The Nigerian Human Rights Community (NHRC) says those compelling Wole Soyinka, the Nobel laureate, and Femi Falana, a senior advocate of Nigeria (SAN), to lead a protest against economic hardship lack a sense of history.

In a statement issued on Sunday by Taiwo Adeleke and Digifa Werenipre, NHRC’s officials, the group expressed concerns about “persistent accusations” that the duo have been silent in the face of the economic downturn.

The NHRC said Soyinka and Falana have, for decades, been at the forefront of activism demanding good governance.

The group asked youths to emulate Omoyele Sowore, convener of the #RevolutionNow movement, by fighting for justice and equity.

“We wish to remind these people, mostly young people, that their actions constitute a drawback to the rich heritage of democratic struggle the two figures represent in the history of Nigeria,” the statement reads.

“We urge younger ones to learn from Mr Omoyele Sowore and emulate his sterling contributions to democracy and justice for over 30 years of his life.”

The NHRC said while it is time for Soyinka to rest, Falana has continued his advocacy by taking up pro bono cases, with some against the current administration.

The group challenged the critics to be bold enough to lead the protest they seek, rather than condemn “older people who have risked their lives countless times” in the struggle for a greater country.

“Some of them believe the word activism makes sense only when speaking in support of Obidients indicating their narrow mindset about what it means to change a country for the better,” the group said.

“We are seeing a generation of lousy, lazy and completely ignorant youths whose basic agenda is to destroy Nigerian heroes thereby serving the interests of the government and the ruling class who oppress Nigerians.

“When Soyinka and Falana were younger, they did not look up to the older generation to liberate them. They rather discovered the mission of their own generation and fulfilled it.

“We challenge you to take the bull by the horns and provide alternative leadership for change instead of taking up the professional duty of running down those that have established milestones in the struggle for a better Nigeria.”

[TheCable]

The unnamed woman had just given birth to a baby five days before. Her body was still wet as Yoruba say of mothers who newly underwent the pangs of labour and delivery. Pains must still be ricocheting round her navel. Ex-Queen of the Ooni of Ife, Prophetess Naomi Silekunola, and an Ibadan-based broadcaster, Oriyomi Hamzat, had promised her and her baby free food. This was done in a blast of publicity inviting her kid and 4999 other children to a funfair. The event was slated for Islamic High School, Bashorun, a suburb of Ibadan. The organizers said it would be an unprecedented funfair of freebies never given before. Hamzat’s Agidigbo Radio, based in the capital of Oyo State, is undoubtedly the darling of the common people. It is top of the radar, traffic-wise. Hamzat popularized the medium as one that tends to the needs of the common people and discusses issues agitating their minds.

Scholars have posited that everyday matters woven round the existence of the ordinary man are sex, cheap sex, poverty, food, crime, alcohol, divorce, gambling and sexual violence. Matters that are queer, uncommon and mind-boggling, which cannot be divorced from those everyday issues, are given pride of place on Agidigbo radio. Listeners gravitate towards the radio in their multiple of thousands. It is on Agidigbo you would hear stories of a less than 20-year old lady whose pregnancy is being contested by two artisan boys. Salacious details that evoke laughter and tears ooze out of the radio. Hamzat himself, renowned for the phrase, “E bá wa gbé’nu sí mic” – kindly draw closer to the microphone – popularized that phrase. It acquired a life of its own, becoming synonymous with someone being under public scrutiny. Or one enmeshed in petty misdemeanor. It is no wonder that in the Nigerian Broadcasting Service (NBS) rating, Agidigbo is No 1 in Oyo State. So, it should be common sense that if you advertize a funfair that would give N5000 – about $3 USD – to hewers of woods and drawers of water, in this T-Pain economy of Bola Tinubu, you would get more than you bargained for. Senegalese author, Ousmane Sembène, whose 1960-written book, entitled God’s Bits of Woods, discusses the fate of these underprivileged people in details.

The unnamed woman heard or was told about the alliance by Queen Naomi and Hamzat to provide succor for her new born baby. Not minding her “wet body”, she strapped her fragile new born baby to her back and headed for Bashorun. By 5am, the venue was already bursting at its seams with persons. Did some wicked people land Queen Naomi and Hamzat in trouble spiritually? This is a question being asked in some quarters.

If Hamzat and Olori Silekunola emerge from their current travails unscathed, they may learn to seek our Mothers’s faces in subsequent ventures. It is said that such gathering of a large crowd involving women and children are sacred and must be looked at from the lens of teleology. In his “Òṣòròmọ̀nìgà: Representations of witchcraft in Yoruba films,” (Nordic Journal of African Studies – Vol 30 No 2, 2021) Olusegun Soetan of the African Studies Department, Pennsylvania State University, venerates the place and value of witchcraftcy which he called àjẹ́ism. Òṣòròmọ̀nìgà, said the scholar, is one of the many cognomens of witches in Ifá divination systems and praise poetry. According to him, “among the many supernatural phenomena in Africa is witchcraft. (It) is both cultural and sacred, and its practices suggest that specific individuals have supernatural powers that enable them to bend physical and cosmic laws.” Known as àjẹ́ in the Yoruba society, Igbo call it amoosu while, in the Maka tradition of Cameroon, it is known as gris-gris.

Dauda Epo-Akara, a notable traditional musician, chanting the cognomen of  witches, once said that if a cook who is preparing to pound yam fails to factor the Aje into its preparation, the pounded yam would lose its taste due to a myriad pf tiny un-pounded yam specks called “kókó” that will dot it. In the same vein, said Epo Akara, any cook preparing a meal of àmàla who fails to factor the Mothers into its preparation will have the àmàlà’s otherwise solid morsel become as watery as pap. Ulli Beier however disclaimed this widely held notion of Àjé as inaccurate. In a 1958 piece, he said Àjé “represents rather the mystic powers of womanhood in their more dangerous destructive aspect.” Perhaps, in concert with Queen Silekunola’s Ifè palace enemies and Hamzat’s traducers in and out of the microphone, the Mothers ganged-up to do the duo in last Wednesday. After all, Chief Ebenezer Obey, the Juju music great, once sang that those who pound evil for their fellow beings advertize no physical pestle, nor mortar – “agún’bàjé ò l’ódó”.

Sorry, I digressed. By the time the unnamed mother newly-delivered of a baby arrived Bashorun, it was brimming with a never-seen-before gathering of people. Her baby later became one of the 35 people trampled to death in the scramble for food. The baby returned to its maker without being given the traditional seven-day name. The BBC, in its report of the tragedy, said the 35 children “died in a crush after thousands turned up on the promise of free food.” According to it, some people slept overnight at the school gate so as not to miss the chance to be among the first 5000 to access the free food. Many attempted to force their way through, some parents attempted to scale the fence and some mothers threw their children inside the fence while they climbed the walls.

So, this past week, Ibadan wept. Everyone, even anyone, who was as unfeeling as to be capable of eating the barbecued bony and fleshless heads of a vulture and tortoise, must have wept with Ibadan. The agony reverberated throughout the rusty-roof city. Mothers wept uncontrollably. Tears became an infection, afflicting, at supersonic speed, eyes of anyone who heard of the tragedy. But the deed had been done. Thirty five lifeless bodies of the glory of Nigeria’s tomorrow lay in a heap. Someone showed me their gory photo. It reminds me of Palestinians’ bodies killed in airstrikes by Israel laid in a heap, waiting for the Salat al-Janazah prayer for the dead. Or hairs-peeled, disemboweled goats laid in heaps on an abattoir table by butchers.  It was as if the trampled-to-death children of Ibadan were asleep. You couldn’t see death on their faces, except that life had escaped their nostrils. Mothers rolled on the dusty floor of Islamic High School’s football field where death chose to conduct its dawn raid. A few minutes after the raid; after the bodies had been taken to freeze inside the mortuary, Death’s mementoes lay on the football field. They had been abandoned in panic in the melee and now served as reminder of the human loss. They ranged from children’s sandals, torn books and cracked school desks. And gallons of tears that the greedy and unfeeling earth swallowed. Death must have sat somewhere treating himself to huge gourds of palmwine.

