatope.. at the University of Ibadan: Peter Ekeh, Bolaji Akinyemi, Bade Onimode, Comrade Ola Oni, Femi Osofisan, Niyi Osundare, Bode Sowande. At the University of Calabar: Eskor Toyo, Ingrid Obot-Essien, Herbert Ekwe Ekwe, Edwin and Bene Madunagu. At the University of Ife: Wole Soyinka, Biodun Jeyifo, Ropo Sekoni, Uzodinnma Nwala, Godwin Godini Darah, Segun Osoba, Kole Omotoso, at the University of Port Harcourt: Claude Ake, Chidi Amuta. University of Benin: Festus Iyayi, Tunde Fatunde…
Civil society was no less vibrant from the labour movement to the creative industry and civil society organizations: Mokwugo Okoye, Wahab Goodluck, Hassan Sunmonu, Gani Fawehinmi, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, Beko Ransome-Kuti, Arthur Nwankwo, Rear Admiral Ndubusi Kanu, Alao Aka-Bashorun, Olisa Agbakoba, Clement Nwankwo, Commodore Dan Suleiman… And in the media: Sad Sam Amuka Pemu, Gbolabo Ogunsanwo, Stanley Macebuh, Odia Ofeimun, Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, Essien Effiong, Godwin Sogolo, Dapo Olorunyomi, Nosa Igiebor, Onome Ovie-Whiskey, Dare Babarinsa, Kunle Ajibade, Dele Giwa, Ray Ekpu, Dan Agbese, Yakubu Mohammed, Olatunji Dare, Chinweizu, Niran Malaolu.. I left out the clergy: Bishop Bolanle Gbonigi, Rev. Adetunji Adebiyi, Rev Fr. Matthew Hassan Kukah, Fr. George Ehusani, Fr. John Uba Ofei, Archbishop Olubunmi Okogie, John Cardinal Onaiyekan. Before the more contemporary examples, Nigeria’s colonial and early post-colonial history was littered with examples of men and women who were either thought leaders or public intellectuals, and whose contributions made significant difference. The academic distinction between thought leadership and public intellectualism does not need to detain us, here. As we can see, society is moved forward by a combination of influencers and public-spirited figures from diverse backgrounds, playing a mixture of roles.
I raised the question in 2016, because it was the moment when the decline of public intellectualism in Nigeria was most apparent, in my view, although much earlier in 2006, Jimanze Ego-Alowes had written a book titled “How Intellectuals Underdeveloped Nigeria and Other Essays.” In 2010, Rudolf Okonkwo wrote an article titled “The Comedy of Our Public Intellectuals.” I went further:
“In addition to other reasons, it may well be that our intellectuals are tired of engaging Nigeria. Having tried over the years to engage the governance elite with ideas and to show that only good ideas should govern society and having been spurned by the politicians, Nigeria’s intellectual elite seems to have become so frustrated, it has retired largely into a state of indifference and inertia. What is the point knocking one’s head against a wall? But intellectuals in society cannot take such a stand. That will amount to an abdication of responsibility: when intellectuals do no more than make righteous noises, the harvest in the long run, is counter-productive.”
I gave some other reasons including the existence of a climate of fear and the hypocrisy of the power elite and the seeming disappearance of a culture of reason, opinion and debate. It may be necessary to define, even if preliminarily, what may be responsible for the oscillation between active advocacy and reticence, between action and fatigue in the social structure of public intellectualism in Nigeria. Our first concern is how Nigeria continues to consume its own intellectuals. Once upon a time in this country, that familiar phrase, again, university teachers were sacked and there was a so-called environmental sanitation exercise the system targeted at those lecturers who allegedly “were busy using government time and resources to teach what they were not paid to teach!” The Nigerian system never recovered from that campus cleansing by the military. Over the years, the Nigerian public space has been driven by a culture of anti-intellectualism, tightly knit into the fabric of every public process. Admittedly, there were times when the military and the civilian authorities tried to embrace and co-opt public intellectuals into the public process. There have been success stories in that regard. Professor Bolaji Akinyemi, Professor Ibrahim Gambari and Professors George Obiozor, Joy Ogwu and Bola Akinterinwa did well leading the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA), but there were also many ugly stories of public intellectuals being brought into government seemingly to demystify them. General later, President, Ibrahim Babangida made a good show of decorating his administration with high-profile public intellectuals but in the end, did he listen to them? The only other Nigerian Presidents who gave public intellectuals, substantial space in the running of government were Presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, but even then what has been the impact of the presence of intellectuals in government? The Nigerian public service system is rigged to fail.
It must be noted nonetheless that there was at a point a discussion by Nigerian public intellectuals to move from the arena of advocacy into governance in the mould of Sartre’s “man of action” or Waltzer’s “caring insider.” Many public intellectuals including journalists who find ready role models in their own profession either later took government positions or jumped into the arena of politics. Their experience has been varied. Akin Osuntokun, for example once tried to obtain a form to run as a candidate for the Senate of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. With all his education and exposure in both the public and private sectors, he was disqualified on the grounds that the screening panel doubted his primary school leaving certificate. Doubt? Or they had proof? Or they just made it up? A far less qualified person was given the ticket. The man won the election but he practically played possum throughout his tenure in the National Assembly. There was no way Osuntokun would have gone to the National Assembly of Nigeria to sleep, a forum that has now become a sleeping room for retired and tired bones.
The Osuntokun experience was the experience of many others who thought that as change agents they could make a difference from within as “caring insiders”. Perhaps the more instructive example in this axis would be the experience of Professor Pat Utomi in the last general elections. Professor Utomi is without doubt one of Nigeria’s leading public intellectuals. He has tried to be President of Nigeria on the platform of a lesser known party. He was in fact the founder of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) and he ran for President in 2011. He lost. In the lead up to the 2015 general elections, he was part of the process and group that formed the All Progressive Congress (APC), a major opposition party, a special purpose vehicle, and an amalgam of strange bedfellows who eventually won the 2015 Presidential election. In 2019, Utomi tried to be Governor of his home state, Delta State, in the South South of Nigeria. For decades, Utomi had articulated his vision of governance, politics, entrepreneurship, and policy in books, essays, public lectures, television programmes, and consultancies. His attempt to become Governor of Delta State in 2019 took him to a new level of understanding about the depravity of the Nigerian and of Nigerian politics itself. His experience, agony and frustration is well-captured in his book. “Why Not?: Citizenship, State Capture, Creeping Fascism and Criminal Hijack of Politics in Nigeria (2019). Why Not? Indeed. It is a question many Nigerian public intellectuals who seek to promote change from within the system often ask.
It may also be the case that the public intellectual class in Nigeria is a victim of its own expectations. The territory comes with a celebrity status, an acquired brand, and for some, Solomonic intimations of being special and wiser than the average man. It is not just established authority figures, many of who rise to positions of importance by sheer default, even the people themselves whose common good the public intellectual defends are suspicious of intellectuals. Nigeria lost its moral compass even before the military took over power at the centre in the 60s and the situation has worsened with the return to democratic governance. Military dictatorship has been replaced by civilian intolerance. Access to prominent office is now equated with intellectualism as Nigeria recruits into high office, persons without morals, depth, or purpose. The people themselves are not looking for morals or purpose. The electoral process has become a money-making process dominated by moneybags of dubious credentials. The people do not care. For them, leadership is a scam. Nigeria has produced a generation of citizens whose alienation from state and society does not accommodate the kind of idealistic, certainly not abstract values, that public intellectuals push. The more urgent worry is how the Nigerian public elite, a class that is expected to be above board, has also become embroiled in the politics of religion, geography and ethnicity, creating such terrible mongrels as an Igbo public intellectual or a Yoruba public intellectual.
My third argument in this regard is the effect of the internet on public intellectualism. In North America and Europe, certain public intellectuals explore the possibilities of the blogosphere and social media to advance public causes in a constructive manner. The intellectual elite that led the Nigerian struggle in the 70s and early 90s has grown into a dinosaur class that thinks that the social media is a playground for children. I have not done any empirical research to provide statistical, social science support for this, but a broad, anthropological investigation would confirm that the more informed public intellectuals are suspicious of the social media space or they do not know how it works and hence, the space has been abdicated for its inevitable seizure by 140-word influencers, and citizen photographers and reporters and in turn, this may have influenced the objection to the social media by authority figures, and their agents. The social media space in Nigeria can become far more influential the moment the Nigerian public intellectual begins to embrace technology as a tool of the revolution. Any attempt tp constrict the space for free expression and interaction would be an express violation of the 1999 Constitution.
The question may be asked: who reads? The production of ideas must or should be complemented by a learning and reading culture and ecosystem. The audience of the Nigerian public intellectual has shrunk badly in the face of a continuing neglect of the education sector. In 2021 alone, more than 500 schools were shut down in the northern parts of the country, due to cases of kidnapping, and terrorism. The number could be higher. Schools in the South report the proliferation of a culture of cultism and violence in schools. Both the states and the Federal Government promise higher investments in education, but the promise looms larger than the actual effort.
