Last Saturday, December 7, 2024, Ghana had its ninth general election in its Fourth Republic, which started with the 1992 Constitution. On Monday, December 9, the Chairperson of the Electoral Commission of Ghana, Mrs Jean Mensa, officially declared John Dramani Mahama of the National Democratic Congress as the president-elect. The presidential poll, held across the 40,976 polling stations contested by 12 of the 15 registered political parties and four independents with 18,774,159 registered voters resulted in a landslide victory for the former president, Mahama. According to the EC chairperson who was the returning officer, Jean Mensa, Ex-president John Mahama polled 6,328,397 representing 56.55 per cent, while the Vice President and presidential candidate of the governing New Patriotic Party, Dr Mahamudu Bawumia, secured 4, 657, 304, representing 41.61 per cent, representing. Voter turnout was officially put at 60.9 per cent. A turnout “Big Brother” Nigeria still dream of.

It is noteworthy that the NPP candidate and the outgoing Vice President of Ghana, Dr Mahamudu Bawumia, had on Sunday, December 8, showed statesmanship by calling his main rival, John Mahama, to concede victory and congratulate him. That singular action was taken ahead of the conclusion of the vote tallying deescalated tension in the country. It is quite exemplary! Mahama, Ghana’s president between 2012 and 2016 like Donald Trump had successfully staged a comeback to the Jubilee House after a series of losses to the outgoing President Nana Akufo Addo in 2016 and 2020. Another epochal thing with the just concluded election is that Ghana has made history by producing its first female Vice President-Elect, Prof. Naana Jane Opoku-Agyemang. She was the former vice-chancellor of the University of Cape Coast and later in 2013 appointed Minister of Education by John Mahama.

It is noteworthy that no political party has been able to win more than two elections back-to-back in Ghana since 1992. The electoral upset which led to the massive defeat of the ruling New Patriotic Party follows the political trajectory in Liberia in November 2023, Senegal in March 2024, the UK in July 2024, and the US in November 2024.  In these countries, opposition political parties were able to roundly defeat the party in power, thereby, causing political upset. The causative factors in all of these are the rising cost of living, inflation, and unemployment.

Though Ghana has long established itself as an oasis of democracy in what is regarded as the coup belt of Africa; last Saturday’s elections are not without flaws. According to the appraisal of the elections done by a Ghanaian newspaper, Myjoyonline, “The exercise, which started peacefully on Saturday morning, later escalated into chaos in some parts of the country due to issues of attempted rigging, and delays in the collation of results in some constituencies. The post-election violence has claimed three lives, with many others injured. The Ghana Police Service has so far arrested 89 people for various election-related offences.” There were also reported cases of vote buying on the internet.

I was on the Nigerian Television Authority flagship breakfast show called ‘Good Morning Nigeria” last Monday, December 9. I was an accredited observer under the platform of The Carter Centre in 2008 and I am of the view that Nigeria could learn a few things from its West Africa Anglophone neighbour.  Ghana, a country of over 34 million people with 16 administrative regions and 276 electoral constituencies shares a common history with Nigeria. Apart from being a former British colony, the country also had its fair share of military rule. Under Section 44 (2) of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution, the chairperson of the electoral commission is appointed on similar conditions as a Justice of the Court of Appeal.

Among the similarities between Nigeria and Ghana is: They are both in their Fourth Republic, running multiparty democracy. Despite having a de jure multiparty system, they are both de facto two-party countries. While the two dominant political parties in Nigeria are the All Progressives Congress and the Peoples Democratic Party, in Ghana, the dominant political parties are the New Patriotic Party and the National Democratic Congress.  Both countries are members of the Economic Community of West African States and long-time trade partners; both countries run a presidential system of government of four-year tenure and a maximum of two terms for executive positions. Both nations now sign peace accords ahead of presidential elections. The voting age in Ghana is 18 just like in Nigeria.

In Ghana, just like in Nigeria, there is no grant given to political parties. They source their money internally without limit while foreign donation is barred. According to Section 55 (15) of Ghana’s 1992 Constitution, only a citizen of Ghana can contribute or donate to a political party registered in Ghana.  What, however, is doubtful is whether there is strict enforcement of this clause. Party members in Ghana buy party souvenirs. I saw many of them with their party flags, mufflers, handkerchiefs, T-shirts, etc. The parties in turn provide free transport service to party members who may wish to travel to where they registered to vote.