The lamentable deaths of children in Ibadan have since been enveloped by politics and doublespeak. Yes, there was acute negligence on the part of the organizers of the children’s funfair event. From tissues of information available, not only didn’t they seek government’s permission, safety measures were cavalierly or nil-observed. Their defence that they expected 5000 children but at conservative estimate, between 7500 and 10,000 children and parents attended, was wonky.

Among others, President Bola Tinubu, according to his media chief, “expressed sadness over the tragic incident” as usual, “extended his condolences” and cried that “this is a deeply painful moment for the entire nation.” He said he was “determined to prevent similar tragedies” and “uncover the truth behind this tragedy as “It is imperative to determine whether negligence or deliberate actions were involved” because “Our children’s safety and well-being remain paramount” and “No event should ever compromise their safety or take precedence over their lives.” Bla bla bla.

But, as my people say, until the lion kills the Chief Hunter, the war between hunters and the crew in the wild cannot end; nor can the dance come to a halt until the donkey farts. If Tinubu does not focus on bettering the lives of Nigerians but chooses, at the drop of a hat, to jump on a vacuous globetrotting and aimless junketing in the name of seeking non-existent investors, more Nigerians will come to grief. Shorn of politics and hypocritical talk, let us tell Tinubu to his face that he is vicariously liable for the death of the Ibadan 35 kids. His accomplices are those glib-talking aides and party buffs who deodorize the pains of Nigerians in the last 19 months, decorating sufferings in beautifully sounding reform epithets.

As I have said ceaselessly, while the Tinubu government claims the president is on a reform binge, he has succeeded in killing multiple of hundreds of our countrymen and sent hundreds others into the streets. Ravaged by depression, they whisper to space as they occupy a world of their own. Thousands die for inability to procure drugs for simple ailments. Many families and homes are embroiled in social crises as a result of a huge emasculation of their husbands, breadwinners’ manhood. Wives are lured into prostitution due to their husbands’ economic dis-masculinity. Children meet their waterloo in the process of augmenting their parents’ meager daily breads. Yes, reforms, all over the world, are painful exercises but Tinubu’s isn’t merely painful, it is cruel and bears the visor of Dracula. Yet, the reformists wallop in ostentation, mindless and Satanic corruption and flaunt their loots in our faces.

The dusts of trampled bodies in Ibadan had hardly settled than Nigeria witnessed similar stampedes this weekend. They happened during food distributions, leading to the deaths of at least 30 people on Saturday. While 20 people reportedly got killed in Okija, Ihiala Local Government Area of Anambra state, ten others died at the Holy Trinity Catholic Church, Maitama area of Abuja. Handled by individual and private institutions at both venues, the food distributions suddenly went awry when hungry would-be beneficiaries began to trample on one another. In March of this year, a similar stampede happened in Bauchi State which claimed the lives of an eight-year old girl and six other people. Like the Ibadan tragedy, the victims, alongside others, had stormed the house of a businessman who invited residents to collect N5,000. In October of this year, 153 people got burnt to ashes while they were scooping fuel from an overturned fuel tanker which exploded. The tanker had been coming from Kano State and heading towards Nguru when it overturned. Granted that Nigerians are used to a life of freebies no matter the risks that ensconce those freebies, Nigeria’s grueling economic realities have quadrupled the number of Nigerians who would take risk without considering its downsides. No sermonization of fair play, decency or normalcy can penetrate the deaf ears of the hungry.

Thus, when Tinubu and his minders try to push the blame of last Wednesday’s tragedy in Ibadan and the ones in Abuja and Anambra State to “crowd control breakdown” and vowing to avert similar tragedies, they look at the ailment and not its root cause. There will be many of such tragedies to come unless Tinubu stands up from his fanny and administers Nigeria like a committed leader.

In the midst of this, all Tinubu’s APC is bothered about is winning elections. While the bodies of the 35 dead were in the morgue in Ibadan, on a visit to the party’s National Working Committee in Abuja, Minister of Power, Adebayo Adelabu, called on the National Chairman Abdullahi Ganduje, to replicate the party’s recent electoral banditry in Edo and Ondo States as blueprint to reclaim Oyo State. Ganduje himself, like a skunk-drunk sailor, had said his party would create chaos in Osun and Oyo states to snatch and run with the states. Trust politicians, they think not about lives but the next election.

If Tinubu needed to hear – and per chance is bothered – these calamities, in the words of Bob Marley, are becoming a natural mystic that is associated with excruciating hunger and suffering. Both were brought on hapless Nigerians by the Tinubu government. “Many more will have to suffer; many more will have to die,” Marley warned. You can shawl the abdication of responsibility by the government in beautifully-sounding reform language. The truth is, figuratively speaking, this government’s inhuman reform gambling, which my people call “èyí je, èyí ò je,” is the culprit. It was what served the 35 innocent Nigerian kids in Ibadan, as well as the countrymen who died in stampede in Abuja and Okija, as Christmas season meal to be devoured by the incisors of the rapacious Death.

I wish you a merry and prosperous Christmas, longsuffering people of Nigeria, in the midst of this parlous season.

There are occasions when a writer sets out to write one thing but ends up writing something else. For me, this is one of such occasions! I have had many in the past, though! This time around, I set out to write on Kemi Badenoch’s differentiation between her being a Nigerian and her Yoruba ancestry. And the title I quickly scribbled down was “Which is higher: Ethnic identity or  Nigerian nationality?” The ruling All Progressives Congress chieftain and CEO of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, Abike Dabiri-Erewa, started it all when she disclosed that the newly-elected UK Conservative Party leader, Mrs. Kemi Badenoch, snubbed her when she made efforts to congratulate and identify with her on the landmark achievement of being the first black person (and, ostensibly, Nigerian) to be so elected. The floodgate of reactions that followed was varied: Some scolded Abike while others lambasted Kemi. In response, Badenoch justified her action, saying she was not ready to do Nigeria’s PR; meaning, she did not want Nigeria to piggyback on her to white-wash its stained linen of a “fantastically corrupt” country, as a former British Prime Minister, David Cameron, had described her right to the face of former President Muhammadu Buhari, who was too dumb-founded and subdued to fight back.

Nigeria, being a country of one scandal, one week, everyone thought the matter had died down – thanks to the Dele Farotimi versus Chief Afe Babalola tango – until the vice-president, Kashim Shettima, chose to stir the hornets’ nest again as he lambasted the British Leader of Opposition for “denigrating” her Nigerian identity, sarcastically advising her to renounce her Nigerian name, Kemi!  At that point, the tango became high profile! It also became more interesting! But it was a most unwise thing for Shettima to have done! The spat from the Nigerian side should have been left at the lower level of Abike Dabiri. Jumping into the fray diminishes the person and office of the country’s Number Two citizen. Did Shettima consider the dignity of his office? Again, the question of what level of training in diplomatic etiquette our leaders get comes to the fore. One such diplomatic gaffe that has refused to go away but appears to have snowballed into the splintering of the ECOWAS (and the collateral damage of the Lukarawa terrorist threat in Nigeria itself), was the hasty and scantily-considered decision taken on the coup leaders of Niger Republic. Don’t we have seasoned professional diplomats anymore? Or is it that our leaders don’t listen to robust and informed advice?