It is the worst of times, simply put, for Nigerian public intellectuals and scholars. As for the latter, majority of who teach in universities and research institutions, their salaries are not paid regularly, they are perpetually on strike and their so-called dialogue with government representatives is best regarded as a conversation between the deaf and the dumb. It is the worst of times, again because no zone, no square metre, no constituency is spared. A culture of intolerance seeks to impose a culture of fear and silence on the land. A noteworthy example in this regard would be the plight of Matthew Hassan Kukah, Bishop of the Sokoto Diocese of the Catholic Church of Nigeria and former Secretary General of the Catholic Secretariat in Lagos. Kukah would fall under the category of Said’s “critical outsider”, and also as a person of action” as defined by Sartre, and he probably has been one of the luckiest public intellectuals at a time with access to the corridors of power. But because this is “the worst of times”, he has lost that access. It is a measure of the times we live in that when Kukah spoke in the past, he got some attention as a cleric with a history of commitment and consistency. These days he gets a knock on the head literally. In February 2020, when he criticized the security situation in the country during a Homily at the Funeral Mass of a seminarian who was killed by kidnappers, Kukah was almost expelled from Sokoto. He stood his ground. He refused to be intimidated. In January 2021, he repeated the offence and he has done so again and again at every possible forum. Could this be what the organizers of today’s public conversation mean about consistency in public intellectual advocacy? Or are some public intellectuals more privileged than others?
In broad terms, this is the terrain in which Akin Osuntokun operates, and the challenges that he faces and the community of assumptions to which he belongs. Public intellectualism is not a job. It is a choice, a mission. For more than 30 years, Akin Osuntokun has been involved in virtually every sphere of engagement as an intellectual in society, helping to re-imagine society. The hallmark of his involvement is his consistency, his capacity to adapt and his unflinching embrace of the culture of ideas and creative thinking about the demands of society. My first son and I once spent two nights with him in his house in Abuja and in the course of that visit, he took me to the garden at the back of the building where he had started a small farm: snail farming - and he was excited telling me about how to farm snails. There was also a fish pond: cat fish swimming inside water rather luxuriantly. I also got some lecture about fish farming. Osuntokun also disclosed that he actually also had a bigger farm somewhere. I looked forward to a free meal of snail and catfish whenever I visited him. But that didn’t happen. About a year later, Osuntokun himself complained to me that his farming project did not work. The only thought in my head was resentment at the people who ate or stole all the fish and how I never got the chance to have a taste. Osuntokun may have not been able to build a consistent profile in farming, but he has in the course of his career and efforts done much better in the field of public intellectualism. His background, education and experience would seem to have propelled him inexorably in the direction of the public sphere. Public intellectuals are cultural and social products, determined by factors that require closer interrogation in order to understand that striking dialectics between publics and intellectuals.
In my earlier commentary, I highlighted background and genetics as a factor in Akin Osuntokun’s evolution as a key player in Nigeria’s public space. He comes from a family of intellectuals: his great grandfather was a community thought leader, a warrior in many battles in Yorubaland: Kiriji, Ekitiparapo and Jalumi wars. His father, the late Hon. Joseph Oduola Osuntokun was a product of the famous Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone; he was also a leading school principal and a prominent member of the Action Group in Western Nigeria until he and others parted ways with Chief Obafemi Awolowo, part-genesis of the crisis in the Western Region at the time. The elder Osuntokun was also a writer. A few years ago, Akin Osuntokun published his father’s autobiography, titled My View of The Coin.
Two of his uncles have also been prominent in Nigerian History: Professor Oluwakayode Osuntokun, Gold Medallist in Medicine and one of the leading scientists in the world. There is also Professor Akinjide Osuntokun, Emeritus Professor of History, author, newspaper columnist and former Nigerian Ambassador to Germany. Psychoanalysis is a useful tool in the reading of writers and public intellectuals: the meta-textual context provides a clue to the author’s visions and ideals contrary to the unsuccessful “death of the author” propounded by Roland Barthes and other structuralists and post-structuralists. The meaning in Akin Osuntokun’s writings and his consistent public intellectualism advocacy can be found within the author’s own sociological sphere. The scion of a warrior, in pursuit of an ideal vision of society, Osutokun also sees the public space as an arena for war, a struggle to be won between binary ideological and moral choices: what is wrong and what is right, what is good as opposed to what is bad. This probably explains the argumentative nature of his writings and the specificity of his choices. The other part of this war is a determination to sustain a family tradition: in politics, culture and the intellectual space.
Culture and tradition also both feature prominently in Osuntokun’s choices as a public intellectual. Osuntokun is a student of politics and social theory and in this regard two strands of influence are projected in his public work: his commitment to tradition and his exploration of the values of African traditional thought. He has over the years been involved in Yoruba traditional processes, he identifies himself affirmatively, without any ambiguity. He has served in community capacities as the Basorun of Okemesi, his home town in Ekiti State. He is currently the Balogun of the same community. He is also the co-ordinator of the Ooni caucus, a socio-cultural interventionist group for the promotion of Yoruba interests and culure, founded by the present Ooni of Ife, HRM Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, Ojaja II. But whereas Osuntokun explores culture and tradition as basis for understanding social theory, his main model is Max Weber, author of The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, which is considered one of the most important books on sociological inquiry in the 20th Century. Echoes of Weberian thought inform Osuntokun’s writings, the commitment to social action and understanding. One of his most recent writings, yet to be published, a research essay written during his one-year stint as a Fellow at the University of Oxford, is a study of the linkages between the thoughts of Max Weber and the tropes of the Ifa eschatology in Africa.
Akin Osuntokun has worked in government; he has been active in politics, and journalism. But his example raises a question: should the public intellectual be partisan? Is the purpose and relevance of the public intellectual mitigated by his membership of a political party? In the public arena, in more than 30 years, Akin Osuntokun has never hidden his political affiliations, and whereas he cultivates and projects the habits of the contemplative class, he remains unapologetic about his political, cultural and intellectual affiliations.
At 60, his work in the public space is still developing and crystallizing, but the form is established in his many interventions as a modern time intellectual. His kind of example should provoke further thoughts about the interface between state and society, the kingdom of ideas and the arena of power and the relevance of public opinion and intellectualism in a society such as ours that is in urgent need of good reason, common sense and a reconsideration of the leadership recruitment process. More so as Nigeria faces a new phase of transition, economic and political with implications for long-term stability.
Reuben Abati
Lagos, Dec. 16, 2021.
“How far? Is it true that your boss is going back to Aso Villa? I read that some of his aides, I don’t know whether you are one of them, are advising him not to come back because you don’t trust President Muhammadu Buhari who seems to be his chief promoter?”
“Do you have any concrete evidence that President Goodluck Jonathan wants to be President again? I thought in 2015, you people argued that he had done two terms and allowing him again would amount to a violation of the 1999 Constitution. I am surprised that the same people who did not want him in 2015, are the same ones now saying he is the best man for the job?”
“I didn’t say so. I asked you a question”
“I have nothing to say to you.”
“But you must know something”
“I don’t know anything”
“But you must have an opinion”
“I don’t have any opinion. What I can say to you is that in a recent interview President Muhammadu Buhari disclosed that he really has no interest in who succeeds him in 2023, and he then contradicted himself when he said that even if he has a preferred candidate, he would rather not name him, so that the person would not be eliminated before the election.”
“But we all know he and President Jonathan have been holding meetings. Your boss is a regular guest in the Villa.”
“How regular, if I may ask?”
“We see the photos in the media. They seem to be very close, these days. Don’t you think there is something to it, the same President Jonathan that the Buhari administration used to blame for everything that went wrong with Nigeria, now he and his successor are always seen together.”
“And you have a problem with that? Is it not a good thing that the predecessor and his successor are seen to be working together? Both of them are members of the Council of State. They are both statesmen. They have a bigger stake in this country than you and I put together.”
“Forget about stake, please. We are all entitled to just one vote. What we are saying is that President Buhari wants President Jonathan to succeed him to complete the remaining four years of a maximum of two terms that he can legitimately lay claim to.”
“God, you are wonderful!”
“What has God got to do with this?”
“Our God lives. Jehovah, you are the Lord, you are the most wonderful Lord..”
“Are you okay?”
“Can’t you see it? I never knew a day would come when the same people who demonized President Jonathan, the same people who called him clueless, the same persons who abused and harassed his aides would turn around to praise him, and seek his return to the Presidential Villa. So it is true what our leaders say, that the mouth that the snail uses to abuse the ancestral spirit, it is the same mouth it would use to scrub the floor at the shrine.”
“Who is discussing snails with you? I am drawing your attention to practical politics. I understand President Buhari does not want some of the names being thrown up from the South West. I hear he does not want a South West President because that would mean that the South West would have been in power for eight years of Obasanjo, 8 years of Osinbajo as Vice President and then another 8 years. Someone told me he does not want the North either. And because of IPOB and the Biafra secessionist agitation, the East is completely ruled out. If he can get a candidate from the South South, preferably President Jonathan, then that would just be 4 years of a Jonathan Presidency. The only condition I hear is that President Jonathan has to defect to the APC.”