Unlike in Nigeria, however, Ghana has provision for independent candidacy; voting hours are from 7 am–5 pm and there is no lockdown of the country as with the case in Nigeria.  Election day in Ghana is December 7 of the election year and the swearing-in date for the new president is January 7 of the new year. This is very much like the US, where the election is the first Tuesday in November of the election year and the inauguration is on January 20 of the following year. To win the presidential election in Ghana, a candidate needs to win 50+1 per cent of the valid votes cast. That means the absolute majority of the votes cast. To be eligible to run in the presidential election, candidates must be Ghanaian, 40 years or older, and registered voters. Candidates for parliamentary seats must be Ghanaians of 21 years or older and registered voters.  Candidates for the elections must not owe allegiance to any other country and must have settled all tax obligations.

Under the Ghana electoral system, there is a provision for voting by proxy and special or early voting. While voting by proxy allows a person to vote on behalf of another person, special voting is meant for electoral officials, media practitioners and members of armed forces, who are likely to be on election duty. Early voting takes place on December 2. In the just concluded elections, 1,291 voters cast their votes by proxy, allowing someone else to vote on their behalf. Ghana’s electoral system recognises voting by proxy for voters who are sick, outside the country, or unable to participate on election day. However, a proxy voter can only vote for one person.

Unlike Nigeria, which runs a bicameral legislature, Ghana has a unicameral legislature. Unlike Nigeria, which has two electoral management bodies, i.e. INEC and state independent electoral commissions, Ghana has only one, which is the Electoral Commission of Ghana, currently headed by a lady, Mrs Jean Mensa. Ghana’s electoral commission has seven members- a chairman, two deputy chairmen and four other members. Nigeria, on the other hand, has a 14-member commission- a chairman, 12 national commissioners and the secretary.

Truth be told, Ghana has better political credentials than Nigeria and we can learn and borrow some useful ideas from our dear neighbour. Things like the civic political culture, provision for early voting, independent candidacy, robust political party management system and a constitutionally backed date for elections, the election of more women into executive and legislative positions, reduction of qualification age to run for state houses of assembly and councillorship positions from 25 to 21, and more issue-based campaigns are some of the useful lessons we can learn from the land of the Black Stars.
As the tenure of Prof Mahmood Yakubu as INEC chairman ends next year, President Bola Tinubu should scout for a virtuous woman to replace him. Ahead of the 2027 presidential poll, APC and PDP should think about having female vice presidential candidates.

X: @jideojong

The Edo State House of Assembly, on Tuesday, passed a resolution suspending the chairmen and vice chairmen of the 18 local government councils of the state for two months.

The House also mandated leaders of the legislative arms to take over leadership of their respective councils.

The suspension of the council chairmen and their deputies was sequel to a motion moved by the member representing Esan North East 1, Isibor Adeh and seconded by the member representing Akoko-Edo 2, Mr Donald Okogbe.

Governor Monday Okpebholo had earlier written a petition to the House over the refusal of the chairmen to submit financial records of their local government to the state government.

In the letter, the governor, who described the LG chairmen’s refusal as an act of insubordination and gross misconduct, requested the House to look into the matter.

When the matter came up for debate on Tuesday, 14 members supported the motion for the suspension of the LG chairmen, six lawmakers were opposed to the motion while three members maintained neutrality.

The Speaker of the House, Blessing Agbebaku, told the members that all of them must speak on the matter.

The Speaker said, “I will implore that all members of the House speak on this matter before a decision is taken.”

After they had all spoken, the Speaker directed the Clerk of the House, Yahaya Omogbai, to do a head count of the members who supported or opposed the suspension of the council’s chairmen and their deputies.

The opposition Peoples Democratic Party in the state condemned the suspension of the 18 local government chairman.

In a statement by the Edo PDP Caretaker Chairman, Tony Aziegbemi, the party said that the chairmen and their vice were not given the opportunity to defend themselves describing the suspension as unconstitutional.

“The Edo State chapter of the Peoples Democratic Party condemns in the strongest terms the illegal suspension of the Chairmen of the 18 Local Government Areas of Edo State by the Edo State House of Assembly, following the directive of Governor Monday Okpebholo.

“We want to clearly state that this action is unconstitutional, null, and void.

“The illegal suspension is a blatant disregard for the recent ruling of the Chief Judge of Edo State, Justice Daniel Okungbowa, and the Supreme Court’s decision, in a suit filed by the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, which affirmed the autonomy and independence of local governments as guaranteed under the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.”

