The nationwide #EndBadGovernance protests that are convulsing the neoliberal fundament of the Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration are redefining and redrawing the contours of protests in Nigeria in many significant ways. Although I’ve been on the road since Thursday, here are lessons I’ve learned from the protests.

One, there is now a profoundly consequential decentering of the locus of protest culture in Nigeria. In the past, protests against unpopular government policies used to be conceived, constructed, and carried out by a self-selected class of professional protesters based mostly in Lagos who earned activist bona fides from their anti-military, pro-democracy, human rights advocacy in the 1980s and 1990s.

These careerist agitators are now either in government, in bed with the government, or have suffered significant contraction of their symbolic and cultural capital. Most Gen Z Nigerians whose vim and vigor power the ongoing protests either don’t know them or know them but have no use for their guidance.

So, the conception, planning, and execution of the protests have neither a recognizable locale nor any identifiable dramatis personae. A lot of the known names identified with the protests merely joined and amplified it. They didn’t start the revolt and can’t stop it. It’s effectively a leaderless rebellion.

It started life as anguished, discordant murmurs on social media in response to the increasingly unendurable but relentlessly unabating neoliberal, IMF/World Bank-sanctioned economic and social terror of the Tinubu administration. Many of the young people who can’t feed now and whose future is being perpetually deferred have enough education to know that the delayed gratification the government promises them from removing subsidies and from devaluing the naira has never materialized anywhere in the world.

Everywhere in the world—from South America to the Pacific and from Asia to Africa—from the 1980s (when the IMF first forced Structural Adjustment Programs on developing countries) until now, there is not a single example of a country that has escaped irreversible devastation and decline as a result of subsidy removal, currency devaluation, destruction of social safety nets for the poor, abandonment of the welfare of citizens—all IMF policies that countries are forced to implement as conditions to secure World Bank loans. 

The only countries that have developed outside the West are precisely the countries that have repulsed the IMF, that have strategically deployed subsidies to buoy their economies and uplift their people, and that have guarded their national currencies. Many young Nigerians now realize that the idea that the pains they are suffering are mere temporary birth pangs that will deliver a bouncing baby is a damned, soulless, conscienceless, self-centered lie. They’ve had enough.

So, they resolved to band together and fight peacefully.  They chose to demand the restoration of petrol subsidies, among other demands, because they see that the people who took away petrol subsidies from them are themselves luxuriating in unimaginably opulent elite subsidies. Their cries quickly gained traction. 

For the first time in a long time, northern and southern youth found common ground. Northern agitations for “zanga zanga” and southern push for #EndBadGovernance protests, though gestated independent of each other, somehow converged. It’s a unity forged in diversity and adversity.

The second lesson is a derivative of the first, and that is the unexampled collapse of the cultural, political, and social power of the Northern Nigerian Muslim clerical establishment. Northern Nigerian clerical elites, known as the ulama, had been constituted in the region’s moral imagination as the apotheosis of probity and the unquestioned source of moral and political guidance. 

They have used this power, this priceless symbolic capital, to keep the masses perpetually in a state of suspended animation. They have programmed northern Nigerian masses to not resist, protest, rebel, much less revolt, against bad governance. They socialized them into accepting their economic suffering with equanimity. The only thing the clerical elites have conditioned the masses to be implacably roused and animated over is real or perceived slight against religion.

 For example, amid the inexorably intensifying breakdown of security in the region during the Muhammadu Buhari administration, the clerical establishment also intensified fraudulent theological rationalizations for the rise of kidnappings and exculpated Buhari of responsibility for this. That was why Buhari got away with murder for eight years.

However, although there was a ground swell of anti-zanga zanga sermonizing among the region’s notable clerics in the aftermath of their meeting with officials of the Tinubu administration, northern Nigeria is erupting in communal convulsions. It is also instructive that protesters in Daura took their anger to Muhammadu Buhari’s doorsteps. No one is immune now. The genie has been let out of the bottle.

The #OccupyNigeria protests in 2012, which the North also actively participated in largely, some would say precisely, because of the religious and regional identity of Goodluck Jonathan, had the moral imprimatur of the clerical establishment. 

This is the first major example in recent memory I am aware of in the North where the masses of the people not only bucked the impassioned counsel of their ulama but have openly labelled them as unreliable and mercenary charlatans not worthy of respect. This is a culturally seismic shift.

The third lesson is that the federal government is in more trouble than it realizes. It invited civil society leaders, traditional rulers, religious clerics, and certain audible voices in the protest movement in an effort to thwart the protest. It was inspired by the mistaken belief that these hitherto esteemed opinion molders had the capacity to use their conversational, symbolic, political, and cultural currencies to influence people to back out of the protest.

It didn’t work because the habitual order of things has shifted, and the government hasn’t come to terms with this reality. We call it decentering in humanities and social science scholarship. "Decentering" involves challenging and moving away from traditional centers of authority, meaning, or truth. It means a shift of focus from dominant cultures, narratives, or perspectives and the amplification of marginalized, peripheral, or alternative voices.

The government’s cluelessness about this social media-enabled decentering of traditional ways of seeing and knowing manifested in its mutually contradictory claims about who was sponsoring the protest—and in its counter-intuitive displays of persecution complex. 

The State Security Service said it knew the “sponsors” of the protest, but the police asked the “sponsors” to identify themselves as a precondition for protection. High-profile government officials fingered foreign mercenaries as the organizers and funders of the protest. They all can’t wrap their heads around the possibility that distraught, depressed, and disgruntled young people, without prodding from anybody, can organize protests to ventilate their frustrations at foreign-inspired policies that kill their present and deny their future.

Unfortunately, the government’s response follows the same miserably familiar template: whine like over-indulged crybabies about fictive “sponsors,” induce or intimidate people thought to be behind the protests, deploy strong-arm tactics against protesters, and do nothing about the conditions that instigated the protest in the first place—until it happens again another time.

The fourth lesson is that there is a relationship between how security forces respond to protests and how they turn out. In such states as Edo, Osun, Oyo, and Ogun, the police were admirably polite and even-tempered. 

I saw a video of the Edo State police commissioner addressing protesters in the kindest, most empathetic way I’ve ever seen any senior law enforcement officer addressing aggrieved people. The protesters reciprocated the police commissioner’s mild-mannered and conciliatory speech with chants of his praises. That warmed my heart. Tinubu can learn from that.

