Former Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to President Bola Tinubu, Ajuri Ngelale, said on Wednesday God has been faithful to him.

Ngelale made the remark while celebrating his 38th birthday.

He posted the remark on his Facebook page while updating his profile photo, showing him and a former United States Secretary of State and Special Envoy on Climate Change, John Jerry, at a previous function.

He wrote, “God Almighty has been faithful in my 38 years. Happy Holidays.”

On September 7, Ngelale stepped down from his position as Tinubu’s spokesman.

Ngelale also stepped down as the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate Action and Chairman of the Presidential Steering Committee on Project Evergreen.

A statement by the presidency said Ngelale submitted a memo to Tinubu’s Chief of Staff, Femi Gbajabiamila, informing him of his plan to proceed on indefinite leave.

The former presidential spokesman explained that he stepped down to deal with medical matters affecting his nuclear family.

[DailyPost]

Singer Timi Dakolo has shared the heartwarming story of how he met his wife, Busola and how she got embarrassed by his car.

In a recent interview with ‘Pulse’, Dakolo revealed that their love story began in church, where he first approached Busola to ask her to be his date for a ball. 

Though their friendship grew, Busola initially wanted to keep their relationship strictly platonic. Determined, Dakolo admitted to “suffering” to win her over.

One of his memorable efforts included driving her to and from work in his branded Picanto, a car he won from ‘Nigerian Idols’ in 2007, which she found embarrassing at the time. 

Despite the challenges, Dakolo said his persistence paid off, and they tied the knot in 2012. Their story has since become a source of inspiration for fans. 

Dakolo said: “I met my wife in the church. I went to her and asked her to be my date for a ball. She gave me her number but wasn’t picking up the phone when I called. I kept going to the area hoping to see her again. Then I saw her one day and I asked her why was she not picking up my calls and she said her phone got stolen.

“I sympathised with her and we became friends. I started developing feelings for her and she wanted to friend-zone me but I refused. I suffered to win her love. I was taking her to work to and fro. At one time, she used to be embarrassed whenever I picked her up with the branded Picanto I won from Nigerian Idols. I said, ‘Okay, don’t worry. I will shock you. Don’t look down on me.’ And I did”.

They have since welcomed three beautiful children together, and their love continues to flourish.

Nigerians who feel slighted by UK Conservative Party leader Kemi Badenoch’s disparaging comments about their country are free to respond to her in whatever manner suits them. When someone like Badenoch makes denigrating comments about Nigeria, it is its people who suffer the indignity of such talk. A country might be an abstract entity, but it is also occupied by real-life people who deserve some courtesy. So, yes, I do understand the Nigerians taking her comments badly. What I vehemently disagree with is Vice President Kashim Shettima joining them. He is just as opportunistic and should have no mouth to talk.

Since he seems to have forgotten his priors, let me remind him—again—that just 10 years ago, he and some northern governors pulled a similar stunt against President Goodluck Jonathan in Washington, DC, USA. Media reports tell us that then Nigerian Ambassador, Prof. Ade Adefuye, restrained them as they backstabbed the country before Western observers. Now, the same Shettima is wailing because someone else is doing it. If denigrating Nigeria for gain worked well enough to make him the vice president, who is he to tell anyone else not to use the same tactic? What has Badenoch said that is substantially different from what All Peoples Congress had said about Nigeria when they were in the “opposition”?

Whether “Yoruba” or “Nigerian”, Badenoch can identify as she pleases. Even though it does not make sense to me that one can be one without the other, burning emotional fuel over someone else’s choices is not worth it. Who knows the sacrifices they have had to make to be who they are? What I do know for sure is that however Badenoch chooses to identify, she has something in common with Nigerians who speak indecorously of Nigeria when they are seeking the benevolence of white power. Some of those excoriating Badenoch (like Shettima) have either done so themselves or will do so if the prize is right.

Some years ago, I was a judge on a committee that awarded a prize for fiction to young writers, and I ended up traumatised by the entries from Nigerians. From the violence of Boko Haram to child marriage, sexual assaults, and other horrors, Nigeria came across as an entirely joyless place in its writings. None of the aspiring writers envisioned a world where dysfunctionality was not the Nigerian norm. In my report, I had to urge the prize organisers to reconsider the themes they put out so that entrants would be forced to think differently. Still, they are no different from the Nigerians seeking asylum in North America/Europe, who claim they are escaping from whatever horror is trending. At a time, it was genital mutilation. Nowadays, they are either fleeing homosexual persecution or Boko Haram/maniacal herdsmen. Whatever story touches the hearts of white Western powers, they will trade their country for it.

In January, humanist Leo Igwe wrote an article lamenting how Nigerians predate on stories of persecuted humanists like Mubarak Bala to seek asylum abroad. Recently too, a Nigerian couple in the UK escaped deportation by claiming to the court that they needed to stay because the wife would be unable to access IVF facilities in Nigeria. Saying a country lacks IVF clinics in 2024 is tantamount to claiming it is behind in time, but yes, people will say anything that gets them ahead. Perhaps some of such people also genuinely think Badenoch is “throwing Nigeria under the bus”.

By virtue of my job, I have been solicited to testify in court on behalf of some Nigerians seeking asylum in the USA. When you hear the stories about Nigeria these applicants have told the oyinbo lawyers fighting on their behalf, you will be embarrassed. While I will not lie under oath on behalf of anyone, I also do not go around puncturing their claims. While their stories might not be factually true, they might also not be substantially false. Who knows what battles they fought to get where they are?

Whatever one thinks of Badenoch’s politics, we should also accept that it is part of the tactics that brought her so far. For instance, in the interview where she related her experience with the Nigerian police, the question was about the British police. She dragged in the Nigerian police to make them a foil of their British counterparts. She tactically deflected issues since an uncomplimentary comment about the police could be ideological suicide for a right-wing politician like her. To praise the British police, she had to justify it by bringing the inept Nigerian police. It could not have been that hard for her to find a story to tell. Anyone who trawled the internet during EndSARS will be spoilt for choice of which distressing police encounter to narrate. We can console ourselves by pulling up statistics of violence in the UK to relativise issues, but in our quiet moments, can we also acknowledge to ourselves that no situation has arisen in the UK that their nationals are selling their worldly goods to escape to Nigeria?