The PDP contended that Governor Okpebholo lacked the power to demand the financial statements of the LGA in the light of the Supreme Court judgment granting LGs autonomy.

“How can a governor direct the state Assembly to suspend democratically elected chairmen of the 18 local councils for insubordination when these elected officials enjoy autonomy and independence as enshrined in the Constitution and are not subordinates of the governor, the State Assembly, or any other arm of government?

“We are also aware that the chairmen and their vices weren’t even given the opportunity to be heard in their defence and were suspended unheard on watery trumped-up charges, in total disregard to the Constitution.

“We want to restate that the Constitution remains supreme, and any attempt to undermine its provisions or disregard the judiciary and its rulings is not only illegal but also a direct attack on democracy and the rule of law.

“The Speaker of the Edo State House of Assembly and the entire Assembly have clearly overstepped their constitutional mandates with this illegal action and we urge them to immediately reverse its decision, with respect to the rule of law and democratic governance.”

In an interview with The PUNCH, one of the LG chairmen, who spoke anonymously because he was not been authorised to speak on the matter, said the Association of Local Government of Nigerian in the state would make his position known in the coming days.

He said, “We got the notice of the suspension but I cannot speak on the matter as I am not the  ALGON Chairman of the state.

“However, we will make our position known in the coming days.”

[Punch]

The minister of Aviation and Aerospace Development, Festus Keyamo, has likened Abia State governor Alex Otti’s time in the Labour Party to that of a prodigal son who will eventually find his way home.

Otti was a member of the All Progressives Congress in 2020 after leaving All Progressives Grand Alliance APGA, before joining the Labour Party where he contested in the governorship election and won in 2023.

Keyamo said this during his speech at the groundbreaking ceremony for the Abia International Airport.

“The President’s motivation was also the fact that he loves the governor of this state, he loves his spirit. I know the comments he has made about the governor of this state and how much people here love him so much.

“Today is not the day for politics, he strayed away, he was with us, he strayed away like the prodigal son.” He said

Speaking further Keyamo explained how it was upgraded to an international airport rather than the initially planned airstrip.

“When I called Dr Alex Otti and I broke the news to him, he said no, I will partner with you, I will also put in counterpart funding, let us upgrade it to an international airport. This was what happened. As minister of aviation, I’m just telling you the trajectory.”

[Vanguard]

It is a matter of public record that the British opposition leader Kemi Badenoch first lashed out at Nigeria publicly in 2022 when she was pushing to replace Boris Johnson as leader of the Conservative Party.

She was quoted as saying, ” I grew up in Nigeria and I saw first-hand what happens when politicians are in it for themselves, when they use public money as their private piggy banks, when they promise the earth and pollute not just the air but the whole political atmosphere with their failure to serve others. I saw what socialism is for millions. It’s poverty and broken dreams. I came to Britain to make my way in a country where hard work and honest endeavour can take you anywhere.”

This was a Briton born in London but lived in Nigeria until she was 16 (in 1996) in one of the highbrow parts of Lagos at a time of sustained military rule which began in 1983. So she could not have had a ‘first-hand’ knowledge of whatever she claimed politicians use public funds for in Nigeria.

As a daughter of an academic, Badenoch, who was then known as Olukemi Olufunto Adegoke lived on the serene campus of the University of Lagos, arguably one of the best federal universities in Nigeria at the time.

She was even a student at the private International School of Lagos which still operates on the university campus but she is known to have spoken about ‘taking chair to school’ which, for many, is a preposterous claim about a very prestigious school. By Nigerian standards, she lived a sheltered life, absolutely cut off from some of what she claimed to have experienced in one of her many disdainful comments about the country.

Although that comment was made about two years ago, it was ignored by officials of the President Muhammadu Buhari administration including former Vice-President Yemi Osibanjo, who is believed to be her maternal cousin.

But interestingly, Kemi Badenoch was known to have courted the Nigerian community in the United Kingdom as a fledgling politician still struggling to find her way around British politics.

Her talking point in 2010 when she was running for parliament in the 2010 UK general elections for Dulwich & West Norwood was the need to “support a Nigerian who is trying to improve our national image”.

Today, she is going to great lengths to sully that image, even to the extent of making up stories that do not tally with her middle/lower upper-class upbringing in Nigeria.