Badenoch’s response to Shettima was more dangerous and damaging than the one she offered Abike Dabiri. She minced no words as she emphasized her preference for her Yoruba ancestry, adding, to boot, that she had no affinity with what she described as a North whacked by Islamism and Boko Haram ideology!  Mrs. Badenoch’s full names are Olukemi Olufunto Badenoch (nee Adegoke). She bears no “English” name. She is proudly and unapologetically Yoruba. She has no “Nigerian name” to renounce, if I may add. There are no Nigerian names, anyway, but there are English, Arabic, Yoruba, Igbo, Efik, Ijaw, Tiv, Igala, Hausa, etc names. Are there even Nigerians in the real sense of the word? I doubt if there are! What we have are people pretending, ape-ing and/or hoping to be one! But there are Fulani, Hausa, Tiv, Idoma, Igb.o, Yoruba, Ijaw, etc. – all cohabiting in the space or geographical expression called Nigeria – so named by the British colonialists.

In Libya in 1989 on the ticket of Pascal Bafyau’s NLC for the Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU) conference, we met the leader of the Benin Republic delegation who was delighted to hear that we were “Yoruba from Nigeria” Immediately, the language barrier between him and those of us who were Yoruba evaporated. Benin Republic, colonized by the French, speaks French while Nigeria, colonized by the British, speaks English. The moment he asked us if we understood “Anago”, which is what the Yoruba in the French-speaking West African countries call Yoruba, and we replied in the affirmative, we began to flow in the Yoruba language! He was Yoruba from Benin Republic while we were Yoruba from Nigeria. All across the West Coast where there is a large population of Yoruba (Anago) people, that is how it! In Europe as well, I met people who never stepped a foot into Nigeria but who described themselves as “Yoruba from Cuba or Brazil or Jamaica, etc.” If you think Yoruba are the only “Nigerians” with this tribal mentality or ethnic consciousness, you are wrong! It spreads across! That was why Buhari as military Head of State voted for a fellow Fulani man from another country at an international forum while snubbing his own fellow Nigerian vying for the same position! There is no Nigerian in the real sense of the word! It remains, at best, a wish; a desire for those who savor it. Efforts, if any, to mesh the various ethnic groups that inhabit the space called Nigeria into a nation have all ended in calamitous failure.

Taking a cue from Buhari – and why not? – it will be unrealistic of Shettima to expect the average Yoruba person, proud of his or her Yoruba ancestry, just like Olukemi Olutoyin Badenoch (nee Adegoke) is proud of hers, to file behind the VP in his snide remarks about this illustrious daughter of Yoruba land. Take note that she is our daughter! And we shall make our stand with her in our millions!

Now to the point that I originally set out to make! When they think they have got rid – or been rid – of one Yoruba gadfly or “irritant” or the other and that Nigeria can now heave a sigh of relief, another pops up and rears its “ugly” head! Why have the Yoruba been “the main issue (not only) in Nigerian politics” (to quote the military dictator, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida’s definition of Awo) but also the benchmark against whom every detractor and competitor measure their performance? Herbert Macaulay, a Yoruba man, was the doyen of the nationalist struggle. Obafemi Awolowo was the poster boy of the First Republic. The most radical Nigerian woman in history was Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti. The name that struck most fear in friends and foes alike during the Nigerian Civil War (1967 – 70) was “Black Scorpion” Benjamin Adekunle. The most patriotic, most selfless, and most self-sacrificing Nigerian military officer ever was Francis Adekunle Fajuyi, who chose to die with his boss, the then Head of State, JTU Aguiyi-Ironsi. The first black Nobel Laureate (in Literature), Prof. Wole Soyinka, is Yoruba!

Now, when we come to the theatre of the radicals and “hot-heads”, the Yoruba also lead, beginning, again, with the same Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, who led the Egba women to chase the Alake of Egbaland out of the palace. What of her son, the irrepressible Fela Anikulapo-Kuti? Or his younger brother, Beko? Alao Aka-Bashorun was the first radical NBA president. What of Tunji Braithwaite and Kanmi Ishola-Osobu who followed in his footsteps? We can mention Tai Solarin. What of the stormy petrel himself, Chief Gani Fawehinmi? We can mention a string of NADECO leaders who fought the military to a standstill – Adekunle Ajasin, Abraham Adesanya, among others! With the death of Gani enters Femi Falana!

The only free and fair elections accepted as such by everyone was won by MKO Abiola, a Yoruba man. When Fulani herdsmen ran riot all over the country, the only governor daring enough to look them and President Buhari straight in the face was Ayodele Fayose of Ekiti State. Where angels feared to tread; what Goodluck Jonathan and Buhari ran away from is what Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu is tackling with uncommon courage and confidence. Now, the man who has volunteered that his head be used to crack the coconut of the malfeasance that we all know has enveloped the Nigerian state in its entirety is Yoruba. The Yoruba stood up like one man and fought for the actualization of June 12. As if the raging Dele Farotimi tsunami was not enough, the Kemi Badenoch hurricane joined the fray!

What is in the DNA of the Yoruba that makes them selfless warriors for the common good, regardless of whose ox is gored and not minding the danger to self? Is it in the water that their ancestors drank and which has been passed on from generations unto generations? Nigeria is not likely to know peace until the gods of the Yoruba are appeased!

FEEDBACK

Well said! You hit the nail right on spot! The forceful arraignment of Dele Farotimi further proves the content of his book to be VERY TRUE. It is a shame that the Judiciary and Government establishments have reduced themselves to be in chains to the powerful. It, thus, further shows that the accused in that book had always twisted the judiciary to his favor. I now see, why some children inherit the enemies and curses of their ancestors even when they themselves are innocent! – Akhidilano.

One thing Tinubu is getting right is the appointment of Taiwo and Zach on tax issues. His tax reform is so daring and good to see that it is ruffling the feathers of the members of the ‘entitled enterprise of Nigeria’. Those two men understand the assignment and are knowledgeable.

One thing I love about this Tinubu is the fact that he is not afraid of taking bold decisions. This country needs decisive actions; not people who are interested in playing to the gallery. Out-of-school children are ravaging your region, no solution! Underage marriage is a menace, no solution! Polio looks more likely to emerge from your region again, no solution! Tinubu’s stubbornness is what looks like the cure to most of the systemic and structural defects of this country. That groups of vested interests are complaining about the tax reform bills is sufficient enough reason to pass the bills and let them cry even more! When Tinubu finishes with tax reform, he should move to other reforms. – Olusegun S. Adeniyi.

I commend your stand on the inalienable rights of offenders to be treated humanely and with respect under the same law that accords a different standard to those in the upper deck. This article will go far from my window to all stakeholders. I have nothing more to urge as I align myself to all the salient issues presented by you and I owe you a loud ovation! – Music speaks.

Your opinion always speaks volumes to the authorities!  Whether they will get the message and do the needful is another thing entirely! But posterity will judge. The issue of Yaya Bello readily comes to mind. He was so let loose that he was beckoning on people on his way to court because he was not put in chains. I can even see a woman embracing him in court and taking photographs with him! This is the level to which our nation has deteriorated and denigrated! The society is corrupt and the judiciary has joined the fray. What a calamity! – Aderemi Ajadi Desalu.

Quite early in the life of the Nigerian state, in the 1970s, General Yakubu Gowon (Rtd.), the then military Head of State, gleefully declared that the problem with Nigeria was not a lack of the financial muscle to fund capital projects and meet other obligations of his administration, but how to appropriate the humongous resources derived from crude oil to benefit the citizens.

The discovery and subsequent exploration and production of crude oil suddenly cast a spell on a country with an unrivalled agrarian prowess that made it the envy of others in the comity of nations. Nigeria bade a calamitous farewell to her legendary groundnut pyramids in the north and abandoned the sprawling cocoa and rubber plantations in the south.

The unprecedented fortune that came with the discovery of the “black gold” overwhelmed managers of the Nigerian economy to the extent that they jilted the old bride (agriculture) that opened the doors of financial prosperity at independence.