“You should join them in Nollywood. You will make a good writer of fiction.”
“I know what I am talking about”
“You certainly don’t. What would it look like, if President Jonathan were to suddenly abandon, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the party through which he made history as the first Nigerian ever to be a Deputy Governor, Acting Governor, Governor, Vice President, Acting President and President. No other Nigerian alive today has had the privilege of such distinction. He is the main historical symbol of the PDP. He should walk away from all that?”
“The PDP has not been nice to him. The members betrayed him in 2015. They have also not treated him nicely since he left office. Even if he is interested in returning to office, the forces in the PDP will not give him the ticket. And I don’t even see President Buhari supporting a PDP candidate.”
“So, you want him to join APC, the Special Purpose, hate-driven vehicle which they used to push him out of power in 2015? You mean President Jonathan and Alhaji Lai Mohammed can possibly be in the same party? Imagine that. How? And what tells you he will get the APC Presidential ticket? You want him to go and hustle against all the entrenched interests in the APC? Asiwaju Tinubu. The Vice President and all the other worms, that will still crawl out of the woods!”
“This is Nigeria. Anything is possible. If the owners of Nigeria decide on what the future of Nigeria should be and they take a decision, that is exactly what will happen.”
“Nobody owns Nigeria. We all own this country together. I am nobody’s slave.”
“Keep deceiving yourself, Oga the owner”
“Besides, the people of the Niger Delta will not accept the insult that their man will be given four years, to satisfy the narrow interests of the Fulani hegemony. You think people like Rotimi Amaechi or Timipre Sylva will be happy, when they can do eight years if the whole idea is about the South South coming to power?”
“Dey there. If the Jonathan project works, you’d be surprised Amaechi and Sylva will be glad to be given a role to paste posters on every wall from Port Harcourt to Lake Chad.”
“But all of you that are talking about the likely return of President Jonathan, what do you want him to return to?”
“He knows Nigeria. He can fix it. He has had seven years of reflection. Even if he made any mistakes in the past, he won’t repeat the same mistakes. He is strong, energetic, and healthy. He already has a team that he can call up, back to service, and hence, hit the ground running”.
“You people and your conspiracy theories are just looking for a sacrificial lamb. When President Jonathan left office in 2015, Naira-Dollar exchange rate was N150 per dollar, today it is N413 per dollar. Everything else has gone up. Inflation rate is 15.9%. Unemployment is over 30%. If the fuel subsidy is removed, the pump price of petrol would be about N340 per litre. Herders-farmers conflict is now so bad that a cow that we used to buy at N70, 000 is now N300, 000 per cow. After turning the country upside down, you people want President Jonathan to come and take the blame. Una try well, well.”
“But do you know what he wants? Or what his wife, Mama Peace wants? Nigerians miss Dame Jonathan. They want her back too.”
“I don’t know. I have no clue. But I thought some people said what Nigeria needs right now is a Josef Stalin or Hitler or a combination of both.”
“No. We don’t need a Hitler. We need a man who is a bridge builder. A peace-maker”
“But I thought some of you argued that President Jonathan was too gentle. He has suddenly become the stone that the builder rejected which has now become the cornerstone of the building”
“Who is talking about stones? My friend, learn to talk straight. Stop twisting everything. What do you think? Should we go and consult Mummy G. O.?”
“Who is so called?”
“Mummy G. O. of the Rapture Proclaimer Evangelical Church of God (RAPEC), in Ota, Ogun State.”
“I only know of one Mummy G.O and Daddy G. O, the original G.Os and they are not in Ota.”
“Ha. There is a new Mummy G. O. in town and this one is a celebrity of the pulpit. Have you not seen her videos? She is the self-appointed Gatekeeper of the Road to Hell. The female preacher who says you will go to Hell if you play football, wear make-up, or jewelry, seductive clothes, beads, eyelashes, miniskirts, or worldly hairstyle. She has been featured on BBC, and she is all over the social media. End-time preachers are all over the place. That was how one of them came up many years ago to say that to watch television is a sin. Today, all members of the church now watch television. They wear jewelry and the owner of the church has built a big auditorium. ”
“I hear people are trooping to her church in large numbers in search of the route to Heaven. I guess in their kind of business, you have to say something dramatic to attract the congregation. Mummy G.O. of Ota has carved a niche for herself in the Church of Nigeria with her unique style of saving people from going to Hell.”
“There is never a short supply of gullible people in this country. I am sure if you ask her, she would probably tell you every Nigerian politician will end up in Hell. The question is: has she been to Hell before?”
“She actually said she spent 990 years there before she came back to the world.”
“Please can we discuss something serious? Nigerians are so distracted, so disoriented they will follow any tale bearer.”
“Well, we don’t need to consult Mummy G. O. I can tell you for free that her verdict would be that people like you, who know one or two things and who refuse to say the truth, will definitely go to Hell and rot there.”
“And I can tell you nobody is scared. Mummy G. O. of Ota provides good entertainment. Some people have even taken over her narrative to create many memes in her name. That was how I ran into one pretty young lady the other day and paid her compliments. She asked if I was aware that any married man who looks lustfully at any pretty woman would go to Hell, according to Mummy G.O!”
“I think I have an idea of the people who should go to Hell.”
“Like who and who?”
“Since you have refused to tell me what you know about the politics of the race to 2023, I don’t have to tell you what I know too.”
“Look, the politics of the 2023 Presidency in Nigeria is one of the foggiest items on the calendar. Nobody is sure of anything. One year to the 2015 general election, we had an idea who the main candidates were and all the games being played. In 2019, it was clear that the APC was not willing to relinquish power. The 2023 election is just about a year away, nobody can put a finger on anything.”
“I can”
“I am listening”
“INEC says even if the Heavens fall, the elections will hold. I can put my finger on that. I can also put my finger on the fact that Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, former Governor of Lagos State and Chieftain of the ruling APC has informed President Buhari formally that he is in the race. He made it very clear yesterday that it is his life ambition to be President of Nigeria and that he has the capacity. I can also put my finger on the fact that Aare Dele Momodu, the publisher of Ovation magazine and ThisDay newspaper back-page columnist, also wants to be President. Others who have shown interest include former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, by proxy, in his own case, Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State, Dr Doyin Okupe, Kingsley Moghalu..”
“You don’t get it. People don’t become President of Nigeria by just printing posters or through social media announcements. It is far more complex. What is the emerging consensus? Nobody knows. Will the President come from the North or the South, or the North Central? Nobody knows. What are the key issues on the table? All I hear is aspirants saying they can do the job. And now you claim some people are pushing for the return of President Jonathan. I just hope some people are not trying to play southerners against one another to achieve a hidden agenda.”
“One year is a long time in politics. You never know.”
“We should know. Nigeria cannot afford to end up with an accidental President. That would be disastrous, especially as the two major political parties do not appear to be ready. We don’t even have an electoral framework in place yet.”
“That is not a problem. The President says he would sign it as soon as the National Assembly removes the portion dealing with direct primaries.”
“But the security situation in the country is getting worse, and there are radical groups threatening to prevent any future election in any part of the country.”
“Don’t worry. Nigeria has a way of surviving. We are a country where the unexpected happens, the strangest of all things occur, and yet the people adjust and move on. The next elections would be no different.”
The lead story in This Day newspaper of December 30, 2021 brought the year to a close with a reminder of one of the many ills that bedevil Nigeria, encapsulated in a telling headline: “With Rising Theft, Nigeria Records 193 million barrels of crude oil deficit in 11 months”. This is otherwise translated into an estimated $3.5 billion of revenue lost to crude oil theft in 2021 alone, in other words, about 10% of the country’s foreign reserves. For a country that depends on petroleum products for about 85% of its total exports revenue and has been unable to define a future for itself beyond oil, oil theft is akin to a national calamity, a massive erosion, and an economic sabotage of the highest order. Even if it may not be the only factor that contributes to crude oil deficit, its impact is worth investigating. With regard to oil theft, ThisDay newspaper was not exactly reporting any new trend. Oil theft has been perennial and unceasing and indeed, it gets worse by the year.
In its latest audit report, made public in July 2021, the Nigeria Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (NEITI) indicated that in 2019, Nigeria lost 42.25 million barrels of crude oil to oil theft, valued at 2.77 billion dollars. This was actually meant to be an improvement (imagine!) because in 2018, 53.28 million barrels were stolen. And then in 2021, 193 million barrels of crude vanished from Nigeria’s resources. The value of stolen crude in Nigeria is enough to fix many of the country’s problems and reduce the obsession with borrowings. This is the reason why oil theft must be stopped. On the average, Nigeria loses about 200, 000 barrels per day. What is stolen in concrete terms is not just crude oil, but jobs, opportunities, and possibilities. Oil theft is also a veritable example of grand corruption, and this is the point that has been made consistently in NEITI’s audit reports. The opaqueness that dominates the entire oil and gas value chain in Nigeria accounts for oil theft and loss of revenue. The absence of political will to tackle the problem makes it worse. Shell, ExxonMobil, Chevron and Total divested from Nigeria in part because of oil theft.