Whatever we might think of Badenoch’s rhetorical manoeuvres, we cannot deny it works. It has brought her far; why should she change now? Politicians generally say what their constituents want to hear and until that kind of talk stops exciting her audience, no amount of glowering by Shettima will change anything. No reasonable person alters a method that works.

Shettima and his fellow travellers need to think beyond an individual. Between June 2022 and 2023, about 141,000 Nigerians migrated to the UK alone. Within that same period, another 22,000 Nigerians also settled in Canada. Most of them are young. Add other countries, and you will see a large pool of who will breed children of hyphenated nationalities you will be hearing about in the next 30 years. The probability that one of them might become the leader of a first-world nation rises as the number of migrants increases. Is Nigeria going to wait until one of them attains a political height before sending Abike Dabiri-Erewa to stick their “Nigerianness” on them? They had better start cultivating relationships with them while still young.

Years ago, I learned from a friend (who is French) that France has schools for its citizens in the USA where they learn French culture, history, and politics. They are taught in French, so they speak it fluently. It got me thinking about how forward-looking Western governments can be. They know that some of those kids will one day rise to strategic places in the USA, and they are already looking out for France’s interest by inculcating “Frenchness” in them. The USA, Israel, and other powerful countries all do the same. When Shettima compared Badenoch to former British PM of Indian heritage Rishi Sunak, what he did not factor in is the relationship India must have built with him before he got that far.

Someone of Badenoch’s profile badmouthing Nigeria should be a wake-up call for leaders to move conversations beyond whether Nigerians should japa or not. They should have realised by now that it cannot be taken for granted that children of Nigerian heritage will be sentimental towards their parents’ country. As more children are being born abroad, you should start an outreach to get them on your side as they grow. You cannot guarantee that every single one will be your ambassador, but when that day comes someone says something disparaging, you will have a solid structure that will overwhelm that individual defector. Even better, you will not need to disgrace yourself in the international media by asking that person to change their name. Imagine someone with a “non-Nigerian” name like “Kashim Shettima” asking a Yoruba woman to change her name because he disagrees with her politics. Yeye!

Former Super Eagles coach José Peseiro has shared his perspectives on what Samuel Chukwueze needs to thrive in Italy.

Chukwueze has struggled to hit the ground running since his move from Villarreal to AC Milan in 2023.

The winger has found himself left on the bench a lot of times in recent games, which has limited his minutes at the club.

His performance has sparked rumours of a potential move in January to the Premier League or Saudi Arabia. 

Peseiro, the former coach of Nigeria who worked with Chukwueze while he was with the Super Eagles, is still optimistic about the player’s potential for development.

Speaking to Sportitalia via Milan News, “Two excellent players. I trained one (Cbukwueze) in the Nigerian national team, and the other (Rafael Leao) I would have loved to have at Sporting.

“Extraordinary players, with great quality and potential to grow even further. And I believe that Paulo Fonseca will help them become even better.”

Chukwueze has six goals and four assists in 56 games since he joined Milan, which is a poor return for an attacking player of his quality.

[Punch]

When my attention was drawn to Governor Monday Okpebholo’s “Now, it is confusing me” video, I thought his political enemies were at work aided by Artificial Intelligence. The one-minute, 17-second video captured him stuttering while presenting the 2025 Appropriation Bill to the Edo State House of Assembly.

Struggling to pronounce the numerical value of the Bill which he christened “Budget of Renewed Hope for a Rising Edo,” the governor said: “The Edo State 2025 budget… appropriation bill of six billion, sixty and fifty, six hundred five billion, seventy six thousand, seventy six million, seventy six.”

Realising his gaffe, he did an encore. “Let me take it again. Five hundred six billion, six hundred and five billion sorry, seven hundred, seventy six billion, sorry. It is confusing me,” he admitted.

At this moment, murmurings erupted in the hallowed chamber, forcing the Speaker, Blessing Agbebaku, to intervene: “Order in the House, please. Mr. Speaker must be heard in silence, please.”

Many Nigerians were nonplussed at the spectacle but expectedly, the puppeteers quickly jumped to his defence, the most inane excuse being that English is a foreign language and lack of proficiency does not detract from leadership capabilities.

That may well be true but the fact remains that Okpebholo himself elected, out of his own volition, to address the lawmakers in English, a language he knows he is not proficient in. Granted, English is Nigeria’s official language, but no law says a governor must address his people in English. After all, the Lagos State House of Assembly once toyed with the idea of conducting proceedings in Yoruba and in fact, the Ooni of Ife, Adeyeye Enitan Ogunwusi, visited the Assembly on January 12, 2017 to observe the plenary conducted in Yoruba language.

But Edo State is home to several ethnic nationalities, including Bini, Okpe, Esan, Afenmai, Akoko, Igbanke, Emai, Owan, Ijaw, with at least 17 languages – Edo, Ebira, Esan, Etsako, Ikpeshi , Ghotu, Okpamheri, Ijaw – spoken in different local governments across the state. So, what explanation will Okpebholo give to those that will definitely be excluded if he decides to communicate to Edo people in his native Esan language?

In any case, how come someone who claims to have a degree in business administration and a Masters in policy and leadership studies from the University of Abuja cannot speak passable English?

But is anyone surprised? Haven’t we seen the WAEC result trending in the social media purported to be Okpebholo’s. If, indeed, it is not his, why has he not put a lie to the claim? That is what leaders do. When Donald Trump lied that then President Barack Obama was not born in the U.S., all that Obama did to put a permanent end to Trump’s lie was to make public his authentic birth certificate.

But the award for the most apocryphal and dubious excuse must go to Mr. Jarret Tenebe, Edo State chairman of the All Progressives Congress, APC, who rationalised Okpebholo’s inexcusable gaffe claiming that he was unfamiliar with figures.