But in places where law enforcement officers treat protesters as enemies of the state and visit unprovoked violence on them, things easily escalate into violence and bloodshed. We saw that in Kaduna, Kano, Abuja, and many parts of the North.

It should be admitted, of course, that there are many criminal elements who cash in on protests to loot the properties of innocent people or destroy government properties. I saw heartrending videos of criminals stealing or destroying private and government properties in Kano and Abuja. Such outlaws deserve no mercy. It’s elements like that who justify the government’s apprehensions about protests always devolving into chaos and destruction. 

Finally, although many people from the Southeast supported the protest, the region was the only place, as of the time of writing this column, where almost no protest took place. Was it the culmination of the ethnic baiting of the honchos of the Tinubu administration who said the protests were planned by the people of the region as a payback for their electoral loss in 2023? Whatever it is, it does not give a good account of our efforts at nation-building.

Well, President Tinubu has just one option left for him if he doesn’t want to govern in disabling tumult: address the nation in a solemn national broadcast, acknowledge the unprecedented hurt people are nursing, announce the restoration of petrol and electricity subsidies, and reverse the disastrous “floating” of the naira. 

Tinubu’s loyalty should be to Nigeria, not the racist economic hitmen at the IMF and the World Bank.

On Wednesday, 31st July, the world woke up to the devastating news that our mother, the music legend, thespian and journalist, Onyeka Onwenu had passed away. 'The elegant stallion', as she was famously known in the entertainment circle, reportedly slumped after a private performance in Lagos on Tuesday night. 

She was promptly rushed to a hospital, where she was pronounced dead, aged 72. We understand thst our mother was healthy and literally full of life before the unfortunate incident. She obviously bowed out of earth stage like a legend, doing what she loves most, which is putting smiles on people's faces through music and entertainment. 

The news sent currents of grief around the globe as fans and well wishers have praised her contributions to music, entertainment and politics in Nigeria. From the president to the ordinary citizen, we appreciate all the tributes and encomiums that have come in our time of mourning. We also take solace in knowing that our mother was a standout musician, thespian, broadcaster, politician and a social crusader. She was vocal, assertive, passionate and brilliant.

We are overwhelmed with all the well wishes. We also recognize that it is the joy and memories that she gave to Nigerians that has afforded us such an immense outpouring of love. We are very aware of her diverse and multitalented nature. An icon, a musical legend, a movie star, a journalist, a humanitarian and a politician, our mother was a world-class performer who serenaded and blessed multiple generations with the beauty of her voice while preaching unity and love.

We are honored and deeply touched by all the kind words, condolences, and gestures of support from Nigerians of all ages and from around the world. The expressions of love and admiration for her now extends to us and they have brought much comfort and solace at this most difficult period for us. The impact of her life and legacy will always be felt, especially by us, as we continue to draw inspiration from her lifelong advocacy of peace, unity, and One Love.

Tijani and Abraham Ogunlende.

Sons of Onyeka Owenu

The subsistence and material viability of the state as a philosophical ideal is implicit in social contract. It is the actual compact between the government and the people, which separates civilised existence from the anarchic state of nature.

The government exists for the people, as much as the governed.

Governance is not an abstraction or some esoteric vocation for a few. Governance is participation. Participation of both the leadership and its citizens. The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria stipulates the responsibilities of all parties to the existing social contract. Nation-building comes with demands on citizenship.

Fundamentally, one of our responsibilities as citizens is to preserve the peace and stability of our nation and to defend it, if necessary. On the part of the governing (at all levels - federal, state, and local governments), there are even more demands of duty as leadership comes with inevitable responsibilities.

The President Tinubu-led Administration has been responsive and dutiful in fulfilment of its part of that social contract. At the risk of overstating the obvious, but these facts must be stated, the government is showing attunement to the concerns of citizens. It is responding surgically and carefully to every concern. It is not reclining or taken up in wild celebrations over some feats. It is still in the mill, grinding hard to give citizens relief and set the nation on the promenade of prosperity.

To effectively address the cost of living challenge, the government has exponentially reviewed the national minimum wage to N70,000; suspended import duties on all essential food items until December 2024; suspended import duties on pharmaceutical raw materials and equipment to bring down prices and released over N570 billion to state governments for the facilitation of critical subsistence support to citizens.

It is also converting over 30,000 petrol-powered commercial vehicles to cheaper compressed natural gas alternative to drive down the cost of transportation, and has so far disbursed N50,000 grant each to over 600,000 Nigerians -- with 400,000 more beneficiaries to receive the grant.

The government will disburse N75 billion to 100,000 MSMEs from August 2024, and over 500,000 Nigerians are poised to benefit from the initial payout of the Consumer Credit Scheme.

In addition, the President Tinubu Administration is scaling up investments in infrastructure and in critical sectors with significant ramifications for the human capital index, such as healthcare and education.

So far, $2.2 billion has been mobilised in external financing to catalyse the implementation of the Nigeria Health Sector Renewal Investment Initiative (NHSRII) through financial commitments from various development partners and the Sector-wide Coordinating Office-Programme Management Unit (SCO-PMU) domiciled in the Office of the Coordinating Minister of Health and Social Welfare has been established to ensure efficient, transparent, and accountable management of grants mobilised towards the initiative.

Some of the pivotal interventions of the administration in education include, removing universities from the Integrated Payroll and Personnel Information System (IPPIS) and addressing recruitment challenges to provide greater autonomy to university administrators, removing the financial barrier to accessing higher education by dint of the Student Loan Scheme, and expanding the scholarship programme -- with about 250,000 scholarships to ensure that financial constraints do not hinder students' academic journey.

In response to security concerns, safety centres have been established in Abuja and across various states, with all educational institutions required to register. These centres, bolstered by trained security agents, aim to promptly address threats and ensure a safer learning environment for students.

Also, the Out-of-School Children Commission, set to commence in September, will provide training to approximately 10,000 young Nigerians, while through the introduction of the DOT policy, which focuses on comprehensive data collection to better support schools, teachers, and infrastructure, four (4) million young Nigerians have been reintegrated into the education system.

In a meeting with traditional rulers a few days ago, President Tinubu made profound extemporaneous affirmations, acknowledging the hallowed pact between the leadership and citizens.

He said the plight of citizens remained a deep concern and would receive more attention.