In September 2021, the Federal Government decided to set up an Inter-Ministerial Committee on the recovery of crude oil and illegally refined petroleum products in the Niger Delta Region comprising the Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR), the Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), the National Oil Spill Detection and Response Agency (NOSDRA), all backed by the security agencies – the Nigerian Army, the Navy, the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) and others. The committee’s mandate is drawn from the provisions of the Assets Tracing, Recovery and Management Regulations 2019. Yet, by the end of the year, 193 million barrels of crude oil had disappeared and certainly that must be an under-valuation, an estimate.
It is well known that there is no proper documentation of anything in Nigeria. We don’t even know how many we are. The National Population Commission (NPC) has no accurate register of births and deaths. Should it therefore be any surprise that there is no mechanism in place for monitoring how many barrels of crude oil Nigeria produces or the exact volume of it that is sold? Three years ago, there was some fancy talk about the introduction of technology to monitor output and activities along Nigeria’s oil pipelines network to detect sabotage, human interference and protect critical infrastructure. Oil was discovered in Nigeria, in Oloibiri, Bayelsa state in 1956. In 2022, Nigeria is still talking about how to protect pipelines through the adoption of technology. Even if technology is deployed through automation, the internet of things, drone technology, and the electronic monitoring that certain commentators recommend would still be an excuse to award contracts and make more money. Whatever works in other countries, Nigeria takes the same ideas and turns them upside down.
The people who want to stop oil theft are really not interested in stopping anything, so it seems, for indeed, oil theft is an organized crime, with a network of stakeholders that cuts across many layers of interest. And that includes the same agencies saddled with the responsibility to stop it. Illegal oil bunkering: hot tapping or cold tapping, or the smuggling and diversion of petroleum products is an expensive enterprise, that involves the collusion of both state officials and their agents. It may not be incorrect to argue, in fact, that nothing has been done because those who should take the decision or their agents are themselves involved, or they have been compromised. Crude oil in the international market has a signature imprint that indicates the source, but somehow, stolen crude from Nigeria simply disappears into a sinkhole, without trace. There are also illegal refineries in the Niger Delta. Every Minister of Mines and Steel Development develops a plan for addressing the menace of illegal refineries, but nothing ever gets done. Even Governors complain about illegal refineries.
Most recently, on January 1, 2022, Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State, in his New Year address, devoted some paragraphs to the challenge of the environment in the state. He condemned the pollution of the environment by the operation of illegal refineries. He even knows their location: “illegal crude oil refining sites along Creek Road and adjoining areas of the city…” and he wants them shut down with immediate effect. He added that all local government Chairmen should work with “community leaders to locate and identify those behind illegal bunkering and crude oil refining sites in their localities and report to my office for further action…” It would be a miracle indeed if either Wike or any other Governor in the Niger Delta would be able to put a stop to illegal oil bunkering activities in the entire region. The big-time oil bunkerers are major figures in the communities and key financiers of political processes!
Oil theft is further tied to the politics of Nigeria and the ownership of mineral resources. Section 44(3) of the 1999 Constitution, item 39 Schedule II of the Exclusive Legislative List and Section 1 of the Petroleum Act, 1969 vests the ownership and control of natural resources in any part of Nigeria in the Federal Government for the benefit of the people. (Also see Attorney General of the Federation vs. AG Abia State). For decades, the people of the Niger Delta and others have argued that this is a departure from the Federal principle that Nigeria claims to embrace and that as operationalized, the Federal Government’s ascribed ownership of mineral resources amounts to gross injustice more so as the Niger Delta which produces the mainstay of the economy remains dispossessed, marginalized and underdeveloped compared to other parts of the country that contribute less, and yet seek to control what does not belong to them.
The battle over what is termed “Resource Control” has taken many dimensions over the years including the agitations that led to the Willinks Commission Inquiry on Minority Rights of 1957/58, the heroism of Isaac Adaka Boro (1966), the Ogoni people’s Struggle for Survival, the Kaiama Declaration, the politics of agitation for resource control, Niger Delta militancy and calls for a complete restructuring of Nigeria. In 2004, Niger Delta Representatives walked out of the National Political Reform Conference when a consensus could not be reached on the subject of resource control and derivation. Niger Delta activists have since taken up this matter by insisting that derivation is inadequate, development initiatives such as the Niger Delta Development Commission and OMPADEC before it, amount to mere tokenisms, and that total resource control is what the people want. This matter reared its head again recently, and apparently will never go away, given the North vs South alignment around it. Former President Olusegun Obasanjo had expressed the opinion at a public seminar that Nigeria’s crude oil does not belong to the people of the Niger Delta but to all Nigerians and to say anything to the contrary would be illegal and unconstitutional.
President Obasanjo correctly stated the position of the Nigerian Constitution, but in so doing he stirred the hornet’s nest as Niger Delta stakeholders led by Chief E.K. Clark attacked him as “an enemy of the Niger Delta”. Niger Delta activists and many other Nigerians think that the 1999 Constitution is a dubious military decree that should not be quoted as Nigeria’s grund norm. President Obasanjo’s argument must have reminded them of that other argument actively pushed by Northern intellectuals in the 80s and 90s that the oil in the Niger Delta actually came from Northern Nigeria and settled in the Delta, as part of a given process of geological sedimentation. The consensus in the Niger Delta is that this is a thief’s argument and that the real thieves of crude oil are those who exploit other people’s resources and who then turn around to insult the real owners.
It is also in this regard that local players in the Niger Delta who are involved in illegal oil bunkering do not consider their activities theft or crime. In a curious good thief vs. bad thief binary at the heart of oil politics in Nigeria, they justify their own oil theft, and openly flaunt their ill-gotten wealth because they believe that they cannot be taken to task for stealing what belongs to them, their grandfathers and generations yet unborn. They find ready allies across Nigeria and the rest of the world, because everyone else is anxious to make a quick buck. Many young persons in the Niger Delta would rather be a militant or an oil thief. Thievery, by the way, is a national pastime, a national creed, in Nigeria. Everybody is looking for something to steal: from gold in Zamfara and Ilesa to bitumen in Ondo, crude oil in the Niger Delta Basin, and the vaults of the Central Bank, if possible.
The economics, mathematics, cost and politics of oil theft point in one direction: the need for the country to put in place a strong surveillance mechanism. The country’s pipeline network is decayed, hence making the work of the oil thief easy. There was a recent blow out at AITEO’s OML 29 well-head in Santa Barbara River, Nembe, Bayelsa State. It took nearly a month for NOSDRA to be aware of it, and for any agency of government to take any action at all. It is important to have the necessary infrastructure and technology in place, and to treat oil theft strictly as economic sabotage. The penal structure for the crime should also be strengthened. Given the cost to the nation, the minimum sanction for oil theft should be life or death sentence. The politics of oil ownership or trusteeship cannot be advanced as an excuse for criminality. Until Nigeria decides to address its divisive politics, and public officials stop their hollow sloganeering about national unity, the resort to self-help, in form of oil theft or illegal bunkering, should not replace the rule of law. Crude oil refining has also been a problem. When will Nigeria’s refineries begin to function again at optimal capacity and profitably too?
It would require a whole Festschrift to capture the essence of Professor Bolaji Akinwande Akinyemi, who turns 80, today, Tuesday, January 4, 2022. Academic, author, public policy expert, distinguished Professor, man of letters, senior citizen, Professor Akinyemi is a Nigerian icon, one of the diamonds that continue to shine luminously in the Nigerian landscape and whose engagements with his country and the international community, through his writings, and policy interventions confirm his genius, humanism and excellence. In 1975, he was a 33-year old Political Science lecturer at the University of Ibadan when he was appointed as the Director-General of the Nigeria Institute of International Affairs (NIIA,) Nigeria’s foreign policy think tank. Akinyemi brought not just youthful energy to the NIIA, he imbued the Institute with his exceptional brain power and intellection and left behind a legacy, upon which his successors, added their own blocks.
His reward was his retention in that position, over a period of eight years, by a total of three administrations: Murtala Muhammad, Olusegun Obasanjo and Shehu Shagari and his subsequent appointment as Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs by General Ibrahim Babangida. Akinyemi was a creative thinker coming up, at every turn with original ideas: the Concert of Medium Powers, the Black Bomb, Nigerian exceptionalism, the power school, and although many of his ideas were rigorously debated, he was never found wanting whenever he was dragged into the arena of intellectual pugilism. I recall his exchanges with the polemicist and poet, the inimitable Odia Ofeimun. Akinyemi argued for the authenticity of African identity and ideas, and the continent as a frontier for development. It was during his time as Nigeria’s Minister of Foreign Affairs that the Technical Aid Corps, (the TAC)) was conceived and established.