The military administration of General Olusegun Obasanjo (Rtd.), in its determination to maximise the economic gains of Nigeria’s vast crude oil and gas endowment, established the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) on April 1, 1977, as a state-owned oil company with the statutory mandate to embark on exploration activities, refining, petrochemicals, product transportation, and marketing. At its inception, the NNPC was managed with vigour and foresight to effectively harness the vast economic potentials of oil and gas in the global economy, resulting in the building of oil refineries in Port Harcourt, Warri and Kaduna between 1978 and 1989.

The NNPC successfully ran the refineries to ensure energy sufficiency to strengthen the economy. Unfortunately, the state-owned oil corporation began to backslide when it came under the siege of the monster called corruption that assailed all sectors of the Nigerian economy with time. The refineries soon went aground as a result of poor management and the NNPC, the largest asset holder in the oil and gas industry, began to falter in its remittances to the national treasury.

To illustrate the administrative lethargy and managerial inertia that became the lot of the NNPC, it would be worthwhile to recall some of its statutory infractions about financial misappropriations over the years. When the Federal Government hired KPMG to audit its account in 2011, it was discovered that the NNPC could not account for about N28.5bn on subsidy-related claims. In March 2016, the Auditor-General of the Federation alleged that the corporation failed to remit around $16bn to the federation account. Earlier in 2014, Emir Lamido Sanusi, former Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN), raised an alarm that a whopping $20bn was missing in the treasury of the NNPC.

Suffice it to say that the ordinary people have been at the receiving end of decadence in the NNPC that has left the Nigerian economy in dire straits. Owing to the comatose state of the refineries the country has, for many years, witnessed scarcity of refined petroleum products that the hoi polloi can hardly afford.

Consequently, small and medium enterprises that serve as the engine room of the economy have been forced to close up shop. Moreover, endemic corruption and inefficiency in the petroleum industry, prior to the enactment of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) , had provided huge disincentives for foreign investments.

The declining fortunes of Nigerians, due to gross mismanagement in the NNPC, is clearly a breach of social contract between the government and the people. This scenario has significantly eroded generalised trust in the NNPC and the Federal Government over the years. Consequently, there has been an avalanche of protests against operations of the NNPC and the management of the petroleum industry. In fairness to those disparaging the NNPC, they are only exercising their right to freedom of expression which is a vital tool to keep governments and their agencies under check.

However, there is enough evidence to suggest that a few disgruntled elements who are still roaring themselves hoarse in the present dispensation, particularly those calling for the head of Mr. Mele Kyari, Group Chief Executive Officer (GCEO) of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL), are acting from a hangover spell.

The naysayers have adamantly refused to accept the fact that it is no longer business as usual in the NNPC, which has undergone significant reforms to live up to its obligations to the Nigerian state and its people. These doubting Thomases are only victims of circumstance whose condition can be likened to plight of hypochondriacs. In medicine, hypochondria, also called health anxiety disorder, is a state of obsession with the idea of having a serious medical condition that does not exist. Hypochondriacs exaggerate symptoms and severity of a suspected illness without supporting evidence and grope in all directions for solutions in their helpless state of phantasmagoria.

In the realm of cultural psychology, hypochondriacs are constantly weighed down by paranoia and panic attack, and resort to compulsive behaviours that are evident in damaged self-respect, negative attacks on leaders, fault-finding tendencies, fierce criticism, and a pessimistic outlook on life generally.

Caroline Crampton, writer and podcaster, in her latest book entitled “A Body Made of Glass: A Cultural History of Hypochondria”, admits that she was once under the numbing influence of hypochondria when she confesses to having harboured fears that a cured cancer disease for which she had been diagnosed at age 17 would return. Crampton goes further to chronicle other notable intellectuals like Elizabeth Browning, Phillip Larkin, Tennessee Williams et al who fretfully battled against unfounded fears about personal health, safety and security in their lifetime.

Given the distressed state of the Nigerian economy, occasioned by hyperinflation, it is not out of place to find a high prevalence of stress-induced hypochondria in the country. Fortunately, the available treatment for this ailment, as doctors have prescribed, includes therapy and counselling. Therefore, it would be helpful to highlight the laudable achievements of the new NNPC under the supervision of Kyari to convince the naysayers that light has come at the end of the tunnel.

On June 20 2019, Mr. Mele Kolo Kyari was appointed the 19th Group Managing Director (GMD) of the NNPC. His appointment coincided with a period of comprehensive reforms in the petroleum industry. On assumption of office, Kyari launched a policy of Transparency, Accountability, Performance and Excellence (TAPE) to retool the operations of the corporation. To this end, he opened the books of NNPC to the public for proper scrutiny.

This culminated in the publication of the 2018/2019 audited financial statement of the state-owned petroleum corporation and its subsidiaries registered under the Companies and Allied Matters Act of 1990 to enhance transparency in joint venture finances, the first of its kind in over 40 years of its existence. Under the dynamic and able leadership of Mr. Kyari, the NNPC enlisted with the global Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (EITI).

Implementation of the TAPE policy led to a drastic reduction in the corporation’s loss profile in a period of two years, from N803bn in 2018 to N1.7bn in 2019. In 2020, former President Muhammadu Buhari announced that, for the first time in its history, the NNPC was able to declare a profit of N287bn after tax deductions in that financial year. In April 2022, the NNPC paid $3.68bn out of a total $4.689bn cash call debt to five joint venture partners.

It is a known fact that all efforts to revive Nigeria’s ailing refineries from 1999 to 2015 proved abortive. On April 6, 2021, Kyari led the NNPC to sign a $1.5 billion Engineering, Procurement and Construction (EPC) contract with Technimont SPA to rehabilitate the Port Harcourt refinery. Construction work commenced on May 6, 2021, and witnessed a slight delay in its completion date.

Through the sheer commitment of the new NNPC led by Kyari and the able supervision of the petroleum ministry, the revamped Port Harcourt refinery that had been shut since 2019 was opened on November 26, 2024. The reopening of the Port Harcourt refinery marks a new dawn in the operations of the NNPC and the petroleum ministry, as most Nigerians have acknowledged. In the words of Mr Peter Obi: “I wish to congratulate the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) for fulfilling the long-standing promise of revamping the old Port Harcourt refinery. The refinery which comes on stream today boasts an installed production capacity of 60,000 barrels of crude per day. Approximately 200 trucks are expected to load products daily from the refinery. Nigerians await the corresponding impact on pump prices and the overall economy.”

The revival of the Port Harcourt refinery bolsters public confidence in the government’s assurance about the resuscitation of other moribund refineries that will be fixed to commence production in no distant time. When they all become operational, as anticipated, Nigerians will begin to appreciate the “Renewed Hope” economic blueprint of President Bola Tinubu, as petroleum products scarcity and what is generally considered an unreasonably high cost of energy will gradually become a thing of the past. In addition to making petroleum products available and affordable to Nigerians, the NNPCL now has the mandate to implement a renewable energy initiative and other projects that are at various stages of completion, all of which will not be expatiated upon here, for lack of space.

The NNPCL which played a critical role in the enactment of the PIA, currently one of the most important pieces of legislation in the country, was able to attain greater achievements, which seemed impossible, under the leadership of Kyari. Until his previous appointment in 2019, the GCEO of NNPCL was Group General Manager of the crude oil marketing division of the defunct NNPC, an assignment which he carried out diligently with a vast knowledge of crude oil marketing, oil and gas trading, and petroleum economics.

At the time, he became the helmsman of what is now Nigeria’s state-owned oil company, Mr. Kyari had over 32 years of experience after traversing the entire value chain of the petroleum industry.

From the foregoing, it is evident that the recent querulous protests and media attacks launched against the NNPCL and Mr. Kyari are unfounded and launched out of ignorance or sheer malevolence. Contrary to the claims of Kyari’s traducers, it has been nearly five years of growth and recovery in the NNPCL which has been repositioned on a positive trajectory, after many years of administrative and managerial inefficiency.