It was therefore not surprising that Vice-President Kashim Shettima who is not known to suffer fools gladly, especially in the political arena had to take her up at a recent function in Abuja. Fortunately, Shettima’s message resonated on the international stage with the influential Financial Times giving it ample space in its December 10 edition.

According to Vice-President Shettima, “Rishi Sunak, the former British prime minister, is originally from India. A very brilliant young man, he never denigrated his nation of ancestry nor poured venom on India.”

The import of that quip is not lost on many. Like Badenoch, Sunak was born in the UK but to East African-born parents of Punjabi descent and is known to always have pretty nice things to say about his Indian heritage.

Shettima added that she was also free to drop her first name in order to totally break any connection to her roots. That was the first time any senior Nigerian official would respond to various comments Badenoch had made about the country over the years and expectedly it elicited comments even in the United Kingdom.

As FT suggested, Vice-President Shettima was indeed responding to comments Badenoch had made about Nigeria over the years which had riled many people who did not take kindly to words which were believed to have been uttered with a view to winning her wider support within the ranks of the Conservative Party.

The London-born Badenoch had in a response to Shettima through one of her aides, said it was not her duty to do PR for Nigeria but she also ended up displaying a temperament that may not be suitable for the office of British Prime Minister which she covets.

More damning is her latest divisive attempt at winning the support of the Yoruba people in the aftermath of her insulting comments about Nigeria, by asserting her ‘Yorubanness’ and at the same time declaring that she has nothing in common with Northern Nigeria which according to her is a haven for Islamism and Boko Haram.

Again, this is yet another proof that she does not always think things through before speaking. It is clearly a cheap shot aimed at Shettima, who is from Maiduguri, Borno state which until recently was a hotbed of Boko Haram insurgency.

It also shows a poor knowledge of Nigeria, because northern Nigeria is a multi-cultural and multi-religious region of 19 states which cannot be defined by an insurgency that only affected a few local government areas in three states even at its most intense.

So, those words should be seen for what they are; a continuation of Kemi Badenoch’s never-ending disdain for Nigeria which all well-meaning Nigerians should stand against in unity.

Okubanjo, a journalist and public affairs analyst, writes from Abuja.

Amanda Amaeshi, an award-winning activist, campaigner, and writer, has been named My Life My Say’s ‘Changemaker of the Year’ for 2024.

Amaeshi’s work entails gender equality, anti-racism, and youth voices.

The award, decided by public vote, was announced at My Life My Say’s ‘Next Generation conference,’ held on November 22 at the Barbican Centre in London.

The conference—an annual highlight of the youth-led, nonpartisan charity’s activities—brought hundreds of young people alongside renowned speakers, activists, and politicians together to explore innovative solutions to some of society’s biggest challenges.

Amaeshi was announced the winner from a shortlist of inspiring changemakers across youth leadership, social enterprise, climate activism, media, and culture.

A final-year law student at University College London (UCL), Amaeshi has consistently used her voice to influence policy and advocate for social justice.

In 2017, she won the ‘Young reporters for the environment’ competition for her writing on food waste solutions in Scotland.

Her advocacy journey gained momentum when she became a Year of Young People 2018 ambassador, advocating for youth rights and participation in politics—important issues in Scotland.

In 2020, she was featured on the Young Women’s Movement’s 30 Under 30 list and was honoured as the Glasgow Times ‘Young Scotswoman of the year’.

In 2022, she was listed in the WOW Foundation’s young leaders’ directory.

As a member of Girlguiding’s national advocate panel, Amaeshi has spoken out on issues affecting girls and young women in the UK and has engaged audiences of chief executive officers (CEOs), politicians, and decision-makers.

“Winning is an honour, as I’ve said, but it’s even more of an honour to have a platform to share what I’ve done with others, perhaps with those who otherwise wouldn’t have known because, really, this award’s not about me: it’s about the work that I’ve done, the work that I do together with other people, and its positive impact for society at large,” she said while accepting the 2024 award.

Amaeshi serves on Scotland’s first minister’s national advisory council on women and girls (NACWG), engaging in collaborative intersectional policy scrutiny.

[TheCable]

Africa witnessed a transformative year in 2024, with elections in Senegal, South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, and Ghana dominating headlines.

These polls, marked by significant outcomes and circumstances, reshaped the political narratives of their nations and underscored the evolving democratic maturity across the continent.