He has since through all seasons remained active in the public domain, an affirmation of his top credentials as a public intellectual, and as a symbol of how intellectuals can with the power of ideas forge a necessary link between the world of ideas and the world of action, between theory and praxis. In this regard, Akinyemi is a master of the art of tact, balance and ambidextrous navigation, as he cultivates the persona of an insider who is yet an outsider, a key player within the establishment at various times, and yet an activist for public good in defence of the masses. The former DG NIIA, and former Minister, during Nigeria’s turbulent years of transition from military rule to civilian rule, joined Nigeria’s Democratic Coalition and lent his voice openly to the struggle to save Nigeria. He remains fully engaged in public affairs, both locally and internationally, refusing to slow down. His capacity for work-life balance is also impressive.
In those days, he used to show up now and then at the Niteshift Coliseum, a night-club and entertainment centre, a stone-throw away from his Opebi residence, where he mingled with the young, and enjoyed the good life. He later joined us at The Guardian, on special invitation, as a Consultant to The Guardian Editorial Board. It was a pleasure working with him. These days, Professor Akinyemi has also been a major go-to person for us at Arise News TV for commentaries on international affairs. He never disappoints. Close to 50 years in the public arena, Professor Akinyemi has remained prodigious and intellectually formidable. I am tempted to say that they don’t make them like that anymore, but Professor Akinyemi himself would be the first to correct me on that score, because indeed what his generation has done is to inspire, amidst the rot that has enveloped Nigeria, a younger generation in academia and civil society, who continue to raise hopes about Nigeria’s future.
I have no doubts that Professor Bolaji Akinyemi is fully aware that there are implications to his attainment of the age of 80. I look forward to seeing him soon in his signature bow-tie and bespoke suit, to toast to his life and times and distinction. Happy Birthday, sir. Many Happy Returns.
By the time we meet again on this page, right here, this very space, it would be a new year, and it is just so amazing that that is the way of the world. A year begins. It ends. From January to December, we go through the same cycle, inexorably. And as I look back, what I remember is a year that whizzed past just like that. But it was a bad year for many, and for Nigeria, whatever the vuvuzelas of the corridors of power may say. The year 2021 will be remembered by Nigerians also not so much for the tragedies that it brought but for the anxieties that it leaves behind about the immediate future. No year in recent times has left us with so much uncertainty, anxiety and doubt. As 2022 knocks on the gates, I, let me speak for myself, remember 2021, as the year when Nigeria failed to deal with the challenge of insecurity. Things just got worse on that front. In Northern Nigeria alone, more than 600 schools were shut down. Children were abducted from schools. The government had no clue. And as the year ends, the insecurity situation is compounded, lamentably by high inflation, unemployment rate, an army of disgruntled, dispossessed and unhappy youths, a security architecture that serves only the purpose of high-ranking state officials who go about in convoys of shame, an economy that is wobbling, silly public officials who think that they can do whatever they wish with stolen funds, and governments at all levels that cannot be too bothered. The latter are waiting for the next budget and the opportunity to award more contracts.
The Nigerian elite as always has not been able to forge a consensus about the past, the present and the future, leaving the people, these long-suffering people of Nigeria in a lurch. One Nigerian newspaper tried to review the year 2021, and searched far and wide for a person of the year and came up with the damning declaration that nobody was worth the honour of being declared Nigeria’s Person of the Year. I thought that was rather thought-provoking. In a country of over 200 million human beings, not even one person was considered good enough to be praised or vilified. Many years ago, we chose the common man, the Nigerian, as The Guardian newspaper’s Person of the Year, for his resilience, courage and commitment in the face of difficulties, but it looks like not even that common man is good enough anymore. But should anyone be surprised? These days, some newspapers are so silly they even choose those we regard ordinarily as “”money-miss-road” as Men of the Year. I remember 2021 as the year in which something went terribly wrong with us. Pipeline explosions, Market fires. Sharp rise in suicide cases. Needless loss of lives. Lies. Lies. Lies from official quarters. And by the way, 2021 was the year the Nigerian Government at the centre locked people, young people out of Twitter. In June, they banned access to Twitter- the major micro-blogging site that provides many Nigerians opportunities not just for social interaction, but also business. Government says Twitter wants to ruin Nigeria, but as the ban continues, nobody is sure anymore whether the problem is really Twitter or a disregard for the right of the average Nigerian to the freedom of expression.
And on top of that was COVID. In fairness to the Nigerian Government, the Presidential Steering Committee, the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC), the National Primary Health Care Development Agency (NPHCDA) as well as agencies in some of the sub-national units focused heavily on vaccinating Nigerians against the virus and on generating awareness. The clumsiness that we witnessed in 2020 with regard to Nigeria’s management of COVID-19 improved a bit, such that by the end of 2021, both the NPHCDA and the NCDC can begin to award grades to states of the Federation. But on the whole, the news is very bad. In the face of OMICRON, Nigeria is having an OMICRONOUS end of the year. The guys at the NCDC tell us that recently there has been a 500% spike in COVID cases in the country. Nigeria is effectively in a Fourth Wave. But do the people care? No. They don’t. In Europe and elsewhere, restaurants, bars and events centres are empty. Travel and tourism bookings have been cancelled. Business chieftains in England are asking the Chancellor, Rishi Sunak to do more for the hospitality industry beyond the one million pounds that he has promised. In many parts of the world, Christmas was cancelled, and where it was kept alive as in England, there are fears about what may well happen in January. In Nigeria, we seem to be somewhat insincere. Before Christmas, the Federal Government had advised churches not to exceed 50% capacity at Cross-Over Services on December 31. The people were told to stay at home, avoid crowded gatherings and observe all necessary guidelines and protocols. Wash your hands. Wear a mask. Nobody listened. Over the weekend that just ended, Nigerians were out there, celebrating the Yuletide. Every event centre was filled to capacity. It was difficult to find seats at restaurants. To worsen matters, even the Federal Government declared free train rides! What kind of government tells people to avoid crowded places and yet gives them free tickets to go about like smallpox?
I think Nigerians are tired. Their government is tired. COVID-19 has stretched us to the very limits. But unfortunately, we have not done enough. Morocco holds the best record in Africa in terms of vaccination. Out of a population of about 38 million, it has vaccinated over 23 million. Nigeria wants to vaccinate up to 55% of its eligible population by the first quarter of 2022 but there is no concrete evidence to show that the country has the capacity to do so. Already we have missed the 40% target set for the end of 2021, with only about 2% of the population fully vaccinated so far. Our risk communication strategies are also weak and ineffective. The average Nigerian believes that COVID-19 is a “white man’s disease and burden” and that government officials are using it to steal public funds. When you try to argue with them, they would tell you pointedly that they know health officials, and fine-girl contractors, concubines of men in high places, who have built houses from COVID contracts. Enough said on that…Let us remember the dead. In 2021, many died, persons of influence whose lives enriched others: Cicely Tyson, Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Prince Tony Momoh, Pastor Temitope Joshua, Yinka Odumakin, Sadiq Daba, Sound Sultan, Rachel Oniga, Prince Phillip, Robert Dole, Colin Powell, DMX… May their souls rest in peace….
But I guess it would be fair to say that the year 2021 was not entirely gloomy. There were amazing individual stories. Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala emerged as Director-General of the World Trade Organization (WTO), a great achievement for Nigeria. Chimamanda Adichie, Burna Boy, Davido, Wizkid, Tems… continue to demonstrate the beauty of individual talent and the richness of Nigerian genius in the creative industry. Burna Boy won the Grammy award in the Best Global Music Album category…We can in fact, conveniently put together a list of 50 Happy Stories of 2021: in the United States, Kamala Harris made history early in the year as the first female, first black and first Asian-American Vice President in US history. The United Nations declared 2021, the “Year of International Peace and Trust”. I am not too sure about that, though. Where is peace in the world? In Afghanistan? Or Northern Nigeria? Where is trust? Emma Raducanu, 19, won the US Open, the first British woman to win a Grand Slams singles title since Virginia Wade in 1977. Max Verstappen of Red Bull, won the Formula One World Title 2021. Lewis Hamilton, seven-time world champion, the Mercedes superstar, was so unhappy, he unfollowed everybody on Instagram. He got Knighted though. Lionel Messi, 34, took the Ballon D’Or, a seventh record time! As the year draws to a close, Pfizer and Merck have come up with two antiviral, oral pills, Paxlovid and Molnupiravir respectively, that have raised hopes afresh about the treatment of COVID-19 and indications that science may well be ahead of the pandemic in the long run.
But Nigeria’s problems are bigger than the pandemic. The big problem we face as Nigerians is the uncertain note on which the year ends. The big question is: what will the year 2022 bring? I don’t know many Nigerians who can answer that question. We are ending a year, but we are going into the next one as a major guess work - a year of ifs. What if the COVID-19 pandemic gets worse and Nigeria is not prepared? What if inflation goes up, beyond current levels? What if the Buhari government decides to remove fuel subsidy and life just goes round the bend? I was asking someone the other day and I was told the cost of a cow is now about N270, 000! Cow. Common Maalu, that we used to buy for N80, 000, and we say we still have an economy? A bag of rice is now beyond reach. Tomatoes. Onions. Pepper. It is no wonder that people are easily irritated these days. The year ahead is also the year of politics. Both at the Federal and sub-national levels, our political leaders are most likely to be distracted. We don’t have an agreed electoral framework yet, and so the new year would begin with all of that unresolved matter of the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill 2021. And who will be Nigeria’s next President? There is definitely no emerging consensus in that direction. Nigeria’s future, as the year 2021 ends, is clearly uncertain. The year 2022 remains at this moment, a great unknown.