Dr. Amieyeofori, Journalist and Conflict Scholar, writes from Abuja.

AHEAD 2027 general elections, 78 associations have submitted applications to the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) seeking to be registered as political parties.

A senior management staff of the commission, who pleaded not to be named, revealed this to Sunday Tribune in Abuja.

The source, who declined to give the identities of the associations, declared that relevant departments within the commission are already sieving the applications to determine those that meet up the commission’s requirements for eligibility for registration as political parties.

“It is after that rigorous examination of their applications that the commission would select the ones that meet up its template for registration,” the source said.

Sunday Tribune checks revealed that the requirements that the applicants must fulfill include national spread; an existing National Executive Committee of the association that reflects the Federal Character principle; the constitution and manifesto of the association must align with the fundamental objectives and directive principle of state policy, as enshrined in the Constitution.

The name, acronym, symbol and motto of the association seeking to transform to a political party must not be toxic as to offend provisions of the Constitution and the Electoral Act.

According to the INEC Guidelines and Provisions for Political Parties, some of the claims to be verified by its relevant departments ahead of an association registration as party are: “The commission, in verifying the claims of an association, shall, among other things, ascertain whether: The National Executive Committee of the association reflects the Federal Character Principle which requires that members of the National Executive Committee must come from at least 24 states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory.

“The constitution and manifesto of the association comply with the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), the Electoral Act 2022 and these Regulations and Guidelines.

“The name, acronym, motto, or symbol does not offend the provision of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), the Electoral Act 2022 and these Regulations and Guidelines.

“The constitution and manifesto of the association conform to the Fundamental Objectives and Directive Principle of State Policy as contained in Chapter Il of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended).”

The regulation further stated that “Where, at any stage of the registration process, it is discovered that the same set of persons submitted more than one application, or that any aspect of the submission is false, such an application shall be invalidated.”

Checks by Sunday Tribune revealed that 19 political parties are currently operating in the country.

The number swelled from 18 to 19 in July last year, when INEC had to reverse itself on the deregistration of the Youth Party, in compliance with judgement of the Supreme Court.

With the growing internal dissension within the dominant opposition parties, multiple sources revealed that gladiators within the dominant political parties have since opened discussions to form a formidable coalition against the ruling All Progressives Congress in forthcoming general elections.

One of the options is to coalesce under a political party, outside the three dominant opposition parties which are now heavily fractured.

[Tribune]

The feud between elder statesman, Chief Afe Babalola and civil right activist, Mr. Dele Farotimi, is perhaps the most significant discourse that postcolonial Nigerian state has thrown up for the moment, one in a class of those grand defining disputations that sure will gather dust which will take some time to abate. And it is one case that is fraught with all sorts of legal, jurisprudential, moral and political traps and complexities that speak to more than the trivial interventions—leveraged around the David and Goliath motif—that are attending the matter. Those who have been able to go beyond the surface of the case will agree that it goes to the very foundation and founding of the Nigerian society, and the fundamental objective of crafting a good and just society for Nigerians. That the issue revolves around the dispensation of justice immediately alerts us to the deep insinuation about the idea of social justice itself, and how the conception of fairness could be written into the very fabric of the Nigerian society.

And yet, the complexity of the case is what makes it a case that is too critical for a public servant like me to dabble in. (Un)fortunately, my intellectual maturation, my political science education and my professional endeavor in institutional reform advocacy have prepared me to intervene in this critical matter. I have always been involved with Nigeria, and with reflective thoughts about how to reconstitute her greatness. Three learning encounters with three world-historic icons configured my passion for wanting to see that Nigeria becomes a state we all can be proud of. The first came from my reading of Plato’s Republic. There is a reason that the entire treatise commenced with the question, what is justice? Justice was a fundamental issue in the decline of the ancient Athenian democracy that allowed Socrates to be judicially murdered. The second learning derived from Wole Soyinka’s dense prison memoir, The Man Died. And like most who have read it, Soyinka was troubled by the idea of justice: “For me, justice is the first condition of humanity.” By the time I would be coming to Thomas More’s Utopia, I was already apprised of the connections between my political science education, my professional endeavor as a public servant, and the key elements of institutional reform as a cogent framework for transforming Nigeria.

From Plato to Soyinka, we have a trajectory of political reflection that takes justice seriously as the basis for organizing a just society. This is part of the intellectual frameworks for my undergraduate and graduate studies at the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. In one of those explosive seminar classes that played some fundamental role in my intellectual maturation in the graduate school, I had proposed an argument through a seminar paper titled: “Is a revolution an option to fix Nigeria?” The topic was meant to titillate the collective yearning for revolution that would serve as the ultimate mechanism for social change that will flush off all traces of corruption and degeneration in postcolonial Nigeria. Revolutions seem to possess some allure for the masses because they constitute a framework of justice that the constitutional justice mechanism might not be able to handle.

However, as Wole Soyinka, Thomas More, Martin Luther and even Galileo Galilei would realize, the need for radicalism is balanced by the force of establishment orthodoxy. The Nigerian predicament has, as a fundamental foundation, lot to do with the connection between governance failure and injustice in terms of the persistent and protracted class strife between the haves and the have-nots, between the rich and the poor, indeed, in the final analysis between the government and the governed. And in the case between Afe Babalola and Dele Farotimi, the issues boil down to the administration of justice and the entire edifices and institutions of social justice and the rule of law in Nigeria. And so, in outlining the key issues involved in the matter, we must be careful enough to read between the lines and the noises of analysts who are eager to queue behind their favored protagonists.

First things first. Let us remove the surface debris. Indeed, and in this case, the debris points us in the direction to look for the rot within the matter. First, there is the matter of civil defamation and its legal ramifications. And second, there is the issue of the legal and moral protocols involved in dealing with the pursuit of redress by someone who knows and understands the law. Barrister Farotimi has a legal right to seek redress in court. Chief Babalola has a legal right to defend his reputation in court. In raising the specter of legal prosecution against defamation, I see Chief Babalola as being at the forefront of gatekeeping the legal establishment in terms of what is and is not permissible or possible under the law and its conservative tenets. If you are hurt or an injustice has been done to your person, then the best place to seek redress is not the court of public opinion but the constitutional legal establishment. Unfortunately for him, Barrister Farotimi’s book, Nigeria and Its Criminal Justice System, impugned the entire legal and judicial establishment up to its apex institution, the Nigerian Supreme Court. However, does radicalism preclude moral decency? A book could be written and allegations made without the complement of atrocious language. Or maybe the rot in the judicial system, and the need for a revolution preclude any niceties, especially with those who are allegedly at the forefront of perpetuating and protecting the rot. But then, how to prove what we all considered to be the norm in terms of legal prosecution of judicial corruption remains a hanging question?       

No matter how we look at what we are calling the surface debris, we are redirected deeper and deeper into what lies beneath the surface. The ultimate question is that between Chief Afe Babalola and Barrister Dele Farotimi, what we are asked to contend with is the state of the Nigerian judiciary and the corrupt impediment of social justice, especially for an average Nigerian. What Barrister Dele Farotimi said about the Nigeria judicial system is not new. We are all familiar with the rot within the system. Indeed, this is not the first time an alarm would be raised about what we are all familiar with. Indeed, as far back as 1999, The News magazine carried a most unsalutary headline, “Crooks on the Bench: An Expose on the Rot in the Judiciary.” The magazine headlined the names of 47 judges indicted for judicial corruption. What is new is that Dele Farotimi dared to go so far as to mention specific names, and to confront the big players in the legal establishment. And he did this in a most scurrilous manner targeted at getting maximum traction and attention. It is as if Mr Farotimi, through the public sphere, is throwing the gauntlet to every Nigerian and challenging us on our collective responsibility to clean the Augean stable.