“Yes, it is true that I asked for this job, and I approached some of you to support me. So, I have no excuse not to do the job with sincerity of purpose and honesty. I have committed myself to it diligently, and I will never look backwards. I have accepted the assets and the liabilities of my predecessor. How I will take Nigeria forward should be my concern, and that is my concern," the President said.

Towards a greater Nigeria, the Tinubu administration remains resolute in strengthening the filament of trust between citizens and the leadership, recognising the sacrosanctity of the social contract.

Fredrick Nwabufo is Senior Special Assistant to the President on Public Engagement.

George Orwell once wrote or said, "The further a society drifts from the truth, the more they will hate those that speak it," or similar words. Truth is universal and never changes. But there are people determined to destroy the truth and subvert it with their thoughts and ideas. Their purpose is to replace the truth with lies. After enough “drift” society accepts the lie as if it were true and then hates the people who speak it. 

For example: For hundreds of years in the Western world and some other societies, sex outside of marriage was considered immoral. A movement began in the 60s to change that. Now in 2024 if you say that you’ll be hated for saying it and possibly offend the LGBT rights. Oh yes! One reason is that the truth reminds society how chaotic and frightening the unsustainable alternative reality we have created must eventually become.

Additionally, our identity is defined by our worldview, values, beliefs, traits, habits, preferences, background, achievements, goals, and failures and lessons we learned from them. Furthermore, our culture establishes our worldview and informs our behavior. Language creates human culture. The transition from vocalizing to verbalizing in the evolution of our species was the beginning of language and culture.

On the other hand, in the profound words of Frederick George Hilmer AO, an Australian academic and business figure. Frederick posited that leadership requires five ingredients: brain, energy,  determination, trust, and ethics. The key challenges today are in terms of the last two: trust and ethics.

To build a little context, I had some disturbing and serious concerns about the caliber of leadership entrusted to us through our electoral process. First, Peter Ayodele Fayose served as governor of Ekiti State from 2003 to 2006, and again from 2014 to 2018. Fayose a friend of President Bola Tinubu, says that northerners marrying multiple wives and having many children indiscriminately constitute a huge problem for Nigeria and a burden on the government.

Secondly, Ezenwo Nyesom Wike CON, the minister of the Federal Capital Territory since 2023. He previously served as the governor of Rivers State from 2015 to 2023. In his words: “That day is not available for those who want to protest, and FCT is not available for the protesters,” he said.

He said that the security council was aware of the threat of the protest and what some people may call “end bad governance.”

The worst of them all is Godswill Obot Akpabio CON, currently serving as the 15th president of the Nigerian Senate since 2023. He had previously served as the Governor of Akwa Ibom State from 2007 to 2015. 'We’ll be eating, protesters can go protest’, Akpabio mocks organizers. 

The arrogance of power as displayed in recent days established a clear disconnection from the reality faced by ordinary Nigerians and suggested that citizens cannot hold them accountable and there will be no consequence for bad behavior.

Let me be clear: good men are often humble and don’t require positions of authority for self-validation. In Plato’s opinion, Good Men shouldn’t rise to office because they want it for their gain. But Good Men should rise to office because it is their moral duty to prevent evil men from doing so.

I've been trying for a while to find a way to situate the divisive and inflammatory statements and the position of our dear President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (PBAT), as presented by the Special Adviser to the President on Media and Publicity, Ajuri Ngelale. He assured the citizens that President Bola Tinubu’s administration is poised to serve Nigerians, not “dominate” them.

With the examples of Fayose's divisiveness; Wike's arrogance of power and Akpabio's recklessness. It is a clear message to the president that now and then, there will be people who will challenge his leadership by testing or questioning his authority. More often than not, this is the time to determine if we can trust your leadership and if you are who you are supposed to be. Because when you’re walking at the front, it’s difficult to see what’s behind you. Given the multitude of work and responsibilities, it is clear that it takes a great deal of time, discipline, and practice to become a great and effective leader.

In addition, I will consider the golden words of Dr. Dale C. Bronner, a bishop, church planter, author, conference speaker, and leadership trainer. He is the founder and senior pastor of Word of Faith Family Worship Cathedral. Bishop Dale Bronner posited: “If serving is below you, then leadership is beyond you” 

In conclusion, I, have an abiding suspicion of some of the people who are given to recklessness, careless whisper at critical times, self-centered and ostentatious lifestyles.

Finally, I wish to join millions of our compatriots at home and abroad in dedicating the article on LEADERSHIP in memory of our beloved songstress Onyeka Onwenu MFR (31 January 1952 – 30 July 2024) a Nigerian singer/songwriter, actress, human rights and social activist, journalist, politician, and former X Factor series judge. Dubbed the "Elegant Stallion" "Nigeria: The Squandering of Riches"

Richard Odusanya

This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.

The recent protests that swept across Nigeria, demanding justice, accountability, and change, have left a trail of questions in their wake. Despite attempts to suppress the protest, thousands of Nigerians took to the streets, making their voices heard. However, the government's silence on the matter is deafening, and the president's failure to address the nation has only added fuel to the fire.

The protest, organized to end corruption, inequality, and injustice, saw thousands of Nigerians from all walks of life come together to demand change. Despite intimidation and attempts to discourage them, the people showed up, determined to bring about change. However, in some parts of the country, the protest was hijacked by individuals and groups who sought to exploit the situation for their own gain.

These hijackers, believed to have been sponsored by the government, used violence and intimidation to disrupt the peaceful protest, causing chaos and destruction in their wake. The government's use of excessive force to quell the protest resulted in the loss of lives and injuries, further exacerbating the situation.

The question on everyone's lips is: Is the president too big to address Nigerians? The answer should be a resounding no. The president serves the people, not the other way around. It's time for them to remember that and act accordingly.

We must also question those advising the presidency, as their actions seem to be escalating the situation. Any act of brutality against the people is unacceptable in a democratic system. The government should be held responsible for the carnage and violence that broke out during the protest.

Statistics show over 100,000 people participated in the protest nationwide, with millions more showing their support online. The protest was largely peaceful, with protesters carrying placards and banners, and chanting slogans demanding change. However, in some areas, the protest turned violent, with clashes between protesters and security forces.

This protest is almost going sour, with a direction of carnage and violence, yet the president is being unnecessarily mute. The silence is not only deafening but also emboldening the perpetrators of violence and further infuriating the protesters.