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Many years ago, I sat in the office of a big man who shall remain nameless- and he expressed serious concerns about what would happen after his demise. He had not yet put a succession plan in place. He did not like the fact that his daughters seemed to be doing better than his sons, and how the daughters, smart as they were had ended up in the hands of husbands he thought were completely unserious and the threat that unserious sons-in-law can pose to a rich man’s estate. He was worried about the future. Big men; big problems, I thought. What happens after a man is dead and gone?
I remembered him last week as I read the story of the matter between Chief Sonny Odogwu’s survivors and Access Bank over a matter of a N26.22 billion loan which by the effect of a judgement debt secured by Access Bank against two of the late Chief Odogwu’s companies – Robert Dyson and Dicket Limited and SIO Property Limited, and the beneficiaries of his estate, had now been placed at over N50 billion. Access Bank, plaintiff in the case, claimed that it granted various credit facilities to the late Chief Odogwu’s companies for the construction of Luxury Hotels and Apartments. The Court found in favour of the plaintiff and granted an order that the collaterals, that is security, for the said loans/facilities should be sold. There were other specific orders. The defendants took the matter to the Court of Appeal. Access Bank wants to enforce the judgment of Court. On December 20, ThisDay newspaper reported: “Access Bank Moves to Claim Late Sonny Odogwu’s Properties Over N50bn debt.”
It was the N50 billion that caught my attention. I have always been suspicious of Nigeria’s big men. Many years ago, when the Assets Management Company of Nigeria (AMCON) published a list of Nigeria’s most notorious debtors, I was shocked to find that most of the people on the list are those persons Nigerians call big men and women: the same ones that reporters struggle to praise to high heavens, media houses celebrate them and innocent people like me refer to as innovators, entrepreneurs, philanthropists, Nigeria’s diamonds... we write glowing profiles about the icons, the movers and shakers, the shapers, the titans of industry…but what that list exposed was that there were actually very few authentic rich people around. I asked: how can you be so heavily indebted and claim to be a big man? How do you sleep at night? That AMCON list settled the matter for me. Nobody should be called a rich man except you know how much he is owing the banks! Too many people in Nigeria going about in flowing gowns, disturbing traffic and snatching people’s girlfriends, with borrowed money! I was educated however by some people around me: that it is okay to be a chronic debtor and be a big man. Something like: Nobody uses their own money to do business. To do business, you borrow money. Interest rates can go up. Investments can fail. It is not every businessman that takes a loan, and deliberately wastes it.
Chief Sonny Odogwu was a man of great enterprise, and talent who helped to create strong legacies in the insurance business in Nigeria, industrial relations, real estate and hospitality. He was also the publisher of the defunct Post newspaper. He was also a strong community leader. He created jobs, touched many lives and carried himself with untainted dignity till the end. What the Access Bank case shows is that he left unfinished business behind. And it doesn’t seem to be the kind of unfinished business that honours his legacy or memory. The Ide Ahaba Sonny Dike Odogwu, CFR, was a glorious son of Asaba, and one of the best ambassadors from that community. The beneficiaries of his estate owe him a duty to preserve his memory and honour. If there is money being owed, just obey the courts, and let the living learn to build their own legacies. There are strong lessons to be learnt from the Sonny Odogwu business case study about banking, relationships, and succession. Above all, Access Bank owes a duty to protect depositors’ money!
It is now confirmed: President Muhammadu Buhari has withheld assent to the Electoral Act Amendment Bill, 2021 as forwarded to him by the National Assembly on November 19, 2021. Yesterday, there were speculations as to whether or not the President had complied with the provisions of Section 58 (4) of the 1999 Constitution and whether or not the 30-day time frame in the Constitution had lapsed or not. That has now become academic. The President has rejected the Electoral Act as amended and proposed. We are back, all of a sudden to 2018 - the moment before the 2019 general elections - when the President withheld assent to the then proposed 2019 Electoral Act Amendment Bill on the grounds that the country faced the constraints of time, to enable relevant institutions to put the reforms then being proposed in place. Nonetheless, the original arguments about electoral reform and all the issues involved became even more urgent after the 2019 general elections, which in many ways merely further accentuated the change and progress that Nigerians wanted.
Expectedly, the 9th National Assembly led by Dr. Ahmad Lawan was put under heavy pressure to return to the subject. Lawan promised that the National Assembly under his Chairmanship would treat it as a priority. The Amendment Bill that was transmitted to the President, Muhammadu Buhari a month ago, did not cover all the concerns expressed by the stakeholder-communities – such as independent candidacy, diaspora voting, and reforms with regard to the treatment of electoral offences, but it was a major advance. It said a lot that was useful, to be fair, about the mode of conducting party primaries by the political parties, nomination of candidates, campaign finance, the leveraging of technology in elections, the balloting process. Yesterday, the President put public anxiety as to what he would do to rest, by returning the Bill to the National Assembly without his assent. His major grouse is his objection to the idea of direct primaries as proposed. The President says direct primaries will be a prescription for chaos in the political parties, and an undemocratic abbreviation of the rights of political parties to conduct their own affairs. Other reasons, as reported, include the “high cost of conducting direct primaries, the security challenge of monitoring the election, violation of citizens’ rights and marginalization of small political parties.” Why did it take the President 30 days and a 30-day, eleventh hour, nerve-wracking suspense to arrive at this off-the-shelf response?
Or does anyone think the President has handled the matter in a much cleverer manner this time around? In 2018, he was directly accused of frustrating the passage of the law because he did not want any reform that would jeopardize his personal chances of getting a second term in office. In 2023, he would not be running for office and whereas the same President promises Nigerians credible elections and a legacy of fairness, he has tactically shifted whatever blame may emerge in the future to other stakeholders. But not quite, and not so, I guess. It is on record that the most divisive matter after the passage of the Electoral Act Amendment Bill by the two Chambers of the National Assembly, was the issue of electronic voting and the mode of party primaries, under Clauses 52 and 87, respectively, of the proposed Bill. The House of Representatives and the Senate had differed originally on the structure and control of electronic transmission of results, but after much pressure from the public, the Senate reversed itself. There was no unanimity on the question of direct primaries,, in and out of the National Assembly.
But why should anyone think that the President is just being clever by half this time around? In 2018, the President refused to give his assent three different times, in such an untidy manner that even the village idiot could figure out that something was fishy and selfish. This year, the President upon receiving the proposed Electoral Act Amendment Bill put in place an internal ruling party mechanism, led by the Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo to deliberate on the Bill. The party was divided down the middle between the party’s representatives in the National Assembly who want a direct primaries system which they consider more democratic, and the majority of the APC Governors who prefer an indirect party system, also known as the delegates system. The lawmakers thought the Governors were being selfish because the indirect system allows them to dictate, and dominate the process, and thus strengthen money bags and Godfathers within the party. The lawmakers in turn were accused of giving voice to their own insecurities and trying to use the Bill to promote their ambitions. I doubt if anyone has any record of the position of the APC as a party qua party, that is, not necessarily as the majority party in parliament, on the Bill. This was another layer of the uncertainty in what is emerging as the Electoral Bill game. The thing to note is that the APC is one political party out of many.
Subsequently, President Muhammadu Buhari forwarded the Bill to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice for advice. INEC is Nigeria’s electoral body. Whatever mode of party primaries that may be adopted, it would be its duty to provide the oversight framework. The Attorney General of the Federation is the country’s Chief Legal Officer. He advises the President on matters of the rule of law and administration of justice. What is not clear is that it took both offices a rather unusual length of time to get back to the President. The INEC had originally said that direct primaries would be somewhat expensive, as a greater staff and financial outlay would be required. But when it finally spoke, INEC offered a classical, “your-obedient-servant response. It would do whatever the powers at the top want. Sycophants at work! The Attorney General of the Federation was less evasive in his response. He advised the President to reject the Bill, citing the recommendation of direct primaries as a problem. The mode and method of the President’s handling of the Bill forwarded to him, would not be clever after all, and the backlash would fall heavily on his head and office, if it turns out that the needless delay was engineered by the Presidency, or that this is the beginning of the same back and forth that we witnessed in 2018. We should note this: Many Nigerians may think that the electoral reform that they demand has not happened or that the Electoral Act Amendment Bill does not fully address their concerns, but there is a feeling out there among the people, that this Bill as is, may well be a good beginning, and so the President was urged to sign it. Our President clearly objects to that. So, what is next?