Senegal

Senegal’s presidential election, held on March 24, 2024, was a critical juncture for the nation’s democratic trajectory. The election culminated in the victory of opposition candidate, Bassirou Diomaye Faye, who was released from prison barely two weeks before the poll.

The 44-year-old former tax officer emerged as the youngest democratically elected president in West Africa.

South Africa

On May 29, 2024, South Africa conducted its general elections, marking a historic shift in its political arena.

The African National Congress (ANC), which had maintained an absolute majority since the end of apartheid in 1994, experienced a significant decline, securing just over 40% of the vote—a substantial drop from nearly 70% during its peak.

This outcome necessitated the formation of coalition governments, which cemented Cyril Ramaphosa’s second term, introducing new dynamics into South Africa’s governance structure.

Botswana

Botswana’s general elections in October 2024 signified a potential end to the Botswana Democratic Party’s (BDP) 58-year dominance.
Duma Boko, the candidate of the Umbrella for Democratic Change (UDC), defeated President Mokgweetsi Masisi, who immediately conceded defeat and congratulated the winner.

Namibia

Namibia’s elections on November 27, 2024, were historic, resulting in the election of Netumbo Nandi-Ndaitwah as the country’s first female president.

She secured 57% of the vote, extending the ruling South West Africa People’s Organisation (SWAPO) party’s 34-year hold on power since independence from apartheid South Africa in 1990, despite a reduction in parliamentary seats from 63 to 51.

Nandi-Ndaitwah emerged as vice president in February after President Hage Geingob died while in office.

This election underscored the electorate’s demand for economic reforms and gender representation in leadership.

Ghana

Ghana’s December 7, 2024, elections tested the resilience of its democracy. The opposition leader and former President John Mahama secured victory, with the incumbent Vice-President Mahamudu Bawumia conceding defeat.

This election has once again cemented Ghana’s reputation as a beacon of democracy in Africa. The election was widely lauded for its transparency and efficiency by local and international observers.

The 2024 electoral outcomes in these African nations underscore a continental shift toward demanding greater accountability, transparency, and inclusivity from political leaders.

The willingness of electorates to unseat long-standing parties indicates a maturation of democratic processes and a commitment to addressing socio-economic challenges through responsive governance.

These elections also highlight the increasing role of women in leadership positions, as evidenced by Namibia’s election of its first female president.

The 2024 elections in Senegal, South Africa, Botswana, Namibia, and Ghana were pivotal in redefining political landscapes, promoting democratic resilience, and reflecting the evolving aspirations of African electorates.

[Business Day]

Nigeria’s foreign exchange market is once again a tale of two worlds. The official market, bolstered by the Central Bank’s Enhanced Foreign Exchange Market Sytem (EFEMS) platform, trades at N1,535/$1, while the parallel market has slipped to N1,680/$1.

The resulting 9% gap reflects growing inefficiencies in forex liquidity management. While EFEMS was designed to streamline access and foster transparency for institutional players, it has left retail participants — largely serviced by Bureau De Change (BDCs) — operating in a less regulated environment.

The EFEMS platform has largely excluded retail forex participants, leaving Bureau De Change (BDC) operators in a difficult position. While the CBN’s latest policy mandates BDCs to source forex from Authorized Dealers via EFEMS and sell to retail buyers, with periodic reporting requirements, the structure of EFEMS is ill-suited to their operational dynamics.

Unlike large institutional players, BDCs operate in smaller transaction volumes and cater directly to the retail market, which demands flexibility and consistent liquidity.

The widening disparity between these markets is more than just an economic inconvenience. It perpetuates arbitrage opportunities, where access to cheaper official dollars becomes a profitable exercise in speculation rather than a tool for productive economic activity.

A growing number of players simply bypass the official market altogether, drawn to the parallel market’s accessibility and flexibility. In this shadowy realm, rates increasingly dictate the prices of goods and services, amplifying inflation and undermining any semblance of price stability.

Liquidity in the official market suffers as a result. Retail demand, unable to find a home within the EFEMS framework, spills into informal channels. This self-reinforcing dynamic undermines the Central Bank’s efforts to stabilize the currency, while discouraging much-needed foreign investment.

Investors view the volatile spread as a warning sign, raising doubts about repatriation of profits and long-term currency stability. For foreign investors, an unreliable forex regime is a warning sign. The promise of stable repatriation becomes uncertain, and Nigeria’s already shaky ability to attract capital weakens further.

So what happens next?