Citing former South African President Jacob Zuma as one of the many global leaders who had made such mistakes in the past, Tenebe said: “I don’t know figures. You see, that is how to know original and innocent people. Obaseki will not make such mistake because he has stolen billions before. Asue Ighodalo will not make such mistake because he has stolen billions before.”

Really?

As if that was not harebrained enough, the APC chieftain further said: “Monday Okpebholo is not a thief, so he is not familiar with figures. So, anybody who wants to talk can continue to talk. It is nonsense. He is the governor of the state. He is performing, and he will continue to perform and anybody who does not like his face should go to hell and burn to ashes. Period!

Therein lies the problem that has made Nigeria a laughing stock. Being arrogant and boastful in idiocy. So, only thieves are familiar with figures? And anyone who does not like the bumbling governor should go to hell and burn to ashes. This is an egregious insult to Edo people which should elicit commensurate outrage. So, why has everybody moved on, perhaps leaving the matter for God to judge?

Could it be true that a member of the National Assembly, an institution responsible for the appropriation of funds for the running of government, is not familiar with figures? If that was the case, what then was he doing in the Senate?

But the more fundamental issue is that a governor should be hands-on, particularly on issues ofbudget, which is, simply put, a financial plan, an estimate of income and expenditure of the government in a given fiscal year. Before presenting the budget to the State Assembly, a governor should be conversant with the figures. He does not need to be a financial wizard. But he should be able to tell the people how much the government intends to spend and where the money will come from. And he can only do that if he was part of the budget preparation process.

Chances are that Okpebholo was just handed the document he presented on the day of presentation by the puppeteers who are remote-controlling him and he didn’t know the details. Neither Obaseki nor Ighodalo will make the grievous mistake Okpebholo made not because they are used to stealing billions but because they are men not only given to details but attuned to the intricate nuances of governance.

Governance is a serious matter which should not be left in the hands of those “not familiar with figures,” which explains why Plato, the ancient Greek philosopher believed that philosopher kings are the ideal rulers because they have the knowledge and skills to govern. If a governor is not familiar with figures, what else should he be familiar with?

In the wake of the Okpebholo gaffe, I have also heard some people say it serves Edo people right, often quoting the third U.S. President Thomas Jefferson’s famous quip that “the government you elect is the government you deserve.”

That will be very unfair to the good people of Edo State. Of course, as I write, Asue Ighodalo, the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, in the Saturday, September 21, 2024 Edo State governorship election is in court challenging the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, result which returned Okpebholo winner. It is left for the courts to decide who won the election. Suffice it to say that almost 100 per cent of the election monitors and observers, both local and international, agree that the result declared by INEC flies in the face of the choice made by the Edo electorate.

But it couldn’t have been otherwise, because aside the tragedy of Okpbholo’s observable lack of capacity, the bigger tragedy would have been that in an election where Asue Ighodalo, a lawyer, former chairman of Sterling Bank, former director at the Nigerian Sovereign Investment Authority, NSIA, and ex-chairman of the Nigerian Economic Summit Group, NESG, and Olumide Akpata, also a lawyer and the first non-Senior Advocate of Nigeria in 28 years to be elected president of the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, were candidates, the highly discerning Edo electorate would prefer a Monday Okpebholo as their governor. That is implausible and it didn’t happen. INEC simply defrauded the people and the Edo electorate did not get the government they voted for and, therefore, undeserving of the prevailing charade.

No one is deceived. But the good thing is that as long as Okpebholo remains governor of Edo State, Tenebe and his co-travellers will have a lot of explanations to make because governance will continue to confuse and confound those not familiar with figures. The joke will always be on the enablers of electoral malfeasance.

The growing concern in some quarters over the inability of Nigeria’s Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, to conduct free, fair and credible elections again gained gravitas last week in the wake of Ghana’s successful presidential elections.

Without prejudice to the introduction of technology (card reader and co) by the Professor Attahiru Jega-led INEC which conducted the general elections of 2011 and 2015, and the outcomes of those elections, Nigerians have largely expressed disappointment at the elections conducted in 2019 and 2023, as evidenced by the barrage of pre- post-election litigations.

Apart from the 2015 presidential election which saw incumbent President, Goodluck Jonathan, conceding defeat, almost all presidential election results in Nigeria have suffered the embarrassing discounts of distrust and lack of integrity.

Last week in Ghana, even before the completion of final collation of results of its presidential election, incumbent Vice President and candidate of the ruling New Patriotic Party, NPP, Mahamudu Bawumia, called his opposition candidate, John Mahama, to concede defeat.

Madam Jean Mensa is the chairperson of Ghana’s Electoral Commission and she announced the results later.
Based on wide-range consultations and interviews, seven major issues have been codified as reasons BVAS may not work in Nigeria as it does in Ghana.

The critical difference between elections held in Ghana and Nigeria using BVAS

Integrity of electoral managers

Ghana: The integrity of electoral officials in Ghana is a cornerstone of the country’s success with the Bimordal Voter Accreditation System, BVAS.

Transparent practices, accountability, and a genuine commitment to credible elections have ensured the smooth implementation of the system. The leadership prioritizes the credibility of elections over personal or political interests.

Nigeria: In Nigeria, the human factor has been a significant hindrance. Electoral managers have often been accused of bias, corruption, and complicity in sabotaging the BVAS process. These failings erode public trust and compromise the efficiency of the system.

Appointment of non-partisan officials

Ghana: Electoral officers in Ghana are appointed based on merit and neutrality, ensuring that those overseeing the electoral process are not influenced by political affiliations. This reduces the likelihood of human interference in technological operations like BVAS.

Nigeria: In contrast, Nigeria frequently appoints individuals with political affiliations or connections to influential politicians. Some are card-carrying members of political parties or relatives of political officeholders. This blatant partisanship creates an environment where BVAS can be intentionally misused or sabotaged.

Retention of proven characters

Ghana: Ghana values continuity and institutional memory, retaining proven leaders who have been conducting credible elections and whose know-how are applied to future ones, fostering trust in electoral management.