The success of the protest, despite the government's efforts to suppress it, is a testament to the power of the Nigerian people. It shows that they will no longer be silenced or intimidated and demand to be heard. The president's failure to address the nation, despite the gravity of the situation, is a clear indication of their disconnect from the people.

As the country grapples with the aftermath of the protest, it's essential to address the underlying issues that led to the protests in the first place. The government must take concrete steps to address corruption, inequality, and injustice, and work towards creating a more equitable society.

Finally, the president's silence on the matter is unacceptable, and their failure to address the nation is a clear indication of their disconnect from the people. It's time for the president to break their silence and provide leadership in these tumultuous times. The Nigerian people demand to be heard, and it's time for the government to listen.

There is no denying the fact that the youth uprising that characterized the ongoing hunger protests in its first day in Kano is unarguably sad, and that it demands an urgent action against hunger and hardship.

In a powerful display of frustration and discontent, hundreds of young people took to the streets of Kano State today, August 1, 2024, demanding urgent action to address hunger and economic hardship. The protests, which have gained national attention, highlight the growing crisis faced by citizens in the face of rising food prices and economic challenges.

In fact, as the sun rose over Kano, the ancient city came alive with the voices of protesters. Carrying flags and cardboard signs, the youth marched through the streets, their chants echoing off the walls of government buildings. Their messages were clear: "End Bad Governance," "Bring Back Our Fuel Subsidy," and "Open the Border."

Governor Abba Yusuf addressed the situation, urging residents to maintain peace during and after the protests. Speaking at the Government House, he emphasized that while citizens have the right to protest, they should refrain from actions that could be exploited by troublemakers. The governor extended an invitation to demonstrators to engage in constructive dialogue, emphasizing that social media abuse of leaders would not help achieve their goals.

Kano State, once known for its vibrant markets and bustling trade, now grapples with food scarcity and economic instability. Rising inflation rates, fuel shortages, and border closures have left many families struggling to put food on the table. The hunger protests serve as a wake-up call for leaders to address these pressing issues and prioritize the well-being of their citizens.

As the protests continue, it is crucial for both government officials and citizens to find common ground. Dialogue, transparency, and effective policies are essential to alleviate the suffering of Kano's residents. The youth have spoken, and their voices demand action. It is time for Kano to chart a new course, one that leads away from hunger and towards prosperity.

At this juncture, it is expedient to conjecture that the hunger crisis in Kano State has multifaceted causes, impacting citizens' well-being. In fact, exploring some key factors reveals that Kano's food production heavily relies on rain-fed agriculture, and that delayed or insufficient rainfall affects crop yields, leading to food shortages.

In fact, not a few people were unperturbed over the violence that characterized the first day of the ongoing hunger protest in Kano as the city is not new to literarily hosting crisis situation, and not only that, the rising inflation rates, fuel shortages, and border closures have no doubt contributed to economic instability that remotely fueled the crisis, particularly as it is making it difficult for families to afford food.

Given the retrogressive experience, it is not out of place to opine that responsible leadership is crucial, and that citizens in the city, the same way citizens in other part of Nigeria are demanding better governance, transparency, and policies that prioritize their well-being as Protests serve as a wake-up call for action.

Without a doubt, addressing these root causes requires collaborative efforts from government, communities, and organizations to ensure food security and alleviate hunger in Kano State.

In fact, in the ongoing hunger protest, which unarguably was to some extent peacefully observed in other parts of the country was violently demonstrated in Kano as wave of protests was recorded in the ancient city, fueled by citizens' frustration with governance and economic challenges. While the protest in other parts of Nigeria, particularly in the entire Southern regions was reported to have been relatively peaceful, Kano, the bustling commercial hub in the north, took a disheartening turn into violence.

Initially, the #EndbadgovernanceinNigeria protest in Kano mirrored the peaceful scenes seen elsewhere. Citizens gathered, voicing their demands for accountability, transparency, and responsible leadership. Their chants echoed across the city, resonating with the broader national sentiment.

However, as the sun dipped below the horizon, tensions escalated. Some youths, fueled by frustration and desperation, took to the streets with weapons. Chaos erupted, and what was once a peaceful assembly turned into a scene of looting, destruction, and violence.

Reports indicate that protesters targeted a yet-to-be-commissioned industrial park belonging to the Nigeria Communication Commission (NCC). Teenagers, their faces masked by anger and determination, looted furniture and desktops from the facility, thereby turning the very symbol of progress to a casualty of the unrest.

In front of the state governor's house, protesters set alight tires, creating a bonfire. Gunshots rang out, leaving four wounded individuals rushed to hospitals. The hunger for change had transformed into a hunger for survival, and the streets of Kano bore witness to this tragic shift.

Given the foregoing backdrop, we must reflect on the implications of this violent turn. What drives citizens to wield weapons against each other? How can peaceful movements devolve into chaos? And what role does responsible leadership play in preventing such tragedies?

In fact, Kano's descent from peaceful protest to violence serves as a stark reminder of the fragility of civil discourse. As we read about these events in this context, let us advocate for dialogue, empathy, and a commitment to peaceful change. Only then can we hope to transform disappointment into progress for Nigeria and its people.

At the moment, Nigeria is witnessing a surge in protests, with citizens taking to the streets to voice their grievances. These protests highlight issues such as bad governance, rising living costs, and the effects of soaring inflation. But does protest serve as a catalyst for better leadership?

In as much as the foregoing question is difficult to answer, it is germane to opine that thousands of angry Nigerians on August 1, 2024 marched in cities like Abuja, Lagos, Kano, Port Harcourt and in most capital cities across the country, bearing banners that expressed frustration with hunger, bad governance, and economic challenges. These demonstrations reflect citizens' outrage over a system plagued by corruption, graft, and dysfunction. The protests are a response to the current state of affairs, including high inflation rates and government spending.

Against the foregoing backdrop, there is no denying the fact that President Bola Tinubu faces mounting pressure, particularly as his tenure has seen rapid policy changes, including the removal of fuel subsidies and significant foreign exchange reforms. Unfortunately, these decisions have led to higher prices for food and transportation, exacerbating the plight of ordinary Nigerians, particularly as inflation has skyrocketed to 34%.