This divergence demands urgent action. Not least because the retail market can not continue to be ignored nor can authorities continue to allow opacity plague the retail and informal market for FX, especially if there is risk of a potential pass through effect on inflation.

The potential solution lies in extending EFEM’s principles of transparency and price discovery to the retail end of the market. BDCs, which remain the main channel for smaller forex transactions, need a platform of their own. A formalized EFEM-style mechanism for BDC operators would likely  introduce structure to a market that currently operates in a chaotic vacuum.

With regular access to liquidity and clear rules of engagement, BDCs could offer competitive rates that narrow the official-parallel gap, dissuading speculative arbitrage and restoring confidence in the naira.

The lessons of March 2024, when the spread was as low as 4%, cannot be ignored. Today, the gap has more than doubled. If policymakers fail to address retail liquidity issues, the disparity will continue to widen. Inflation will rise, foreign investors will retreat, and the parallel market’s dominance will deepen.

Nigeria cannot afford for BDCs or retail participants to remain outside the reform framework. A tailored EFEM for retail forex participants is not just desirable — it is necessary to restore balance, reduce distortions, and rebuild trust in the currency.

The longer the gap persists, the harder it becomes to fix. Furthermore if authorities are serious about capturing more data about retail market participants, The time for decisive reform is now.

[Nairametrics]

According to him, Tinubu said he does not want any part of Nigeria to be cheated.

He noted that the new airport would transform the state into a commercial hub of the South East region.

Keyamo stated this on Tuesday at the flag-off ceremony of the Abia International Airport in Nsulu, Abia State.

Abia Airport project is primarily a federal government initiative, with the state government contributing through runway upgrades.

The airport, initially an airstrip, was upgraded to an international airport.

Keyamo said, “We held Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting yesterday, and when I told him I was coming, he was very glad to dispatch me to this occasion.

“It was shortly after we took office and I was briefing the president about the aviation sector that the president asked me why Abia does not have at least an airstrip.

“He told me he doesn’t want any part of this country to be cheated, and in the South East, it is only in Abia State that you cannot land an aircraft. He said, we should make sure in the 2024 budget we give Abia an airstrip.”

Keyamo said the president’s motivation is propelled by his love for the the governor. “He (Tinubu) loves his spirit. I know comments he has made about the governor of this state and how much his people here love him.

“When I called Dr. Alex Otti and broke the news to him about an airstrip, he said no. I will partner with you; I will also put in counterpart funding and let us upgrade it to an international airport. This was what happened.

“Because Abia is the heart of industrialisation of the South East, it doesn’t add up at all that the heart of industrialization of the South East doesn’t have an airport and I can tell you that there are already plans that it is not going to be only a passenger airport but a cargo airport too.”

[NaijaNews]

The Jigawa State Government says it has uncovered 6,348 ghost workers in its staff verification exercise in the state.

Mr Sagir Musa, Commissioner for Infomation, Youths, Sports and Culture, said this in a statement on Tuesday in Dutse.

He said the report of the Statewide Staff Audit Biometric Data Capture and Validation Exercise, showed that 6,348 ghost workers had been detected, allowing the government to save over N314 million monthly.

Musa said the State Executive Council had studied the report and approved the establishment of the Continuous Capture Centre (CCC) at the Office of the Head of Civil Service.

This, he said, would fast-track completion of the data capture and validation exercise, as part of the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Management System (IPPMS).

“The exercise resulted in the detection of 6,348 ghost workers and significantly saved cost with an average of N314,657,342.06 per month and N3,775,888,809.72 per annum,” he said.

[DailyTrust]

The water is poisoned! The whole of the water system is tainted and absolutely unusable for its purpose,” Thomas Stockmann, medical doctor, accomplished scientist, informs the people around him. He is employed to look after the health of the people and the public baths, the mainstay of his town’s economy. It is in the course of that job that he makes a scientific discovery that the baths are dangerously polluted, and that they spread typhoid. And he says so.

Dr. Thomas Stockmann is the protagonist in Henrik Ibsen’s 1882 play, ‘An Enemy of the People’. We were taught long ago that literature is a reflection of life. We were also taught that literature is the lamp that lights the way of life, past to present – and back to the past. We were taught that drama as a mirror shows us what life truly is. Life itself is a drama, a stage on which we all fret and strut until the light goes out on us. Ibsen’s Thomas Stockmann, public enemy number one, is used here in my celebration of the near end of a particularly dramatic year, our love for false gods and our stoning of the wrong Satan.