A typical case in Ghana was Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, who was the first substantive chairman of the commission from 1993 and was retained up to 2015 because of his track record of honesty and integrity which has eventually transformed the Ghanaian electoral landscape.

At the 25th anniversary of the Institute for Economic Affairs, IEA, in Ghana, in 2014, Professor Jega said: “We in Nigeria have a lot that we owe to Dr. Afari Gyan. No doubt he was the longest-serving electoral commissioner on the continent of Africa and…He’s done a lot to restore stability in the electoral system in your country (Ghana).

“We (Nigerians) have learned a lot listening to him, understanding the challenges he faced, how he addressed them and how we could do better than he had done because it was very important for us to be able to do that.”

Nigeria: In Nigeria, electoral officials, with a reputation for integrity, are often removed or sidelined. Between 1993 and 2015, for instance, several chairpersons of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, who resisted undue influence were replaced. Such as Humprey Nwosu, to other known Resident Electoral Commissioners, RECs, who were known names for integrity but were immediately sidelined because of their impeccable character.

This disrupts institutional growth and undermines public confidence in the system. There is the issue of tenure which can be dealt with. But institutional memory fostered by retention of officers with impeccable record is alien to the Nigerian system.

Accountability and penalties for compromising the system

Ghana: Electoral malpractice is met with severe consequences in Ghana. The fear of repercussions serves as a deterrent, ensuring that electoral officials prioritize fairness and transparency in their operations.

Special courts are sometimes set up to handle electoral offenses expeditiously, ensuring justice is not delayed.

Nigeria: Here, accountability is weak. Known compromises by election officials are rarely punished. Instead, individuals implicated in malpractices are sometimes protected or promoted, further emboldening unethical behaviour.

For example, relatives of political elites are frequently made Resident Electoral Commissioners, RECs, or national commissioners, undermining the neutrality required for credible elections.

Technical preparation and implementation
Ghana: Human competence plays a significant role in Ghana’s success with BVAS. Electoral staff are well-trained and equipped to handle the system, ensuring that technical preparation translates to smooth implementation on election day.

Nigeria: In Nigeria, the human factor is evident in the insufficient training of electoral staff. Many operators are unable to manage or troubleshoot BVAS effectively, especially in regions with higher illiteracy rates.

Additionally, allegations of deliberate sabotage during critical moments, such as server failures during the presidential election 2023, suggest human interference. The denial by INEC officials rang hollow because of the trust deficit that already exists.

Political will and stakeholder commitment

Ghana: Ghana’s electoral success reflects strong political will and commitment from stakeholders to do the right thing. Leaders and managers work in tandem to ensure that BVAS serves its intended purpose.

Nigeria: In Nigeria, the lack of political will is evident. Political actors often manipulate electoral officials to achieve favourable outcomes. For instance, server shutdowns during Nigeria’s elections have been linked to human interference, where BVAS feedback was allegedly spoofed or tampered with.

Contextual factors and human influence on training and capacity building:

Ghana: In Ghana, electoral staff undergo rigorous training, enabling them to address technical challenges. The commitment to learning and applying skills ensures that human errors are minimized.

Nigeria: In Nigeria, insufficient training and a lack of commitment to capacity building are common. Furthermore, regional disparities exacerbate this problem, with some areas receiving inadequate attention due to political biases.

Failure to abide by constitutional provisions

Chapter, 6, Part 1, Section 154 of the 1999 Constitution as amended talks about the appointment of chairman and members of commissions.

Sub-section (3) states that “in exercising his (presidential) powers to appoint a person as chairman or member of the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, National Judicial Council, the Federal Judicial Service Commission, the president shall consult the Council of State.”

During the tenure of President Jonathan, his appointment of Professor Jega and members of the Commission was done in consultation with the National Council of State, NCS, as recommended by the Constitution, and, therefore, not surprising that the 2015 presidential election which brought in Muhammadu Buhari was conducted by a crop of election management officers who had integrity.

Already, a number of RECs have been appointed by the current administration. During the investigation for this report, Vanguard did not come across any record of a meeting of the NCS where the consultation for the appointment of RECs was made.

Worse, the National Assembly, NASS, has cleared all the REC-nominees and they are already serving, despite proven evidence of clear, up-and-down partisanship of some appointees.

The success of BVAS in Ghana and its ‘challenges’ in Nigeria demonstrate that the human factor as evidenced by appointment of incompetent and partisan operatives, is the ultimate determinant of technological success in elections.

In Ghana, the integrity, neutrality, and competence of electoral managers that were appointed have ensured that BVAS operates as intended. Conversely, in Nigeria, human interference, ranging from partisan appointments to intentional sabotage, has undermined the system’s effectiveness

Lessons and recommendations:

For BVAS to function effectively, the following human-centred lessons and recommendations are critical:

Integrity in leadership:

Nigeria’s electoral body must be led by individuals of unquestionable integrity. Without honest leadership, technological advancements like BVAS will fail to inspire public confidence.

Non-partisan appointments:

The selection of electoral officials must prioritize neutrality and competence over political affiliations. This will reduce the risk of deliberate sabotage or misuse of technology.

Accountability mechanisms:

Strict penalties for electoral malpractice are essential to deter unethical behavior. Individuals who compromise the system must be made to face tangible consequences.

Comprehensive training:

Electoral staff should receive thorough training to manage BVAS effectively, and this training must be evenly distributed across all regions.

Strong political will:

Stakeholders must demonstrate genuine commitment to the success of BVAS by fostering transparency and addressing human-induced challenges proactively.

Vanishing tribe of Nigerian voters

Apart from 2003 when 39 million Nigerians were said to have trooped out to vote, a figure representing 69.1%, the tribe of Nigerians who vote at every general election cycle have continued to dwindle. (See box).

In 1999, 29.8 million people were said to have voted (52.3%); in 2007, 35.4 million voted (57.5%); in 2011, 38.2 million voted (53.7%); 2015, 28.6 million voted (43.7%); in 2019, 27.3 million voted (34.8%); and in 2023, 24 million voted (26.7%).