Be that as it may, it is germane in this context to opine that protests serve as a civic and constitutional right, allowing citizens to demand better governance. However, they can disrupt government activities, especially during delicate times. In fact, the recent protests compelled President Tinubu to meet with traditional and religious leaders, but the underlying issues persist.

Without a doubt, while protests can be a powerful tool for change, they should ideally complement other avenues for holding leaders accountable. Nigerians must continue to demand good governance, but leaders should also proactively address citizens' needs. Only then can the cycle of protest and reform lead to lasting improvements.

In fact, at this juncture, it is expedient to opine that in response to the ongoing hunger protests that President Bola Tinubu has taken several measures to address the economic crisis in Nigeria. Some notable actions taken by the president include the suspension of import duties on essential food items to mitigate the effects of inflation and rising prices on Nigerians. As gathered, this move aims to cushion the impact of economic challenges.

Also, Tinubu's administration has activated the student loan program, consumer credit scheme, and affirmed fiscal autonomy for local government councils, bringing the government closer to the people.

In a similar vein, not a few governors across the 36 States of the federation have been reported to be offering all kinds of “Juicy offers” to the protesting youths, pleading that they should be patient as they are poised to engender good governance.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to recall that Governor Siminalayi Fubara in an attempt to calm the nerves of angry protesters that he faced intense backlash at the Port Harcourt Government House on Thursday following his offering of pure water money to them. This is as his offer of money for pure water and a plea for the #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria demonstrators to return home fueled their anger.

While these actions are steps in the right direction, the situation remains complex just as Nigerians continue to express frustration over economic hardship, emphasizing the need for sustained efforts to alleviate suffering and address systemic issues.

But the question, must Nigerians protest to experience better leadership remains nagging, and unanswered. In as much as protest is an invaluable way to speak truth to power throughout history, and that it has been the driving force behind some of the most powerful social movements, exposing injustice and abuse, demanding accountability and inspiring people to keep hoping for a better future, should those in governments always fold their hands until people embark on protest?

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is not out of place to opine that had the government been following certain steps to ensure good governance that the ongoing protests across the country could not have been carried out by angry citizens.

At this juncture, it is expedient to delve into some key steps that could have prevented the ongoing #EndBadGovernanceInNigeria protests been demonstrated across the country.

For instance, it may not be wrong to allege that most political leaders holding various political offices in the ongoing President Tinubu’s led administration are not leveraging inclusive decision-making, despite having the potential to enhance good governance. This is despite the fact that when people feel heard and included, they are less likely to resort to protests.

A similar allegation in this context is that the ongoing government is not transparent despite the fact that transparency builds trust. In fact, if Tinubu’s led government has been open about its actions, budgets, and policies, the ongoing protests would not have occurred and been ongoing as there is no denying the fact that when citizens perceive transparency and accountability, they are less likely to take to the streets.

In a similar vein, there is no denying the fact that the government seemingly lacks a strong legal framework to ensure that everyone is treated fairly and equally. The situation, no doubt, is by each passing day becoming deep-rooted despite the fact that upholding the rule of law prevents arbitrary actions by authorities and fosters confidence in the system. In fact when people believe in the justice system, they are less likely to protest.

To buttress the foregoing view, it is expedient to make reference to Amnesty International’s assessment of President Bola Tinubu’s administration in November 2023 during the launch of a human rights agenda for the government following a period in which Tinubu unveiled new government policies that were adjudged not to be addressing rampant human rights violations across the country. In its assessment, the human rights organization said, Tinubu’s led administration, then in its 6-month, has failed to ensure respect for human rights and the rule of law.

Another step which the government has seemingly failed to take since May 29, 2023, and which might have contributed to the ongoing protests is that of the government’s refusal or negligence in providing social Services and economic opportunities for the people.

The foregoing viewpoint is as access to education, healthcare, and employment opportunities are collectively becoming will-o-the-wisp, and in the same vein fuelling the flame of frustration and inequality among the people. Not only that, government’s seeming non-prioritization of social services and creation of an enabling environment for economic growth, which are unarguably obvious enough to see are enough to push people to the street to protest.

Again, it is crystal clear that the present crème of political leaders seem not to be fighting corruption which is no doubt eroding trust in institutions. The foregoing can be buttressed as robust anti-corruption measures, transparent procurement processes, whistleblower protection, and strict enforcement of laws that are required to engender effective governance are unarguably absent in the ongoing Tinubu’s led administration. The foregoing view, no doubt, is contrary to the fact that when corruption is minimized, citizens are less likely to protest against a system they perceive as unfair.

Given the foregoing viewpoints, it is expedient to suggest that leaders must from henceforth listen to their constituents and adapt policies based on feedback, and engage in regular dialogue with civil society organizations, community leaders, and citizens as the steps helps identify emerging issues and prevents discontent from escalating into protests.

At this conclusive juncture, it is expedient to ask, “Must Nigerians protest to experience better leadership?”

Nigeria is a cheap country; so cheap that the only thing to do to become a celebrity is to write an “Open Letter To The President”. Even those who are already famous or well-known would need it to further climb the stardom ladder. The letter does not have to be anything extra ordinary. The writer would merely have to rehash arguments that are already in public domain, even plagiarize and then go to the social media and shout “Open Letter To The President!”. It would not even matter to the writers whether or not their letters get to the intended recipient or, if they do, get acknowledged.

Former president, Olusegun Obasanjo, who popularized this “Open Letter” syndrome in the country, himself expressed his frustrations when, in the preamble to one of his “open letters” to President Goodluck Jonathan in 2013, regretted that “… none of the four or more letters I have written to you in the past two years or so has elicited an acknowledgement or any response…” Chief Obasanjo had resorted to “open” letter writing ostensibly as a means of drawing the attention of those who came after him that they were not doing the right things. In the six years Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was president, Chief Obasanjo wrote him at least five (open) letters.

In the 2013 letter in particular, the language was so strong, even seen as repugnant, that his own daughter, Iyabo, had to personally rebuke her father via another “open letter”. A peep into Iyabo’s letter to her father would be quite revealing: “It brings me no joy to have to write this but since you started this trend of open letters… I have been reluctant to tell the truth about you as it seems you still delude yourself about the kind of person you are and I think for posterity sake, it is time to set the records straight … Like most Nigerians, I believe there are very enormous issues currently plaguing the country but I was sure surprised that you will be the one to publish such a treatise … I don’t blame you for the many atrocities you have been able to get away with, Nigerians were your enablers every step of the way… you and your cronies mentioned in your letter have left the country worse than you met it at your birth in the 1930s and 1940s. Nigeria is not the creation of any of you and although you feel you own it and are “Mr Nigeria”, deciding whether the country stays together or not and who rules it, you don’t …”, Mrs Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello wrote.