If Barrister Farotimi cannot prove his allegations in court, it would not mean that his charges are false. It might only imply that the system which is supposed to guarantee justice has become too corruptly dense to achieve its mandate. But there is also the chance that since the entire judicial system cannot be tarred so broadly with the same brush, Farotimi’s allegation might receive a dispassionate hearing that might deliver justice as we expect it. This might be a tall expectation. Nigeria’s postcolonial predicament has inevitable consequences on the capacity of the judicial system to facilitate the delivery of justice. And this failure also complicates the capacity of the Nigerian state to deliver on its social contract to Nigerians. This is what makes the Babalola-Farotimi case too complex to be decided either in the constitutional court or the court of public opinion. The burdens of postcolonial disruptions that the Nigerian judicial system carries are enormous: judicial corruption, miscarriage of judgments, executive lawlessness, delayed trial due to insufficient infrastructure, financial dependence on the executive arm of government

To outline the fundamental challenges of the judicial system in Nigeria this way is not to give in to cynicism and a deterministic mindset that we might be caught in a vice that is inescapable. It is simply to say that the ongoing uproar between the two dramatis personae demonstrates that the court has been given a chance to reflect on the role that (in)justice plays in the fundamental understanding of the Nigerian postcolonial predicament and the capacity of a democratic system to correct itself. When Chief Afe Babalola and Barrister Dele Farotimi are given their day in court, we will have no choice but to trust that same judicial system to deliver unbiased judgment no matter our misgivings about how objective and untainted that judgment could be. This is just a way of saying that though our judicial system is not perfect; it is still the best that we have.

The last words on this reflection on the connection between the ongoing feud between Babalola and Farotimi and Nigeria’s postcolonial predicament must be given to Haile Sellasie, former emperor of Ethiopia: “Throughout history, it has been the inaction of those who could have acted; the indifference of those who should have known better; the silence of the voice of justice when it mattered most; that has made it possible for evil to triumph.”              

The African proverb, “No matter the roughness of the tortoise shell, it still cherishes it by carrying it about wherever it goes,” offers a poignant metaphor for Nigeria’s current image on the global stage. The tortoise, like Nigeria, has its imperfections. Its shell may be rough and unsightly, but it remains its identity and source of pride. So too must Nigeria, despite its challenges, be a nation we hold up with pride, not one we tarnish, particularly on the world stage.

Recently, global audiences were treated to sharp criticisms of Nigeria by two influential Nigerians: international music icon Davido and Kemi Badenoch, Britain’s Secretary of State for Business and Trade. While their frustrations with the country’s systemic issues may resonate with many, their comments inadvertently cast a shadow over Nigeria’s reputation, sparking widespread debates at home and abroad.

Davido, who has long been celebrated for promoting African music globally, made headlines when he expressed his frustration with the state of governance and infrastructure in Nigeria. While his sentiments are shared by many Nigerians, his approach left some questioning whether he could have framed his critique differently, particularly given his status as a global ambassador for Nigerian culture.

Similarly, Kemi Badenoch’s remarks, rooted in her personal experiences, painted a bleak picture of Nigeria. Her statements were widely interpreted as a denunciation of the country, which many believed went beyond constructive criticism. Badenoch’s comments may have resonated with certain audiences, but they also reinforced negative stereotypes about Nigeria, feeding into a narrative that the country is a place to escape rather than a land of opportunity.

Both incidents reignited a recurring debate: How should Nigerians, especially those in influential positions, address the country’s issues without de-marketing it?

Criticism is an essential tool for progress. Constructive feedback, whether from citizens or the diaspora, has the potential to spur reforms. However, there is a fine line between productive criticism and comments that harm the nation’s global reputation. This distinction becomes even more significant when such remarks are made on the world stage by influential figures.

Nigeria’s challenges are well-documented, corruption, insecurity, poor infrastructure, and economic instability. These are systemic issues that successive governments have struggled to address. However, highlighting these flaws in a way that paints the entire country in a negative light risks overshadowing the genuine efforts being made to resolve them.

At a time when the government is striving to attract foreign investors and reposition the country’s image, de-marketing Nigeria could have dire consequences. Perception matters immensely in the global arena. Investors, tourists, and even potential allies are swayed by how a country is portrayed. When negative narratives dominate, they undermine efforts to showcase the country’s potential and discourage meaningful partnerships.

Figures like Davido and Kemi Badenoch wield immense influence. Their words carry weight, and their platforms amplify their messages to millions of people worldwide. For better or worse, they are seen as unofficial ambassadors of Nigeria. Their actions and statements shape global perceptions of the country.

While their grievances may stem from genuine concerns, the manner and platform on which they air these concerns should be carefully considered. For instance, Davido, who has successfully put Nigerian music on the global map, could balance his criticism by highlighting the resilience, creativity, and potential of the country’s people. Similarly, Badenoch, despite her personal experiences, could use her position to advocate for change in a way that uplifts rather than diminishes Nigeria’s image.

It is not about ignoring the country’s issues or sugarcoating its realities. Rather, it is about being mindful of the impact of one’s words and ensuring that criticisms are constructive and balanced. There is a need for influential Nigerians to frame their narratives in a way that inspires hope and emphasizes the country’s strengths alongside its challenges.

Nigeria’s image is more than just a matter of pride; it has tangible implications for the country’s economic and social development. A positive perception attracts foreign investment, fosters tourism, and boosts national morale. Conversely, a negative image creates skepticism, discourages investment, and deepens the sense of despair among citizens.

Consider the impact of negative global narratives on sectors like tourism and foreign direct investment (FDI). When potential investors or tourists hear only about corruption, insecurity, and inefficiency, they are less likely to see Nigeria as a viable destination. This not only affects the economy but also limits opportunities for job creation and poverty alleviation.

Moreover, the country’s reputation affects its citizens’ experiences abroad. Negative stereotypes about Nigeria often lead to discrimination against Nigerians in international settings, from visa applications to business dealings. Protecting the country’s image, therefore, is not just about national pride; it is about safeguarding the interests and dignity of every Nigerian.

Other countries face their own challenges, yet they manage to protect their global image while addressing internal issues. The United States, for instance, grapples with racial inequality, gun violence, and political polarization. Yet, its citizens and leaders are often careful to highlight its strengths and potential even as they work to address its flaws.

Similarly, China, despite criticisms of its political system and human rights record, has successfully positioned itself as a global economic powerhouse. This balance between acknowledging internal challenges and projecting a positive image is something Nigeria must emulate.

Nigeria’s story is one of complexity. It is a nation of immense potential, blessed with abundant natural resources, rich cultural heritage, and a vibrant, entrepreneurial population. These strengths should form the foundation of the country’s narrative, even as it confronts its weaknesses.

Balanced narratives do not ignore the truth; they provide context and perspective. For every story about corruption, there should be another about innovation and resilience. For every critique of governance, there should be recognition of progress, no matter how incremental. This approach not only fosters hope but also reinforces the idea that change is possible.

Every Nigerian has a role to play in protecting the country’s image. This does not mean turning a blind eye to its challenges. Rather, it means finding constructive ways to address these issues while celebrating the country’s achievements. Social media, for instance, can be a powerful tool for promoting positive stories about Nigeria and countering negative narratives.

Diaspora communities, in particular, have a unique responsibility. As representatives of Nigeria abroad, they have the power to shape perceptions through their actions and words. By highlighting the country’s strengths and advocating for solutions to its challenges, they can help build a more balanced and accurate global image of Nigeria.

The African proverb reminds us that the tortoise does not abandon its shell because of its roughness. Similarly, Nigerians at home and abroad must remember that our identity and reputation are inseparable from the nation itself. This is not a call to silence dissent but a plea for balanced narratives that inspire growth rather than reinforce stereotypes.