So, why have the figures been shrinking? A combination of factors, ranging from voter apathy occasioned by a lack of trust in INEC and the continuing hardship voters face on the day of the election, logistical issues, election day violence which scares voters away and a growing frustration on the part of voters that their votes may not count, is responsible.

Why the problem may get worse in 2027 is that for all the promises and assurances given by incumbent INEC chairman, Professor Mahmood Yakubu, about the inviolability of BVAS and IReV, promises which galvanised millions of Nigerians to show interest in the election, some hopes were dashed once it was discovered that some results were not uploaded from the polling units.

For Nigeria to restore public trust in its electoral processes, significant reforms are needed to address the human factors.

Without integrity-driven leadership, non-partisan appointments, and accountability mechanisms, even the most advanced technologies will fail to deliver credible elections.

The 2027 elections will serve as a critical test for Nigeria’s commitment to these reforms, as public confidence in the system hangs in the balance.

[Vanguard]

On Monday, I participated in a lively and engaging webinar on how digital media could be used to shape Africa’s perspectives in international media. It was organised by The Pan African Dialogue Institute (TPADI), a think tank of African academics, civil society professionals, students and grassroots leaders who have come together to promote Pan-Africanism in the continent and the Diaspora. The theme was ‘’Using Digital Media to tell the African Story’’. Martin Oloja, former managing director & editor-in-chief of The Guardian; Chijioke Amu-Nnadi, poet, veteran journalist and PR specialist, and I presented papers and led the discussions. African professionals from across the globe and within the continent were in the audience.

They included Dr Effiong Udo, associate professor at the University of Uyo who is also the president of TPADI; Prof Mutombo Nkulu-N’Sengha, vice-president of TPADI and a professor of religious studies, Dialogue and Egyptology at California State University, Northridge, Los Angeles; Luciano Hanson, language teacher, mentor and leader, from Tanzania and Viviene Abara from Jos, Nigeria. It was an eclectic collection of Africans from across the globe who spoke on Africa’s challenges, its unbalanced and negative coverage in international media; the roles of digital media and the negative influences of people like Kemi Badenoch in promoting these jaundiced refractions on Africa.

After a brief welcome statement by the institute’s president, I opened the session with an overview of the problem. African stories in international media have always been dominated by reports of disease, poverty, corruption, conflict and political instability. These perspectives are rooted in colonial histories and they continue to influence global perceptions and policy decisions. This kind of reportage informs persisting perceptions that other regions of the world have about our continent, and why Africa continues to be viewed as the ‘troubled child’ in need of foreign saviors.

There is also a huge gender disparity in news coverage of Africa. Men, and powerful elites like politicians and businessmen, dominate the African story while the voices of ordinary Africans, women and marginalised groups are notably unreported. Foreign media’s slant of the African story often follows foreign policies of their countries, which for decades, often viewed Africa as an aid recipient, and not an equal partner in trade bilateral relations. Furthermore, the representation of Africa is meant to satiate domestic audiences who are already prejudiced by decades of misrepresentations on TV and tabloids.

Although Africa has its fair share of problems, just like other places, international media pay scant attention to depressing news stories in other places and focus only on the ones in Africa. Yet, Africa has a lot more to offer. Botswana; Rwanda; Angola; Ethiopia; Ghana; Senegal; Kenya; Tanzania; and many other African countries are making impressive strides in many economic indicators and HDIs, yet they are not adequately reported. The African story is not only about conflict, corruption, poverty, poor leadership, bad politics and disease. It’s also about tourism, the youth demographic dividends; the abundance of its natural resources; traditions and cultures; beautiful weather; its vegetation and wildlife and its unicorns.

Eminent journalist, Martin Oloja, was next to speak. He noted that digital media provides a platform for African voices to be heard globally, challenging dominant Western narratives and promoting a more nuanced understanding of Africa. Digital media diversifies Africa’s narratives by enabling African media outlets to diversify Africa’s experiences, cultures and slants, moving beyond stereotypes and monolithic presentations. Oloja emphasised that digital media can empower our storytellers and foster Pan-Africanism by enhancing a sense of shared identity, culture and experience among Africans across the continent and in the diaspora.

Such stories include those of African innovators and entrepreneurs, who are using technology to solve pressing problems and drive economic growth; African women who are fighting for equality, justice, and human rights, highlighting the importance of gender equality and women’s empowerment; and African communities, who are fighting to protect their natural resources and environments, highlighting the importance of sustainability and climate justice.

Digital media, Oloja argues, should be used to tell the stories of African writers such as Imbolo Mbue, the Cameroonian-American author who writes on perseverance and success, highlighting the importance of education and cultural exchange; Chimamanda Ngozi Adichi, the Nigerian author’s story of feminism and activism, highlighting the importance of women’s rights and social justice; Wole Soyinka, the Nigerian Nobel laureate’s story of artistic expression and activism, highlighting the importance of freedom of speech and cultural heritage.

Digital media provides African storytellers with unprecedented opportunities to reclaim and amplify their narratives. By leveraging digital platforms, African media outlets can showcase the continent’s rich history, diverse cultures, and contemporary achievements, challenging stereotypes and promoting a nuanced understanding of Africa. He concluded that the power of storytelling in reshaping global perceptions and ensuring that the African voice is heard loud and clear in the new world order.

By preserving heritage, promoting justice, and fostering innovation, digital media can help Africa write its own story for the future. Chijioke Amu-Nnadi’s presentation drew on his years of experience as a head of the department of digital media at NDDC, a government agency that focuses on the development of the hydrocarbon-rich delta region. Although technology has created new media platforms that make communication faster and easier, Amu-Nnadi warns that resistance to change could impede the rate of assimilation of digital media in the population. ‘’The power of the new media is its ease of accessibility, its social nature, ability to challenge orthodoxy and its global reach at incredible speed,” he said.