Such was the type of diatribe from a daughter to her illustrious father via an “Open Letter”. Thus, when in 2018 President Obasanjo did another open letter to Jonathan’s successor, Muhammadu Buhari, copies of Iyabo’s 2013 letter to her father suddenly surfaced in both the social media and in bound hard copies on the streets, apparently the handiwork of supporters of the Buhari administration. In the letter, Obasanjo accused the Buhari administration of incompetence, nepotism, corruption and advised the president not to seek re-election in 2019. Apparently, those who re-circulated Iyabo’s letter had wanted to demonstrate that Obasanjo no longer had the moral justification to pontificate over issues bordering on the competence or integrity of those who came after him, going by his daughter’s disclosures about him earlier in 2013.

But surprisingly, Iyabo came strong in defense of her father, urging President Buhari to heed his counsel. She escribed her father as “one of the most brilliant leaders to ever emerge in modern Africa”. She accused the government of re-circulating her scathing letter to her father and advised President Buhari to heed the call not to present himself for re-election in 2019.

At the end, however, Buhari not only presented himself for re-election in 2019 but also won the election and proceeded to serve another term of four years. The question then is, of what use did Obasanjo’s “open” letter that elicited such condescending comments from her own daughter serve both the writer and the country as a whole? Nothing. Just nothing. Even though President Jonathan was not as lucky – he didn’t make it at his re-election bid in 2015 – that couldn’t have been precisely as a result of Obasanjo’s negative prognosis via his letter. Pundits argued that Jonathan would have lost, anyway, for reasons that had nothing to do with Obasanjo’s letter. In other words, they argued that the reasons Jonathan lost at the 2015 presidential election were so open that there was no longer anything “open” about Obasanjo’s letter.

Conversely, Buhari won in 2019, despite Obasanjo’s counsel, via another “open letter”, that he should not run; thus, further making the latter’s penchant for “open letters” cheap and uncalled for. Despite this demystification of “open letters” to sitting presidents, a few ego-seeking Nigerians still resort to it. The latest “open letter…” writer is Chief Dele Momodu, a chieftain of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Recently, Momodu trended with his “OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT TINUBU”. Momodu, a well-known columnist, publisher and politician, however introduced a new vista into the OPEN LETTER scourge by claiming that only him, Momodu, has the capability of telling the President Tinubu the “TRUTH” about what is happening in the country. Not done, Momodu asserted that “I am also hoping that some of your friends will read and INTERPRET to you…” Haba! Have things become that bad for our country?

Even though Momodu’s critics have chided him for delving into economic matters when he majored in Yoruba studies in his undergraduate programme and went ahead to pursue a vocation in publishing a “Miliki” magazine, my take is that it is not uncommon for people with such a background to develop flair for matters of economics and economy. What I find strange is that a fellow with such a trajectory would presume that an Ahmed Bola Tinubu, a professional Accountant who worked in multinational corporate organizations, would need an interpreter to understand a Dele Momodu’s drift on political economy.

My first encounter with Chief Momodu was in 2012 following an article he did on the then governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria, Mr Lamido Sanusi, who was encountering some difficulties in pushing down some of his reforms in the banking sector and had, in fact, fallen out of favour with his boss, President Goodluck Jonathan. In the article, entitled “THE BULLY CALLED SANUSI”, Momodu made a blanket condemnation of Sanusi’s reforms and even linked it to the latter’s rumoured presidential ambition. He even went beyond Sanusi and painted a very hopeless picture of Nigeria, employing hyperboles that depicted more of a fairy cast than verifiable facts. I did a rejoinder to that article and in which, among other things, I disagreed with him on his blanket condemnation of Sanusi’s reforms because as far as I was concerned, some of them were headed in the right direction.

Among other things, I wrote: “Momodu lived up to his bidding namely, to use his column to lambast one notable Nigerian or the other. And when he was not doing that, Momodu, a former presidential candidate, was boring Nigerians with his trite rehash of their collective history. In the article under reference, he combined what he knows best: to weave together hyperboles in painting a picture of an immitigable hopeless”.

Dele Momodu fired back via his THISDAY Column of October 6, 2012 under the title, “TEACHER, DON’T TEACH ME NONSENSE”. Incidentally, he also used the column to respond to our late senior colleague, Pini Jason, who had similarly done a rejoinder – even unknown to me – to Momodu’s earlier article on Sanusi. May the soul of Pini Jason Onyegbadue, one of the finest newspaper columnists Nigeria had ever produced, continue to rest in peace but let me recall some of the passages in Momodu’s counter rejoinder.

He wrote: “I will ignore other writers and concentrate on these two, Pini Jason and Ethelbert Okere, because when you carry an elephant on your head, you should worry less about ants on the floor…” Turning to me in particular, Momodu wrote: “I could not get his full bio-data but a peep into his writings led to the discovery that he is notorious for writing all manner of junk in newspapers … Ethelbert clearly used his articles to disparage people who are not in the same political boat with him. His last port of call was the Imo State Government House where he worked as a media aide to former Governor Ikedi Ohakim. He did well as an attack dog such that he wrote an acerbic piece and rubbished the Owerri tribe of Imo state…” He continued: “Ethelbert’s hatchet man’s role extends to other states where he is hired to help men of power…” Bla! Bla Bla.

On the very day the article was published, I was at the Nnamdi Azikiwe International Airport, Abuja traveling back to Owerri when a fellow said to me, “Somebody finished you in THISDAY newspaper today”. That’s by the way but as a matter of fact, it was after my rejoinder that I stumbled on another one wherein the author claimed that Momodu was quarreling with Sanusi because the latter’s reforms had led to the sacking of two of his friends from top jobs in the banking system over fraud that amounted to about N191 billion!