It is expected that before it proceeds on its annual end-of-the-year vacation, the National Assembly will this morning, formally present to its members, the President’s decision to veto the Electoral Act Amendment Bill of 2021. So, what is the likely response we should expect? The key option available to the National Assembly as defined, is a matter of law in Section 59 (4) of the Constitution which states that “Where the President, within thirty days after the presentation of the bill to him, fails to signify his assent or where he withholds assent, then the bill shall again be presented to the National Assembly sitting at a joint meeting, and if passed by two-thirds-majority of members of both Houses at such joint meeting, the bill shall become law and the assent of the President shall not be required.” In other words, the National Assembly can override the President’s veto. Section 59 (4) of the Constitution is in pari materia with Section 58 (5) of the same Constitution.
But will the National Assembly, dominated by the President’s ruling party, the APC, override his veto? I really don’t see that happening. After an initial declaration by Dr. Lawan that the 9th National Assembly would do whatever the President of Nigeria wants, he has had occasion to back-track a little bit by affirming the independence of the legislative arm of government and the potency of its mandate under Section 4 of the 1999 Constitution, but the persona of this 9th Assembly is that it is at best a rubber stamp of the Executive arm of Government - to be specific, a lackey of the Buhari government! It probably now faces its biggest test so far, with the President’s rejection of the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill. If it simply accepts what the President wants, critics of the administration would have solid reasons to accuse the Presidency of tyranny and the legislature of sheer obsequiousness. A coalition of 70 civil society organizations under the umbrella of the Nigerian Civil Society Situation Room thinks that the rejection of the Bill will not “do the country any good.” It will also project the government of the day as being insincere.
We should also be interested in the questions that the President’s decision throws up. One: so, what now happens to other aspects of the Bill, the more progressive recommendations contained therein, such as electronic transmission of results? Two, is the President now kow-towing to the Governors in his party who want to maintain the status quo so they can buy delegates and determine who gets what? Three, is there a connection between this and some people’s 2023 electoral ambition? Are there hidden beneficiaries one way or the other, and the entire country is a victim of some people’s selfish inside baseball? Four, is it indeed true that the proposed direct primaries undermines the Constitution and rights of the political parties?
One other question: why didn’t the President assent to the Bill and thereafter initiate a process for its further amendment? Focusing on one item out of many, and using same to undermine expectations is not a very clever move after all. In 2023, President Buhari owes Nigerians a major parting legacy: a demonstration that he is truly a statesman whose loyalty is beyond religion, geography or emotions. Will he rise to that high pedestal? And will he even be allowed to do so, if he so wishes, by the hyper-ventilating “spiritual forces” of Aso Rock? President Buhari’s rejection of the Electoral Act (Amendment) Bill 2021, may end up as the lowest point of his public career as Nigeria’s President, if care is not taken.
It was a rather depressing moment, last week, reading the story of a young man, who sat on the rails of the Third Mainland Bridge in Lagos and jumped straight into the Lagoon - a case of suicide. He has been identified as Lekan Odunare, 25, married to a 19-year old lady, and father of a one year old daughter. His body was found a week after the actual incident. I was very uncomfortable reading the story. It was too graphic. The image of a young man sitting at his own chosen departure lounge, locked between that chasm: here and the hereafter, opting for finality, was a different kind of euthanasia, given the public nature of it. One fellow had the effrontery to video-record the mortal crisis, and one other voice could be heard pleading with the man, on the road to death, as he mumbled “asta- gafiru llahi.” It means: “I seek forgiveness from God”. And he jumped. And that was it. The mother of his daughter has reportedly said he had been depressed and he had told his family members to take care of his daughter. But why would anyone kill himself or herself? Why would anyone knowing that a course of action is wrong still embark upon it? Why do ordinarily good people commit evil or do wrong - what Phillip Zimbardo calls The Lucifer Effect in a book of the same title.
Nigeria is in the grips of a local pandemic and it is mass psychosis. The experts tell us that since 2015 there has been a sharp rise in cases of suicide, violence, and conflicts in Nigeria. Increasingly, people just decide that they are tired and they seek to end it all. Some Nigerians seek greener pastures elsewhere in the universe but for every person that succeeds, there are probably hundreds that failed. People are losing hope. They can’t cope. They live in a country that holds up few promises. Their leaders play games with their future. The country cannot even provide for the sick. Mental health crisis is a health condition like any other treatable illness. More than 100 years since the first mental health asylum was established in Calabar, Nigeria has no sensible policy on mental health. Stigmas, prejudices persist. We do not have enough mental health personnel or facilities either. Every time a suicide is reported, we all pay brief attention and move on. In a country of over 200 million people, when anything tragic occurs to you, you are reduced to a mere statistic. Nobody may notice that you are dead and gone, except family members. We must put an end to this trend.
March 2017: Dr. Allwell Orji. March 2017: Titilayo Momoh, a textile dealer, 65 years old. November 2018: Sheriff Oladejo, a staff of the Federal Road Corporation of Nigeria (FRCN) May 2019: Ayinla Rilwan. February 2, 2020: Awolusi Olusegun, 65 years old. Jan. 21, 2020: Ikechukwu Ibeh. Feb 2020: Tayo Dabo, 21-year old graduate of Quantity Survey; December 2021: Lekan Odunare. Names. You probably do not know them. These are the names of persons who either committed suicide or tried to do so at the Third Mainland Bridge in Lagos. Momoh, Rilwan and Awolusi, Ibeh were rescued before they took the plunge but the others jumped into the Lagoon and died. All of them with one exception, who chose the Lekki-Ikoyi link Bridge, preferred the Third Mainland Bridge as their suicide spot. Like the Golden Gate Bridge in San Fransisco, United States, the Jacques Cartier Bridge in Quebec, Canada, and the Prince Edward Viaduct in Toronto, the Lagos Third Mainland Bridge is gradually becoming a suicide bridge. There will be more than enough time to worry about why people are taking their own lives, and why more Nigerians are doing so under the Buhari administration, but Nigeria can begin to show that it cares about the people by setting up a suicide deterrent system on that bridge. The rails are too low. They should be raised. Suicide barriers should be provided. There should be 24-hour security surveillance. The Bridge is 11.8 kilometres long. Commissioned in 1990, it is the major link road between the Mainland of Lagos and the Island. It has become a symbol of the aborted hopes of many, a Golgotha in the heart of the city of Lagos. Tragic.
My good friend, Akin Osuntokun is 60. He was actually 60 on November 24, but it is this week that friends and family are rolling out the drums to celebrate one of the finest persons that I know. On November 24, we had gathered at his residence, at the invitation of Ronke, his wife, and the Osuntokun family but that was just a family event. This week, Akintola Osuntokun gets the public celebration that he truly deserves. Sometimes I forget how and when he and I met and I must have given varying accounts over the years. But the main recollection imprinted in my brain is that I got to know him when I was a graduate student at the University of Ibadan. I was Secretary-General of Obafemi Awolowo Hall. Ronke Ajibade, now Mrs. Osuntokun, was a graduate student. She lived in Awo Hall. Akin used to come around to “disturb” her. As Secretary-General of the Hall, I was something of a village gossip. I knew a lot more about every little affair.
I had completed my Ph.D. thesis, but my teachers would not let me go. They wanted me to teach and give back to the Department, having completed my studies with the University’s Scholarship. I eventually got drawn into students’ politics. I already knew Akin Osuntokun by reputation before I met him. He was one of those young men in those days who wrote prolifically on the pages of Nigerian newspapers. In the 80s and early 90s, young men of our generation were more interested in ideas. We were brought up by good teachers. In ABU, Ife, UNILAG, UNN, and the University of Ibadan, we had a set of academics who promoted nothing else but ideas and who became role models for younger persons. The big debate then was about Marxism and Capitalism, and some of the leading polemicists included Wole Soyinka, Biodun Jeyifo, Ropo Sekoni, Yemi Ogunbiyi, Dipo Fashina, Edwin and Bene Madunagu, Eskor Toyo, Tunde Fatunde, Chidi Amuta, Bala Usman, Bade Onimode, Femi Osofisan, Bode Sowande, Segun Osoba, Festus Iyayi. Many of us wanted to be like them. We wore jeans and batik. We mouthed revolutionary slogans. We looked down on anybody that looked like a coxcomb as a potential idiot.
We could quote major texts in epistemology and 20th Century ideas. The newspapers provided a watering hole for our teachers and the students who learnt at their feet. Akin and I belonged to this generation of students learning to be like the masters. We too wrote essays and whenever we met, we engaged each other. We were not very popular with all the girls. Very few girls wanted to date anyone sounding like a textbook or parroting the thoughts of poor people as gospel truth. But Akin won Ronke’s attention. When I eventually left university teaching and relocated to Lagos, it turned out that Ronke’s family, the Ajibades lived within the Oke Ira axis and I was also not far away. I used to follow Akin on his many trips to the neighbourhood. I don’t know how they do it these days, but in our time, you couldn’t just go to a man’s house to visit his daughter. You would ask a friend to accompany you, make it look like you were just a harmless, innocent, classmate just passing by. I hear these days, some suitors are invited by prospective mothers-in-law, served food and they share drinks with the would-be father-in-law and given a VIP reception. Many of such boys come in and out until the family loses count. No responsible family would allow that kind of behaviour from suitors or male friends of their daughters in our time. The Ajibades and the Osuntokuns are both from Oke-Imesi, in the present Ekit State, so that also meant a long history and the need to respect spaces. I was happy to tag along to occasionally support my friend.