There was a lively session of discussions and commentaries from the global audience. Prof Mutombo of California State University said retelling Africa’s story does not mean suppressing or lying about the unsavoury parts of the narratives. Rather, ‘’what you say is not as important as how you say it,” he said, an allusion to the controversy that has trailed the comments made by Kemi Badenoch, leader of the UK’s Conservative Party. Prof Mutombo notes that within the realm of Pan-Africanism, Nigeria looms large as “the China of Africa.” From the demographic standpoint, Nigeria is to Africa what China (or now India) is to the world. For years, Nigeria has been the first or the second largest economy in Africa (by GDP account). Most importantly Nigeria has one of the most confident, dynamic, creative populations in the World.

He said: ‘’As an African born and raised in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, I remember my joy in discovering that there are African writers. In High school we read Achebe and Soyinka in French. When I moved to Europe and then the US (where I have been living for 30 years and now teach at California State University Northridge in Los Angeles), I discovered that Nigerians are scattered everywhere and have produced brilliant scientists, Physicians, Businessmen, etc. In one word, Nigeria makes us proud, from the Pan-African standpoint.

‘’Needless to say that in a world dominated by Hollywood and Bollywood, Nigeria’s Nollywood movies have provided important African alternative. Nigerian movies are found in every corner of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in French translation and they are loved by people who see in Nigerian actors people who act like their own uncles, nieces, cousins, sisters, aunts, mothers or fathers they know in cities or in their villages. The impact of Nigerian movies is enormous and a major contribution to Pan-Africanism.”

Pan-Africanism as a force of survival in a world dominated by powerful foreign powers requires that Africans get to know and appreciate each other. It is also through the knowledge of African history and ancestral values that Africans can appreciate their continent and their communities. No one would like to be associated with another community just to be bullied, despised and exploited. As Julius Nyerere put it in an interview, it is not enough to preach that we must overcome tribalism, “we must make unity attractive.”

Mutombo’s powerful intellectual input gave the participants the fire to call out Badenoch for her denigrating comments about Nigeria before her election as party leader as a sign of insecurity complex. ‘’She just wanted to pander to the extreme right wing of her party; she needed some kind of validation by attacking Nigeria, a country she once praised when she was running for Parliament years ago’’, I said, asking rhetorically, ‘’Why didn’t Rishi Sunak have to disparage India and Barrack Obama castigate Kenya or Africa before they were both elected into the highest political offices in their countries’’?

TPADI’s president, Effiong Udo, brought the webinar to a close, announcing that the institute is organizing an international workshop on Pan-Africanism in May.

A federal high court in Abuja has ordered the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) to pay N3 million as damages to Benita Ezumezu for failing to issue her international passport within the stipulated six weeks.

The court also ordered Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, minister of interior, and the NIS to ensure that applicants who meet all the requirements are issued Nigerian passport within six weeks in compliance with section 9(4) of the Immigration Act 2015.

Emeka Nwite, the presiding judge, gave the order while delivering judgment in a fundamental human rights suit marked FHC/ABJ/CS/75 filed by Ezumezu.

Ezumezu approached the court after waiting several months to get her passport, which she applied for in October 2022.

In the judgment delivered on December 4, Nwite granted all the eight reliefs sought by the applicant.

The judge held that the failure of the NIS and the minister (sued as first and second respondents) to issue a passport to Ezumezu within six weeks despite providing valid documents violated all known local and international laws on personal liberty and freedom of movement of the applicant.

“That this honourable court hereby declares that a Nigerian passport is an official identity document that affirms the bearer’s citizenship and is issued to a bonafide Nigerian primarily for the purpose of travelling out of Nigeria and returning to Nigeria in exercise of rights to personal liberty and freedom of movement,” Nwite held.

“That this honourable court hereby declares that as of October 6, 2022, the applicant had fulfilled all the requirements for the issuance of a Nigerian passport and was therefore qualified to be issued a passport forthwith and not exceeding six weeks from that day.

“That this honourable court hereby declares that the non-issuance of a Nigerian passport to the applicant 14 weeks after the applicant had met all the requirements, including submitting the application, payment of approved fees, and biometric enrolment, constitutes a contravention of section 9(4) of the Immigration Act, 2015, as it relates to the issuance of an international passport forthwith.

“That the honourable court hereby declared that non-issuance of a Nigerian passport to the applicant 14 weeks after the applicant had met all the requirements. including submitting an application, payment of approved fees, and biometric enrollment constitutes a contravention of the applicant’s right to freedom of movement guaranteed under Section 41 of the CFRN 1999 (as amended) and Article 12 of the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights (Ratification and Enforcement) Act.

“That this honourable court hereby declares that the non-issuance of a Nigerian passport to the applicant 14 weeks after biometric enrolment had occasioned both monetary and professional losses to her.

“That an order of this honourable court is hereby made directing the 1st respondent to issue the applicant’s passport forthwith as stipulated in section 9(4) of the Immigration Act, 2015.

“That an order of this honourable court is hereby made directing the 1st respondent to pay the sum of Three Million Naira (N3,000,000.00) only to the applicant as general damages for all the losses incurred by the applicant resulting from her inability to travel for her professional duties.

“That an order of this honourable court is hereby made directing the 2nd respondent to ensure adherence of the 1st respondent to the issuance of a passport as stipulated in Section 9(4) of the Immigration Act and not exceeding the 6 weeks announced by the 2nd respondent and published by the 1st respondent on its website.”

[TheCable]

In a chilling report released on Tuesday by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), N2.2 trillion was paid to kidnappers as ransom between May 2023 and April 2024. Titled, ‘The Crime Experienced and Security Perception Survey (CESPS) 2024’, the report revealed that as many as 91 per cent of kidnapping incidents in the country were to extract ransom, while 2.4 per cent of cases were attributed to political, criminal, or terrorist objectives. About 2.1 per cent of the cases were linked to personal or family disputes while custody disputes accounted for 0.5 per cent of cases. Within the same period, no fewer than 2,235,954 Nigerian citizens/residents (which represents about 1 percent of our national population) were kidnapped in communities across the country at different times.