Nigeria is on a journey of transformation. The road may be rough, but the destination holds promise. Let us critique where necessary, but let us also be mindful of how we speak about our nation in spaces that shape global perception. The roughness of the shell does not diminish its value. It is, after all, still home.

“Leadership isn’t about power; it’s about influencing and inspiring others, fostering collaboration, and taking responsibility to guide a team towards a shared goal; true leaders empower their people rather than exerting control through authority.” — Laura Weakley

Why is it that Nigeria is regarded as a failed state? The strength of any country lies in its ability to utilise all of its endowments to create a niche for itself. In Nigeria’s case, the calculus of its potential greatness has always been its bountiful natural and human resources, which reasonable countries treat as capital assets, to create economic wealth that delivers higher living standards to her citizens. The first two determine the third. If a country can successfully harness its natural resources, using its human talent, it will prosper; if it can’t, it will fail.  

So uncommonly and generously endowed with both human and natural resources, why is Nigeria one of the world’s poorest countries? 

Why is Nigeria  so badly governed  that it is utterly dysfunctional, verging on state failure? The commonest refrain people give is “bad leadership”. This view is problematic against the backdrop of the  sustained superlative performance of many  Nigerians in  diaspora, especially those playing leadership roles in businesses and governments of the countries of their sojourn or global institutions.    

The consequential question on many lips is,  why can’t Nigerians run their own country well? How is it that  Nigerians provide quality leadership abroad but not at home? Should we then argue that the problem is systemic and structural – is Nigeria systemically wired to fail and structurally conditioned to produce bad leaders? It may be right to argue that it is a combination of both factors and even more.  A country reeling under the weight of corruption and held captive by  a system that consigned her to poor leadership and gross moral bankruptcy. A country so encaged  by greed and self – interest, it offers no space for the public – spirited.    If values and patriotism  guide your action, Nigeria is not your natural habitat; you must, if you are merit- driven and morally inclined,  look for opportunities outside her shores. Nigeria’s brightest and best are crowded out by a political system and a culture that rewards self-dealing knavery over meritocracy, honesty, and integrity. 

Thus, Nigerians who may never succeed at home go abroad and shine brightly there. Consequently, Nigeria is brain-drained and utterly denuded, thereby losing the critical ingredients it needs to  construct a  functional, well-heeled, and prosperous nation. 

Recently, a British – born Nigerian woman hit the headlines worldwide for her outstanding feat.  Kemi Badenoch was elected as the first Black leader of Britain’s Conservative Party, which has produced more Prime Ministers than any other party in the UK since the country had its first Prime Minister in 1721. Given the Conservative Party’s track record of producing Prime Ministers, Olukemi Olufunto Badenoch, née Adegoke, could soon become the UK’s first British-Nigerian Prime Minister! 

Trust the Nigerian government!  Its officials are quick to celebrate and  appropriate Nigerians abroad who achieve great feats. But what chances would such achievers have had at home? For instance, how far would Kemi Adegoke-Badenoch have gone if she were to be in Nigeria? This woman – Badenoch answered that question herself in one of the interviews she gave about her childhood. She  was born in the UK but brought to Nigeria by her parents, the late Femi Adegoke, a medical doctor, and her mother Feyi, an academic, for her early education. She later returned to Britain at 16 for her A – levels. 

Badenoch,  now 45, said she contemplated the idea of returning to Nigeria at 25 to begin a political career. According to her, a Nigerian political figure “scoff at” her, “saying something about her being a woman and how she would never make it.”  Hardly would  any Nigerian consider that account outlandish given that there is not a single female state governor in Nigeria, let alone the remote possibility of a female president. Peradventure, if Kemi becomes the British Prime Minister, Nigeria might declare a week long public holiday and accord the highest honour of GCFR to celebrate her milestone achievement, pretending ignorance of how the system in Nigeria would have debarred her. Were she  to be in Nigeria,  she couldn’t even become a state governor. Perhaps and more probably, a Local Government Chairperson. 

Those trying to curry the government’s favour had criticised Kemi for rebuffing the ‘Bolekaja’  gestures of the hypocritical government and its officials. They have quickly forgotten the inhuman treatment meted out to Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala  shortly after her tenure as Minister under Goodluck Jonathan. Recall the Buhari administration sent law enforcement agents to search her house for “illegal currency holdings” only to find “bags full of old newspapers!”

Hardly had she become the Director-General of the World Trade Organization, the same Buhari was elated to confer her the honour of GCON, Nigeria’s second highest national award. As the old saying goes, success has many fathers, but failure is an orphan! That was precisely why Abike Dabiri-Erewa, the CEO of Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, tried to reach out to Kemi Badenoch after her election as the Tory leader and was nettled that Badenoch spurned the overture. “It depends on whether she embraces her Nigerian identity. We reached out to her once or twice, but there was no response. We don’t force anyone to acknowledge being Nigerian,” Dabiri-Erewa said petulantly. Kemi was smart enough to distinguish between hoax and genuine congratulatory offer and image laundering for a nation that has failed its citizens when it matters, “nicodemously” sneaking in to claim credit for success not worked for. 

It is obvious, contrary to the views expressed by the Vice-President, Senator Kashim Sheittima, that, Kemi Badenoch, honestly does not deny her Nigerian lineage, rather, it is the systemic rottenness of a country, held hostage and underdeveloped by kleptocracy, clientelism, and  grand  corruption of unimaginable magnitude.   She said one of the books that shaped her worldview was: “Why Nations Fail,” by Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, the Economics Nobel laureates, and she claimed she sees Nigeria’s through the prism of that book. Whenever any British politician did something that she considered unacceptable, she would say it’s a “Nigerian thing.” Concede that to her, she ran on the values of truth, honesty, and integrity and won over the overwhelmingly White Conservative Party membership.

By contrast, such a commitment to personal ethics is utterly lacking in Nigeria’s self-serving political class. The angry reactions by many Nigerians to her comments are a reminder of how often we hold on to pride rather than dignity. The truth is that there is hardly any  passing day, that Nigerians would not say sleazy things about the country or such  that could be construed as negative. The fact remains that some of these unsavoury comments are made out  of genuine concern and are mostly true. Things are really bad in the country at the moment. But interestingly, the moment these same things are mentioned in the presence of foreigners, we get unduly defensive and offended as if the issues are family secrets that should not be divulged in the open. We strive vainly to conceal what is already in the public domain,  because it hurts. The truth  is –  the  sore-full Nigerian situation is self-advertising, even to foreigners.

Our commitment to worshipping our egos to the detriment of the wiser parts of our minds has made it difficult for us to react to criticism productively.  My reading of Kemi is that of a principled persona,  intolerant of unethical politics and leadership.  Badenoch pointed out the fact that  she had seen what happens “when politicians are running for themselves, when they divert and convert public money as theirs and use  as their private piggy banks while they promise heaven and earth but pollute not just the air, but the whole political airspace with their failure to serve others.” 

Even though the reaction from Nigeria was visceral, is it not an honest truth that politicians in Nigeria use public coffers as their personal piggy banks? Not too long ago, we witnessed the faux pas of a former Ekiti State governor, Ayo Fayose, when he  talked about “the use of Wike’s money” when referring to the failure of Atiku Abubakar to pick the former Rivers State governor, Nyesom Wike, as his running mate? Wike has been governor of his state for eight solid years and has lavished funds on his party. But there  is no record that this former governor is from a wealthy family or ran any major successful business before he became a governor.  To interrogate that, whose money has he lavished on the PDP ostensibly for personal political gain? Is that not a case of using state money as a personal piggy bank? 

As a nation and people with conscience, should we not be more rational in our assessment of things and develop the habit of speaking truth to power? The furor generated by Kemi’ s utterances  is actually uncalled for – If we adopt a  critical lens to sift her supposedly negative  feedback, and prioritise dignity above ego.  