I ended up proposing the toast at their wedding many years later at the University of Lagos where the event was held. I remember that wedding because it fell on a day I was to write an examination paper at the Faculty of Law, Lagos State University (LASU). I missed the exam. Now this week, many years later, I have chosen to miss another commitment, to deliver the special public lecture in honour of Akin Osuntokun holding at the Nigerian Institute of International Affairs (NIIIA) as he celebrates his 60th birthday.
But there is nothing that is ever too much to do for Akin Osuntokun. He would do more if the shoes were on the other side. He is generous, kind-hearted and dependable. He is one of those friends you have, you just simply can’t do without. He is ever so considerate, extremely adept at managing relationships and networks. I don’t know how he does it. You would think the cell phone was invented for him. He likes to organize, mobilize and pursue results. And he thinks and writes. For more than 30 years, he has written extensively on issues of national interest. I met him through his many writings, and we later had the opportunity of working together on the Editorial Board of The Guardian Newspapers. Before The Guardian, he had written for Vanguard and other newspapers and had chalked up a reputation as a very analytical mind with a capacity to deliver thoughtful, well-researched essays on key national issues. Mr. Alex Ibru, our publisher took an instant liking to him. Nigeria was going through a tumultuous moment: the dust over the annulment of the June 12, 1993 election had not yet settled, there was crisis in the Niger Delta, the military establishment was dangerously overstretching its luck, locally and internationally, with its abuse of human rights and processes. In addition to his work as an editorial writer and columnist, Akin Osuntokun was given the additional responsibility of doing a regular summary and analysis of key political issues for Mr. Alex Ibru: publisher of The Guardian, the man who gave people like me and many others the opportunity to grow. Mr. Ibru had one talent: he could spot talent from a thousand miles away. And he would pick you up and groom you and challenge you to excel. Akin has always had a passion for politics. He believes that it is politics and the art of leadership that can save society. His best moments are when he discusses politics or you allow him to organize or midwife a political process.
It didn’t take long for me to realize that there is a genetic side to this. Osuntokun used to talk about a certain progenitor, his grandfather or great grandfather who led his family from Ajase Ipo in the present Kwara State, to Okemesi where the family settled. The said Osuntokun pater familia fought in the Ekiti Parapo, Jalumi and Kiriji wars and was one of the chief lieutenants of Isola Fabunmi of Oke Imesi. Professor A. I. Akinjogbin has given an excellent and authoritative account of War in Yorubaland in the 19th Century, in a book of the same title but Akin Osuntokun’s progenitor’s role in that phase of Yoruba history is something that gives him feelings of pride and authenticity. He sees himself as a reincarnation, a man with a biological mandate to pursue public causes in the people’s interest. His father was also a major influence. By the time Akin Osuntokun was born in 1961, intra-ethnic wars in Yorubaland had ended, at least for a while- Ife-Modakeke was still many years in the distance, but his father, Oduola Osuntokun and his siblings had given the family name a contemporary edge. Oduola Osuntokun was one of the first stars in the then Western Region to graduate from the famous Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone. He was also a superstar educationist, an outstanding school Principal. He ended up in politics and became a Minister in the Western Region under the Obafemi Awolowo Government. He was a Chieftain of the Action Group.
But when the fight between the Premier of the Western Region, Obafemi Awolowo and his Deputy, Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola (SLA) occurred, the late Oduola Osuntokun pitched his tent with the latter. This has since turned out to be a big event in the history of the Osuntokun family. It was in the midst of that politics that Akin was born. His father named him after SLA. Akin is in full: Akintola Osuntokun. His father named his son after Akintola just in case anyone was in doubt about where he stood. Akin Osuntokun has had cause to publish a book on Oduola Osuntokun’s side of the politics of the era titled Oduola Osuntokun: My View of the Coin, written by the man himself. But it would not be appropriate for us to take sides. The other weight on Akintola Osuntokun’s shoulder is that he comes from a family of major figures in Nigerian history. One of his father’s brothers is on record as being one of the most brilliant Nigerian scientists ever produced. Professor Benjamin Oluwakayode Osuntokun, MD, Ph.D, DSc. (1935 -1995) was one of the best and the brightest of his time. He was a researcher on tropical neurology, atxic neuropathy to be specific, the man who was known for Osuntokun’s sign, and a Gold Medallist in Medicine.
But he was not the only man of prodigious talent in the family. Akin Osuntokun used to tell me that his father used to challenge his brothers to do more and excel. Another uncle has been no less distinguished. The historian: Professor Akinjide Osuntokun, Emeritus Professor, former University Vice-Chancellor, former Ambassador of Nigeria to Germany, author of many seminal books including Nigeria in the First World War, Chief S. Ladoke Akintola: his Life and Times, Power Broker: A Biography of Sir Kashim Ibrahim, History of the Peoples of Lagos State and others. Akin Osuntokun practically follows in the footsteps of his fathers, and of all the members of the younger generation of Osuntokuns that I know, he has been the most dedicated in that regard, combining every strand of every family heritage into an impressive persona: the warrior, the intellectual, the political man of action.
He used to look very lithe. He has managed over the years to maintain a good frame. I attribute that to his obsession with physical exercise. He likes to jog in the morning; for many years he maintained a strict schedule. But no one should be fooled by his appearance. Osuntokun sees himself as a warrior. He was once Basorun of OkeMesi. He is now the Balogun of Okemesi, the war commander of Oke Mesi, the title once held by the legendary and inimitable Fabunmi. On his birthday, on November 24, Osuntokun danced, most of the time to the Balogun beat: the traditional, drum sequence that calls out the Balogun of Okemesi, to remind him that it was time to go to war. As the beats rolled out of the spherical-shaped drums in responsorial, antiphonal rhythm, supplied by a team that looked like they came all the way from the village to serenade their Balogun, Osuntokun the son stepped out. His uncle, Professor Akinjide Osuntokun also stepped forward. I laughed. No level of education can displace genetics, or stop these people my Egba progenitors refer to as Ara Oke from being who they are. A family of warriors. But the nature of the war has since changed.
Akin Osuntokun, the celebrant, fights his wars today, in the public arena, using his pen and mouth to express ideas and to pursue political causes. He introduced me to politics. I used to think politics was a special calling for people looking for a quick way to be relevant. But sometime in the 90s, Osuntokun came up with the idea that we, the young people of Nigeria, must not leave leadership and politics to the older generation who had failed everyone. He set up what became known as the Progressive Action Movement (PAM), a platform for young people who wanted to take over Nigeria and make a difference. Akin used to argue that nobody would ever come to your house to invite you to join politics. You must show interest. I did. We met regularly and we formed a strong network that attracted support and attention. Opeyemi Agbaje, Toyin and Debola Fagbayi (we held many meetings in their house in Apapa, and they provided good refreshments), Segun Awolowo, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi (as he then was), Dotun Oni, Ado Sanusi, Femi Fani-Kayode. Osuntokun used to live then in Wemabod Estate, off Adeniyi Jones in Ikeja. We met in his compound. Ado Sanusi lived next door, and sometimes we held events in Ado’s house. Their wives were always ever so accommodating. We grew into a big family of young Nigerians who wanted to change the country.
Some of us ended up in government. Quite a number became big men and women in politics. Akin Osuntokun has been active since then in the public arena and has acquired significant experience as a party man, strategist, political mobilizer, and more importantly as a public intellectual. He has served as Chairman of Oodua Printing Corporation, and Managing Director of the News Agency of Nigeria (NAN). He was a Political Adviser to President Olusegun Obasanjo. A loyal party man and a die-hard PDP politician, Osuntokun was the Director of the PDP 2007 Presidential Campaign, the campaign that brought President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua to power. He has remained one of the most consistent voices of reason in the public arena. He is a member of the Editorial Board of ThisDay newspaper and a regular columnist with the same newspaper.
I am very proud of him and what he has been able to achieve since those early days when we all had no ideas about tomorrow. Osuntokun can argue though. When he is upset, you don’t want to be around him. The other day, at a meeting of the Ooni Caucus, which he coordinates, even the Ooni had to struggle to get him to calm down. But he is an all-round jolly good fellow. And he has learnt, over the years, not to give Ronke any undue stress. I will not speak further on that, please… Okunrin Meta!
Remarkably, he is a good citizen. The vastness of his contribution to politics and leadership is guided by a commitment to a narrative of optimism and possibilities. He is a stout promoter of the firm belief that the pen is indeed mightier than the sword. He is above all a gentleman and one of the finest ambassadors of Okemesi and the Yoruba race. Where are these Okemesi drummers? Beat the drums and let the Balogun dance… A man whom you can’t eulogize without speaking about a part of your own life is not a friend but a brother… Enjoy your birthday, Balogun. Congratulations.