We must commend the NBS for deploying data to lay bare some of our socio-economic challenges. “Our people should never live in fear—whether on their farmlands, highways or cities,” President Bola Tinubu said yesterday while presenting the N47.9trillion 2025 budget to a joint session of the National Assembly. Yet, it cannot be lost on Nigerians that within the last one year, kidnappers raked in almost what the president is now proposing to spend on the country’s health sector in the coming year. It also means that ‘ransom subsector’ of the economy is now the fastest growing. That’s why authorities at all levels must find a solution to this vexatious menace that threatens not only our national security but also the progress of our country.

The history of kidnappings for ransom can easily be traced to the current democratic dispensation in the country. We first witnessed the problem in the Niger Delta about two decades ago with political agitation for ‘resource control’ before it became a very lucrative enterprise for sundry criminal cartels across the country. Indeed, as far back as 2012, the African Insurance Organization (AIO) designated Nigeria the kidnap for ransom capital of the world. “The number of kidnaps for ransom in Africa continued to increase. In the first half of 2011, Africa’s proportion of the global total increased from 23 per cent in 2010 to 34 per cent,” according to the AIO at the 18th African reinsurance Forum in Mauritius. “Nigeria is now the kidnap for ransom capital of the world, accounting for a quarter of globally reported cases.” That was twelve years ago. The situation of course is now worse considering the details in the NBS survey.

Meanwhile, this is also an issue on which I have intervened numerous times, including reporting contributions I made to ‘ransom funds’ for the release of victims. I recall sharing the experience of Nuhu Tanko, a gardener at the Shehu Musa Yar’AduaCentre, Abuja who was kidnapped along with two brothers on 31st December 2020 on the way from their village (Dakunu in Chukum local government of Kaduna) to the state capital. By his account, the masked kidnappers, clad in military camouflage, numbered more than 50, all on motor bikes, each carrying at least two guns. It was after the family had sold all their possessions, including a piece of land, and the money was not enough to complete the N10 million ransom demand that they reached out to the Centre for support. “Most people have left our village because of kidnappings. It’s like bandits have taken over our village and the surrounding communities,” Tanko lamented at the time, while sharing his harrowing experience, following his release. “They kidnap people, kill and rape women, even if the women are pregnant.”

Perhaps more heartrending was the account of Mallam Iliya Gwaram in Zamfara State. His daughter was one of the 279 female students abducted from the Government Girls Science Secondary School, Jangebe on 26 February 2021. A few days later, he was also kidnapped. But while in captivity, the Jangebe female students were brought to join them. “l saw the schoolgirls being brought into where we were camped by our abductors. At first, l didn’t know who they were or where they were coming from, until l saw the face of my scared daughter looking at me. I quickly told some of the girls who were brought along with her and sat near me to tell my child not to show any indication that she even knew me,” Gwaram recounted after his release a few days later. “The girls were brave enough and they kept our little secret up to the last of their four days stay with us. l never cried in the whole of my life like l cried the day the girls were taken back because l felt it was the last time l would see my daughter…”

From North to South, East to West, there is hardly anybody who does not know someone who has been kidnapped. Therefore, the real value of the NBS report is to put official imprimatur to a social cum security malaise that has now reached epidemic proportion. Of the reported cases of kidnappings, according to the report, 82.1 percent were released, 12.8 percent were killed while 3.3 percent remain in captivity. If one does the arithmetic, the number of kidnap victims who don’t’ return alive is quite chilling. But beyond the trauma to families, the local economies in most rural areas across the country today are comatose while in some communities, especially in the Northwest, kidnappers have taken complete control. Even within metropolis, we all remember the kidnapping of six young ladies and their father from their Bwari (Abuja) residence in January this year. The father was released and asked to go and find N60 million to ransom his children. Unable to meet the payment deadline, the kidnappers killed one of his daughters, a 400-level student of Biological Sciences, Ahmadu Bello University (ABU), Zaria and dumped her body on the street. Now that the NBS has beamed its searchlight on this most heinous crime, we hope that the relevant authorities will take the challenge seriously and act.Even more worrisome, going by the report, no fewer than 614,937 Nigerians were killed within the period.

The implications of this situation for the national economy are grave. In a February 2006 paper, “’Captive Markets’: The Impact of Kidnappings on Corporate Investment in Colombia”, by the United States Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve (Central Bank), the trio of Rony Pshisva, ProtegoMexico and Gustavo A. Suarez measured the impact of crime on investments by exploiting variation in kidnappings in Colombia from 1996 to 2002. Instructively, the paper opened with a quote from a report in ‘The Economist’ magazine of 19th June 2004 which summed up their findings: “Who wants to invest money and effort in building a business if their reward is to risk losing their life and/or their money?”

Sadly, as it was in Columbia, so it is in Nigeria today!

Buhari’s Birthday in a New Season

Former President Muhammadu Buhari turned 82 on Tuesday. His long-term political associate and former Ogun State Governor, Senator Ibikunle Amosun led a few supporters to Daura, Katsina State, to felicitate with their man. Foremost businessman, Alhaji Aliko Dangote was also there. But most of the people who for eight years made a fuss over Buhari’s birthday did not remember to place the customary congratulatory adverts in newspapers. Only a few did. Vice President Kashim Shettima, Borno State Governor Babagana Zulum, as well as Governors Inuwa Yahaha and Abdullahi Sule of Gombe and Nasarawa States respectively placed birthday adverts for Buhari. Boss Mustapha, who was Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) under Buhari, former Chief of Staff, Prof. Ibrahim Agboola Gambari and businessman, Nasiru Danu complete the list of those who remembered to place congratulatory adverts in the newspapers. 

Of course, Mallam Garba Shehu wrote a syndicated article on how ‘At 82, Buhari Wraps Up in Silence and Dignity in Daura’ and Mr Femi Adesina reminded us about ‘Buhari, Ore Mekunu (Friend of the Poor), at 82’. “The Big Elephant in the room. Removal of fuel subsidy. Did you think the Government didn’t know that the money-guzzling monster had to be slain?” Adesina asked in a manner that suggests the current administration removed fuel subsidy without a thought for the poor. “It knew. But who ensured that subsidies remained as long as itdid? Buhari. And why? The people, the ordinary people.”