This write-up is not necessarily a rejoinder to Momodu’s “open letter” to President Tinubu. It is basically intended to generally look at the habit of Nigerians claiming to have written an “OPEN” letter to a sitting president which I believe has to do more with ego-chasing than a genuine conveyance of a message that would be of help to both a sitting president and the country as a whole. As I noted at the beginning, the contents of such open letters are more often than not a mere repetition of views earlier rendered by others. To be sure, several Nigerians have made very useful suggestions through ordinary opinion articles in newspapers or posts in the ubiquitous social media platforms without tagging them “Open Letter…”. Give it to him, Chief Momodu is a popular writer whose articles are easily graspable. So, what made him believe that the president or those working with him would not have noticed his advice in an ordinary newspaper column?

To lift views expressed earlier by others and tag it “OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT TINUBU” is nothing but to seek attention. I hear that Momodu is among those who are complaining bitterly that they no longer have access to Ashiwaju Bola Ahmed with whom they had, as claimed, a bread and butter relationship before he became president. Instructively, Momodu laments in the preamble to his letter that “I am writing you today not because I expect you to act on my suggestions…” So, why write at all? As already disclosed, Dele Momodu’s counter rejoinder to mine to his 2012 article on Lamido Sanusi was entitled, “Teacher Don’t, Teach Me Nonsense”. Might I not, therefore, render an adaptation of it to similarly say to him “TEACHER, DON’T TEACH MY PRESIDENT NONSENSE”.

As the nationwide #Endbsdgovernance protest enters the second day across the country, the main opposition voice and the Labour Party Presidential Candidate in the 2023 general election, Peter Obi has appealed to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to address the nation and douse the tension in the land.

Reacting to the protest and the demands of the protesters from his home in Onitsha, Anambra State, Obi said the President should address the nation and attend to the legitimate demands of the people.

Referencing the video showing he was in Abuja on day one, the former Anambra State Governor said
"I am here in Onitsha; I can't be here and be in Abuja"

On the demands of the protesters, Obi said they were legitimate but insisted they must be pursued within the law.

"My appeal is for the President to come out and address the nation, he is the one the people elected, holding their mandate, and he should not be using aides or appointees to reach the people at such critical times."

The LP standards bearer also extended his condolences to the families of those who lost their lives in the protest, as well as the injured and those who lost their property in the protest.

Signed
Yunusa Tanko
POMR SPOKESMAN

A poignant article in the Financial Times of London of 31st January 2022 asked the question, ‘’What is Nigeria’s government for?’’ as its headline. Written by David Pilling, the piece scornfully described the sheer absence of public services in the country and wondered how the citizens function in such a state. ‘’Almost all the energy, drive and wealth creation in Nigeria happens outside government…’’, Pilling writes, adding, rather wryly, ‘’Nigeria desperately needs an administration whose energies go not into preserving its own privilege, but into providing public goods – basic education and health, rule of law, security, power, roads and digital infrastructure’’.  

The reason our government has not been able to serve the citizens well is traceable to many factors, among which is failure of many of its reform programmes. The public service was once acclaimed for professionalism and notable accomplishments. However, performance disablers such as political intervention, career officials' consistent abdication of professional obligations, patronage, and cronyism continue to deplete its profile.

So, what happened? Why did our public service decline over the years and what can we do about it? The Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation in 2023 commissioned in-depth research to study the reasons for this decline and recommend solutions. The study examined past and present public sector reforms, identified impediments to their sustained success, and proposes recommendations that will contribute to improving public service reforms in the future. The research team was led by Prof. Jide Balogun of the Obafemi Awolowo University, who had also served as the Special Adviser in the Department of Economic and Social Affairs at the UN Headquarters. The interim report for the research study was unveiled at a workshop for public service reform stakeholders on Tuesday, July 30, 2024 in Abuja. The workshop's theme was “Why Many Reforms Fail in Nigeria and What We Can Do About It". It was a platform to solicit feedback and engage in constructive dialogue with stakeholders.

Former President Olusegun Obasanjo; Minister of Finance, Olawale Edun; Minister of Budget and National Planning, Atiku Bagudu and Minister of Communications and Digital Economy, Bosun Tijani and Principal Private Secretary to the President, Hakeem Muri-Okunola were among dignitaries who attended and participated actively. Others were the outgoing Head of the Civil Service of the Federation, Dr. Folashade Yemi Esan, who read a detailed keynote address and her successor, Mrs Didi Walson-Jack. There were many other senior civil servants from different parts of the country, including permanent secretaries and the Head of Service of Abia State, Dr. Mrs Ngozi Queen Obioma.

There was a team of focused contributors led by Chief Olusegun Obasanjo; Dr. Oby Ezekwesili; Justice Amina Augie and Bismark Rewane; and a panel of discussants comprising Bishop Mathew Hassan Kukah; Dr. ‘Dere Awosika, Chairman, Josephine Consulting; Uyi Akpata, immediate past country Director for PWC Nigeria and Regional Senior Partner for the West Africa Market; retired Justice of the Supreme Court; Dr. Joe Abah, Country Director, Development Alternative; Dr. Magdalene Ajani, Permanent Secretary, Special Duties, OHCSF and Laoye Jaiyeola, former CEO of NESG. The discussions were brilliantly moderated by a broadcast journalist, Nabilah Usman.

 The day began with a welcome speech from the foundation’s chairman, Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede. He said Chapter Two of our constitution mandates our governments to deliver a decent standard of living to the citizens. The UNDP Human Development Index (HDI) is a summary measure of average achievement in key dimensions of human development: a long and healthy life, knowledge, and a decent standard of living. It is a standard means of measuring well-being. It is used to distinguish whether the country is a developed, developing, or underdeveloped country, and also to measure the impact of economic policies on quality of life. Countries fall into four broad categories based on their HDI: very high, high, medium, and low human development. Currently, Seychelles is the only African country that falls into the very high human development category, while Somalia has the lowest HDI in the world. For Nigeria, while HDI value has moved upward by 22% between 2003 and 2022, her human development remains low at 0.548 – placing the country in a low human development category. Nigeria’s ranking is currently 161 out of 189 countries.

Improved public services, he argued, lead to better outcomes for our people, communities, and economies. As such, his foundation works closely with government, private sector, academia, and development partners to transform public service delivery. Aig-Imoukhuede then listed the achievements of his foundation in partnering with the Office of the Head of Civil Service of the Federation (OHCSF) to include skilling up public sector leaders with knowledge; tools and tools to drive and sustain reforms. Technology has been a cornerstone of the strategy in transforming public service delivery and the foundation has provided technical support and funding for the digitalisation efforts of the Federal Civil Service. The foundation expects that within the next 20 years, Nigeria will regain its post-independence reputation for having one of the strongest public services in Africa.