I have skimmed through Gabriel Fallon’s ‘Prophecy in the Theatre’ (1956), his quote on drama as a member of the human life – human thought and morality. I have scanned J.C. Kamerbeek’s ‘Prophecy and Tragedy’ (1965), his discussions on dramatic structure and tragic meaning. There is a sense in which the dramatic can be prophetic.

Back to ‘An Enemy of the People’. The drama is in the plot. The setting is a coastal town in southern Norway. Authorities of the town get a hint of Dr Stockmann’s findings on their polluted water. Alarmed and agitated, they meet with him for negotiations. They ask their medical doctor to keep quiet, to shut up. The public must not hear what he is saying. It will create a panic in the town. It will hurt the town and its economy; tourists will stop coming, investors will lose money.

But this doctor is a loud-mouthed stubborn dude. He insists on speaking ‘the truth’. He thinks he has a moral obligation to protect the community from avoidable diseases, from even death.

On more than one occasion, Doctor tells the people that previous unexplained deaths are due to the poisoned water: “Last year, there were people who died from a disease that spread through the town, and I am certain that the cause of it was the poisoned water. I told you then, and I tell you now—this water will kill us all.” His decision to talk, he is certain, is the right course of action. “It is my duty to lay bare the facts in the matter. Every conscientious man must support me in this!”

But the system supports only the “moderate.” Dr Stockmann’s own brother, Peter Stockmann, is the mayor of the town. And it is this brother that openly leads the opposition against this doctor, against his discovery of the pollution and against his audacity to tell.

When the state is on your case, it doesn’t rain; it pours. The press soon shuts out our doctor. His editor friends renege on their promise to publish his findings. They claim they can’t offend their funders. The stubborn medical doctor turns to himself. He resolves to speak directly to the people “in a way that they shall understand” and “drive all the wolves out of the country.” There is a town hall meeting where Stockmann proposes to officially announce his findings: “I am telling you the truth! The entire water system is tainted. People are going to die from this. We must close the baths and have them disinfected. We must stop this typhoid epidemic before it spreads further.”

His brother, the Mayor, hijacks the town hall meeting from him. The Mayor addresses the people. He tells them that his brother’s proposal is injurious to everyone in the town. The repairs he proposes will cost ratepayers “an unnecessary expenditure of some thousand pounds.” From the crowd comes a voice suggesting that the doctor be officially declared a public enemy.

Dr Stockmann watches as the townspeople he is fighting for respond with shouts:

“Yes! Yes! He’s an enemy of the people!”

“He hates his country! He hates his own people!”

“We can’t have someone like him in our town!”

Then a motion follows from someone our medical doctor trusts as his key supporter:

“Dr. Stockmann has shown himself to be an enemy of the people. Therefore, I propose that this gathering officially declares him an enemy of the people.” The vote is by ballot; everyone votes. Dr Stockmann gets one vote – the lone vote comes from a drunk attendee, the village drunkard.

Our man is defeated, but the crowd is not satisfied with what they have done to their doctor.

“Let us go and break his windows! Enemy of the people!” The whole crowd yells.

The consequences are grave. He is dismissed from his job. His daughter loses her teaching job; his landlord ejects him; his little boys suffer bullying in school and are told to excuse classes until further notice. Everyone who should help him avoids him. They say they dare not annoy “the majority” and their “public opinion.”

The play ends without a reprieve for “the enemy of the people.” But the man insists that he is the strongest man and that “the strongest man in the world is he who stands most alone.” I think he is naive. That is not what the world is. The one who stands alone stays alone and lonely and without power. Power resides where people stand. The people stand where power is. That explains, perhaps, why Donald Trump is Time Magazine’s ‘Person of the Year’.

We started 2024 eleven and a half months ago bitterly divided over what was truly evil and what was godly. We are ending the year divided still over who is angel and who is Satan. In the next two weeks, it is almost certain that we will roll over into the new year the raging Dele Farotimi vs Afe Babalola war of ‘justice’. There is also the tug of war over whether the tax reform bills potentially threaten or benefit the poor. In those two cases, we will be made to state who our “enemy” is. Unfolding also is the Kemi Badenoch/Yoruba vs Kashim Shettima/ Northern Nigeria debate. In 2025, Ibsen’s ‘An Enemy of The People’ will be staged across the entirety of our court and political systems. May God keep us alive – and well.