I don’t know what to make of that, but let’s return to the issue. When Buhari marked his last birthday in office in December 2022, all major newspapers were filled with adverts. From then Senate President, Ahmad Lawan to Hon Idris Wase to Senator Barau Jibrin to former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and the current President Bola Tinubu, there were effusive words of praise. Then Kano State Governor, Abdullahi Ganduje wrote: “History will forever remember and celebrate your laudable achievements.” Less than two years after, Ganduje(now the ruling APC National Chairman) can’t even remember the man’s birthday! Same with other governors at the time, including those still in office today. On Tuesday, I decided to spend time at the Daily Trust newspaper library to read the congratulatory advertisements for Buhari two years ago. Some of the words are now cringe-worthy. 

Let me state quite clearly that the issue here is not about Buhari or for that matter, his birthday. It is about the lack of values in our politics with practitioners who believe in nothing. In a recent column, I wrote about how sycophancy has almost become a direct principle of state policy in Nigeria such that the birthday ceremonies of political office holders and that of their spouses as well as the burial ceremonies of their parents, the naming ceremonies of their children (even from ‘side chicks’) have become state functions. But I am also aware, as most people are, that all the exertions are simply to curry favour from power holders. The moment they become ‘yesterday’s men’, they are on their own.

In the absence of any ideology, our politics revolve around individuals rather than political parties which then explains the state of our democracy. President Buhari is experienced enough to know that most of those who gravitated towards him while in power did so for what they could get. But no society can develop when you have a preponderance of such people at the helm – as is the case in Nigeria today.
 

Ambrose Feese @ 80

Despite having held critical positions in both the public and private sectors in Nigeria, Mr Ambrose Feese remains a very private man. But he takes time to share incredible knowledge and experience with younger professionals. And I have benefitted a lot from my interactions with him over the years. A chartered accountant, banker and public administrator, Feese is a former Minister of State, Works and Housing and before then, Secretary to the 1979 presidential commission on revenue allocation in Nigeria headed by the late Dr Pius Okigbo. He was also a member of the Study Group on the Review of Federal Civil Service in 1985. On a personal note, he is the father of Member, the young lady caught in the 26 August 2011 bombing of the United Nations office in Abuja while collecting data for her post-graduate thesis at the Institute of Development Studies of the University of Sussex, United Kingdom. Although there will be a ceremony on Saturday in Makurdi, Benue State to mark the 80th birthday of this accomplished man, I cannot attend because by then I should be in Kwara State for what Governor AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq has dubbed my ‘annual Christmas pilgrimage.’ I wish Mr Feese a happy birthday, long life and good health.

    First, let's look at the connection of the event with December 25th. Was Jesus really born on December 25th? Virtually, biblical scholars have proposed every month on the Calendar. So why do we celebrate His birth in December? The tradition for December 25th is actually quite ancient. Hippolytus, in the second century A.D. argued that this was Christ's birthday. Meanwhile, in the Eastern Church, January 6th was the date followed. But in the fourth Century, John Chrysostom argued that December 25th was the correct date and from that day till now, the Church in the East, as well as the west has observed the 25th of December as the official date of Christ's birth. In modern times, the traditional date has been challenged. Modern Scholars point out that when Jesus was born, shepherds were watching their sheep in the hills around Bethlehem. Luke tells us that an angel appeared to "Some Shepherds staying out in the fields keeping watch over their flock by night" (Luke 2:8). Some scholars feel that the sheep were usually brought under cover from November to March; as well, they were not normally in the field at night. But there is no hard evidence for this. In fact, early Jewish sources suggest that the sheep around Bethlehem were outside year-round. So you can see, December 25th fits both tradition and the biblical narrative well. There is no sound objection to it.

   Admittedly, the sheep around Bethlehem were the exception, not the rule. But these were no ordinary sheep. They were sacrificial lambs. In the early spring they would be slaughtered at the Passover. And God first revealed the Messiah's birth to these shepherds - shepherds who protected harmless lambs, which would soon die on behalf of sinful men. When they saw the baby, could they have known? Might they have whispered in their hearts what John the Baptist later thundered, "Behold, the Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world!" Of course, we can't be absolutely certain of the day of Christ's birth. But an early winter date seems reasonable. And December 25th has been the frontrunner for eighteen centuries. We can blame the ancient Church for a large part of our uncertainty. You see, they did not Celebrate Christ's birth at all. To them it was insignificant. They were far more concerned with His death and resurrection. And some still hold the same view today. But I believe both are important, for without the birth, there wouldn't have been the death. Or what do you think? Enough of this history Please, let's move forward.

    Now, since creation, God has orchestrating world affairs to set the stage for the arrival of his Son. In the meantime, he used prophecy to keep alive people's hope for a fresh beginning and a new relationship with him. So, many Messianic predictions are recorded in the Old Testament that the likelihood of one man fulfilling them all was slim. However, Jesus Christ's birth, life, and death happened exactly as the prophets foretold. Isaiah proclaimed, "Behold, a virgin will be with Child and bear a Son, and she will call His name - God with us" (Isaiah 7:14). Micah told the Jewish people that their leader would come from the tiny town of Bethlehem (Micah 5:2). The timing of Messiah's arrival was revealed to Daniel, who recorded the timeline in his writings. (The word 'week' in Daniel 9:25-26 actually has the meaning of 'Seven years' just as in Genesis 29:27). God Himself gave a direct prophecy in Genesis 3:15, when He told Satan "from now on, you and the woman will be enemies, and your offspring and her offspring will be enemies. He will crush your head." It was an indication that Christ would defeat him. A careful comparison of Jesus' life with the prophecies of scripture leads to only on conclusion: Jesus is the promised Messiah, who brings every willing person into a new covenant relationship with the father.