 With the foundation’s support, the OHCSF has digitized thousands of files, automated over 300 processes and acquired hundreds of new digital devices. In addition, in collaboration with Microsoft Philanthropies, it is upskilling thousands of workers in the civil service. A key area of the foundation’s support to the civil service is the culture change programme. ‘’To change the mind set of this key constituency we provide communication training, culture change campaign videos, and ongoing assistance for the publication of the official e-Newsletter’’, he emphasized, noting that the foundation has also helped to develop the Civil Service Culture Handbook that outlines the values, behaviours and practices that are essential for delivering the Constitutional mandate enunciated in Chapter Two.

Dr. Folashade Esan’s keynote address that followed was essentially a detailed overview of the reforms that she’s carried out since 2019. She also acknowledged the foundation’s support and its commitment to Africa’s transformation. Important elements of her reforms include partnership with the private sector; decentralization of the reforms to the MDAs; training of reform officers and constant monitoring and evaluation; effective communication amongst various cadres of stakeholders and implementation of meritocracy as the core drivers of the reform process. She identified the key impediments to successful reforms as lack of skills; poor funding; low involvement of citizens; policy flipflops; lack of political will; resistance to change; of legislation; lack of institutional capacity; lack of governance framework and absence of shared vision, while enablers that conduce to reform process are: Culture change; change management; partnerships with key stakeholders; IT; political support; meritocracy and good reward system.

It was now time for former President Obasanjo, who has been listening quietly, to speak. The spritely octogenarian identified five principal elements of reform as The Initiator; The Driver; The Owner; The Executor and the Sustainer. He stressed the need for continued training of participants in the reform process, and noted that reform must be continuous, accepted, spread and firmed up. He drew on his experiences as a military head of state and a democratically elected president and kept the audience spellbound with his extemporaneous presentation.

Then came the highpoint of the workshop which was the presentation of the research findings by Prof. Balogun. Data was obtained from 593 political functionaries and career officials as well as 1,020 civic actors, service recipients, private sector organisations, and citizens across the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria. The research noted that the disablers of performance frequently mentioned by MDA respondents are bribery and corruption (including embezzlement), indiscipline, nepotism, lack of incentives, reporting and accountability lapses, and over-centralisation. Personnel policy and practices top the list of issues that the respondents from both the state and the non-state clusters believe that future reforms should address. State actors feel that overbearing influence of politics and the lack of political will are critical factors inhibiting major reforms in Nigeria. By the interaction of non-state actors with MDAs, they do not feel that civil servants understand their mandates effectively. They also overwhelmingly feel that policy review and formulation is not evidence based or backed by any empirical data. A high percentage of non-state actors feel that they do not have enough room to contribute to policy formulation and implementation as the government makes minimal effort to involve them in the process. Except for the political officeholders who think otherwise, career officials generally feel that the government and the public service need to make more effort to involve civil society in policy formulation. Non-state actors also believe that communication and public service evaluation channels between MDAs and the public are inadequate and ineffective. They also rated the public sector officials low in integrity, professionalism, competence, and accountability/transparency.

 Extensive literature search and the field survey carried out in all the six geopolitical zones of Nigeria underscore the necessity for a sequential but holistic approach to reform. Specifically, before proceeding full speed with the reform of a public service as complex as that of Nigeria, it is essential to pay attention to the underlying conditions which refers to the ‘soft’ environment in its daily interactions with its ‘hard’ counterpart. Public sector leaders must boldly confront challenges such as corruption, nepotism, indiscipline, poor attitude to work, laxity, indifference, declining morale and dwindling esprit de corps. These and other performance disablers must first be boldly confronted the benefits of structural reforms are achieved. Additionally, the average citizen or service beneficiary, who has up to this time been a passive recipient of subpar services, should be actively involved in the policy process. They should also be empowered to evaluate the range, quantity, quality and timeliness of services offered by the MDAs.

Some recommendations: First and most importantly, public service reform must no longer be viewed as the sole responsibility of the career public service. Instead, it must be integrated into the daily activities of political parties and civic groups. It must also be incorporated into the manifestos of the political parties and their flagbearers. Reforms must not be reactive or based solely on the desires or expertise of the current leadership or administration. A diverse group of stakeholders must be consulted to ensure a comprehensive review and reform of various sectors of the economy. This process must consider the risks and potential effects of the reform efforts as well as necessary mitigating steps to be taken. Annual Governance Summit should be established to promptly address and decisively eliminate customs and practices that have justified bad behaviour and hindered the public service’s optimal performance. These practices include special appointments through reserved employment slots and all forms of nepotism. To eliminate the need to seek redress in formal courts (and render ethno-religious advocates redundant), the federal government should establish, and where necessary strengthen, the public service’s internal grievance handling mechanisms. These mechanisms must be capable of competently examining and adjudicating a wide-ranging case, including those related to recruitment, promotion, discipline, and other personnel-issues.

Dr. Oby Ezekwisili and Justice Amina Augie spoke on their experiences in confronting challenges and resistance to change and how they confronted them. Ezekwisili affirmed that the quality of our politics has overwhelming influence on the quality of the public service and how well they serve the public. Bismack Rewane drew a correlation between the level of investments in infrastructure and quality of reforms in the public service, pointing out that there were huge investments in infrastructure and assets from Independence till the 1980s when the reforms in the public service were top notch and dwindling investments in infrastructures in the 1990s till date when reforms have been parlous. Bishop Kukah, on his part, noted that religion does not matter in national development, rather, it is the quality of leadership and governance that build nations. The question-and-answer session was lively, insightful and enriching. The day ended with a vote of thanks given by Mrs Ofovwe Aig-Imokhuede, the executive chairman of the foundation.

In conclusion, the Aig-Imoukhuede Foundation believes that one of the causes of poor governance over the past several decades is that Nigerians have not taken ownership of government and what governance should deliver to the people. The Constitutional responsibility of government in Chapter Two would be realized when the private sector, civil society and citizens create a political economy where politics does not trump governance. Having sensitized Nigerians to this, there is high expectations for the next step.