Dignity comes from pursuing ideas and actions that align with ethics and proper behaviour. Dignity is based on principle and it provides people with the capacity to interact productively with unfavourable feedback and response, in a way that enables improvement. Pride, on the other hand, is about personality and ego. A sense of dignity is undeterred by praise or criticism because it is rooted in a commitment to the principles that are considered honourable. As pride and arrogance have failed us severally, is it not time we as a people try dignity instead? 

This  brings us back to the starting point,- Kemi Badenoch and other Nigerians who have achieved great feats abroad have shown that Nigeria’s problem is not the absence of talent or intellectual prowess.  And those who say it is the absence of leadership are only economical with the truth. Of course, Nigeria has always come up with leaders who elevate  self-interest above the common good. But it is a country’s political system that determines the  kind of leaders that govern it. As it were, Nigeria’s broken political system cannot produce public-spirited leaders because the system favours crookedness and the highest bidder, and makes it easy for state institutions, notably the electoral commission,  judiciary and security agencies, to be kneaded into delivering fraudulent elections that produce dubious leaders.

For instance let’s imagine for a moment that some  of the Nigerians making waves all over the world, such as  Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala,  Akinwumi Adesina, the successful President of the African Development Bank, AfDB, or Hilaria Asumu a Councillor in Salford Council, emerged as Nigeria’s president, would they succeed? Well, your guess is as good as mine. Without mincing words, they would most likely fail under this over-centralised political structure that lacks effective checks and balances and is riven with ethnic polarisation and zero-sum politics. 

Look no further – the North-South divide and entrenched vested interests over the tax reform bills, clearly  demonstrates  Nigeria’s systemic and structural problem.Yet, the fact that Okonjo-Iweala, Badenoch, Adesina and other Nigerians succeed abroad is a unnerving  indictment of the Nigerian state. For if Nigeria is so dysfunctional while its citizens rule the world, what kind of statehood is that? Simply! It’s a failed state.

In rounding up,  my plea to those at the helm of affairs in Nigeria is to ensure that the same environment that enables Kemi Badenoch to actualize her dreams in the United Kingdom,  becomes obtainable in Nigeria.Those who had JAPAed or JAPAing would be on their way back when the signals are clear that the return of Zion is imminent. The present clouds portend nothing good but evil. Let Kemi Adegoke-Badenoch breathe, please.

. Ogundipe, a Public Affairs Analyst, a former President of the Nigeria and African Union of Journalists.

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) has slashed the ex-depot price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), commonly known as petrol, from ₦1,020 to ₦899 per litre.

This adjustment follows a similar move by the Dangote Refinery, which recently reduced its petrol price to ₦899 per litre.

The Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria (PETROAN) confirmed this development in a statement released on Saturday.

Signed by PETROAN’s National Public Relations Officer, Dr. Joseph Obele, the statement referenced a document issued by NNPCL’s Commercial Department detailing the price adjustment under the regional pricing framework.

Marketers will now purchase PMS at ₦899 per litre, aligning with the price set by the Dangote Refinery.

However, buyers sourcing from locations such as Warri, Oghara, Port Harcourt, and Calabar will pay ₦970 per litre.

The statement read, “The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited has taken a significant step in response to the competitive impact of deregulation in the downstream sector.

“The company recently reduced the ex-depot price of Premium Motor Spirit from ₦1,020 to ₦899 per litre.

“The price reduction by NNPCL is seen as a response to the competitive impact of deregulation, which has led to increased competition in the downstream sector.”

Dr. Obele noted that the decision demonstrates the growing influence of deregulation on the oil and gas market, fostering increased competition among stakeholders.

He expressed optimism that petrol prices would decline further before the end of January 2025 due to falling crude oil prices globally and the naira’s recent appreciation against the dollar.

He described the current trend as a “price war,” underscoring the benefits of competition and advocating for the full privatization of government-owned refineries to further enhance market efficiency.

Reacting to the development, the National President of PETROAN, Billy Harry, commended the NNPCL for prioritizing affordability during the holiday season.

“The reduction in PMS price by NNPCL is a demonstration of the company’s commitment to making petroleum products more affordable for Nigerians.

“We commend NNPCL for responding to our call for affordable PMS prices,” Harry said.

He highlighted key benefits for consumers: “Reduced transportation costs: With lower PMS prices, motorists will spend less on fuel, leading to increased disposable income.

“Increased economic activity: Lower fuel prices will stimulate economic growth by reducing production costs and increasing demand for goods and services.

“Improved standard of living: The price reduction will lead to a decrease in the cost of living, enabling Nigerians to afford necessities and enjoy a better quality of life.” 

Harry also applauded Dangote Refinery for its earlier price cut, crediting it with driving healthy competition in the downstream sector.

While praising the benefits of competitive pricing, PETROAN raised concerns about potential risks to product quality.

Dr. Obele urged the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) to enforce strict quality assurance measures to protect consumers.

“PETROAN is calling on the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority to ensure compliance with quality assurance standards which may arise due to competitive pricing,” he warned.

Meanwhile, NNPCL spokesperson Femi Soneye has yet to confirm this development officially.

[NaijaNews]

The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL) has slashed the ex-depot price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), commonly known as petrol, from ₦1,020 to ₦899 per litre.

This adjustment follows a similar move by the Dangote Refinery, which recently reduced its petrol price to ₦899 per litre.

The Petroleum Products Retail Outlets Owners Association of Nigeria (PETROAN) confirmed this development in a statement released on Saturday.

Signed by PETROAN’s National Public Relations Officer, Dr. Joseph Obele, the statement referenced a document issued by NNPCL’s Commercial Department detailing the price adjustment under the regional pricing framework.

Marketers will now purchase PMS at ₦899 per litre, aligning with the price set by the Dangote Refinery.

However, buyers sourcing from locations such as Warri, Oghara, Port Harcourt, and Calabar will pay ₦970 per litre.

The statement read, “The Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited has taken a significant step in response to the competitive impact of deregulation in the downstream sector.

“The company recently reduced the ex-depot price of Premium Motor Spirit from ₦1,020 to ₦899 per litre.

“The price reduction by NNPCL is seen as a response to the competitive impact of deregulation, which has led to increased competition in the downstream sector.”

Dr. Obele noted that the decision demonstrates the growing influence of deregulation on the oil and gas market, fostering increased competition among stakeholders.

He expressed optimism that petrol prices would decline further before the end of January 2025 due to falling crude oil prices globally and the naira’s recent appreciation against the dollar.

He described the current trend as a “price war,” underscoring the benefits of competition and advocating for the full privatization of government-owned refineries to further enhance market efficiency.

Reacting to the development, the National President of PETROAN, Billy Harry, commended the NNPCL for prioritizing affordability during the holiday season.

“The reduction in PMS price by NNPCL is a demonstration of the company’s commitment to making petroleum products more affordable for Nigerians.

“We commend NNPCL for responding to our call for affordable PMS prices,” Harry said.

He highlighted key benefits for consumers: “Reduced transportation costs: With lower PMS prices, motorists will spend less on fuel, leading to increased disposable income.

“Increased economic activity: Lower fuel prices will stimulate economic growth by reducing production costs and increasing demand for goods and services.

“Improved standard of living: The price reduction will lead to a decrease in the cost of living, enabling Nigerians to afford necessities and enjoy a better quality of life.” 

Harry also applauded Dangote Refinery for its earlier price cut, crediting it with driving healthy competition in the downstream sector.

While praising the benefits of competitive pricing, PETROAN raised concerns about potential risks to product quality.

Dr. Obele urged the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA) to enforce strict quality assurance measures to protect consumers.

“PETROAN is calling on the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority to ensure compliance with quality assurance standards which may arise due to competitive pricing,” he warned.

Meanwhile, NNPCL spokesperson Femi Soneye has yet to confirm this development officially.

[NaijaNews]