Christmas is a time for joy, family, and cozy moments at home—and what better way to celebrate than by watching festive movies?

From heartwarming classics to fresh holiday tales, here are ten must-watch films that will fill your day with Christmas spirit.

It’s a Wonderful Life (1946)

This beloved classic has warmed hearts for decades. The story follows George Bailey, a man overwhelmed by life’s challenges, who is shown by a guardian angel what the world would be like without him. It’s a touching celebration of life, love, and community that reminds us of the true spirit of Christmas.

Home Alone (1990)

A Christmas classic, this film follows Kevin McCallister, a clever boy accidentally left behind when his family goes on vacation. His hilarious antics as he outsmarts burglars are unforgettable.

How the Grinch Stole Christmas (2000)

Jim Carrey brings the iconic Grinch to life in this live-action adaptation. The Grinch learns that Christmas isn’t about presents but about love and togetherness. This whimsical tale, filled with colourful visuals and a powerful message, is a holiday staple for both kids and adults.

Elf (2003)

Will Ferrell shines as Buddy, a human raised by elves who ventures to New York City to find his real father. His naive charm and holiday cheer bring joy to everyone he meets. This laugh-out-loud comedy is full of heart, humour, and Christmas spirit, making it a Christmas favourite year after year.

The Nativity Story (2006)

This film retells the biblical story of Mary and Joseph’s journey to Bethlehem and the miraculous birth of Jesus Christ. Its beautiful visuals and heartfelt storytelling make it a meaningful choice for those who want to reflect on the spiritual essence of Christmas.

Klaus (2019)

This beautifully animated film tells the origin story of Santa Claus. Jesper, a spoiled postman, teams up with Klaus, a reclusive toymaker, to bring joy to a gloomy village. Klaus delivers a heartwarming message of generosity and kindness, wrapped in stunning visuals and a fresh take on holiday traditions.

The Man Who Invented Christmas (2017)

This historical drama delves into how Charles Dickens created A Christmas Carol. It explores his struggles and the inspiration behind one of the most famous holiday tales. It’s an inspiring story about creativity and redemption, perfect for anyone who loves classic Christmas stories.

A Naija Christmas (2021)

This Nigerian holiday comedy, directed by Kunle Afolayan, is a fun and vibrant story of a mother who promises her home to the first of her three sons to marry. The competition for love and approval leads to hilarious and heartwarming moments. Its playful tone and relatable themes of family and transformation make it enjoyable for all ages. Plus, it’s streaming on Netflix.

Christmas in Lagos (2024)

Set against Lagos’ vibrant Detty December culture, this holiday romance intertwines several love stories, including Fiyin’s quest for love and Gbemi’s decision between an old flame and her current boyfriend. Its lively Nigerian setting and heartfelt storylines make it a refreshing holiday watch. Available on Prime Video.

A Danfo Christmas (2024)

Follow Akin and his family on a humorous and touching journey from Lagos to Idanre in a rickety Danfo bus. Along the way, they face challenges that test their bonds and reshape their lives. This family-centric tale, full of humour and heartfelt moments, offers a unique perspective on Christmas, exclusively on Prime Video.

Vanguard News

The federal government has launched a 10-year national action plan to protect endangered elephants in the country.

A statement by Ibrahim Goni, the National Park Service (NPS) conservator-general, said the plan was launched in collaboration with the Elephant Protection Initiative.

Goni noted that the action plan will last from 2024 to 2034, adding that the service also inaugurated other conservation initiatives to protect other endangered species.

He added that 25 African Grey Parrots have been rescued from wildlife traders and released into the forests in Cross River.

Goni said the initiatives had led to 621 arrests, with 466 prosecutions and 94 warnings, highlighting the service’s dedication to the fight against wildlife crime.

He added that the service has also enhanced its anti-poaching monitoring through the deployment of high-technology equipment like drones, power chutes, and GSM technology.

Goni thanked partners, noting that they have facilitated donations from organisations such as the Nigerian Conservation Foundation and the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) to the service.

“We also have donations from Sustainability and Conservation Education for Rural Areas (SCERA) and ACReSAL, supporting the service with essential equipment, training, and funding,” he added.

“Furthermore, 30 forest guards from the federal capital territory forestry department were trained in forest resources conservation and protection by the service.’’

He added that despite the achievements, the service also faced some security challenges, including banditry and terrorism in the course of discharging its duties.

[TheCable]

Last week, Prof. Ismail Adegboyega Ibraheem, who teaches Journalism and Communication Studies at the University of Lagos Department of Mass Communication, paid the debt he owed for his appointment as a professor by the University of Lagos with an inaugural lecture on the interesting topic “Casino Journalism and the End of History.”.

In the lecture, he examined and described the woeful tragedies of journalism practice in Nigeria, whose rot is probably of the same scale and form as the Nigerian judicial system, which is described in the most disparaging language by Attorney Dele Farotimi’s book, titled “Nigeria and its Criminal Justice System.”

When you interrogate “a building or room used for social amusement, specifically… used for gambling,” one of the definitions given by Merriam-Webster Collegiate Dictionary for the word, ‘Casino’, you get a drift of the disastrous state of journalism practice in the Nigerian realm.

After acknowledging that he was “a living testament to the boundless grace and favour of the Almighty,” Prof. Ibraheem recounted how fate denied him the opportunity to serve his mandatory youth corps years in the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation but pushed him to the Civil Liberties Organisation, where he served and ended up working for eight years.

His tour of duty with CLO allowed him to work closely with the Nigerian media, where he had first-hand experience of the tricky world of “shaping public discourse and crafting narratives that advanced” identified causes.

He notes that the first constraint of the media in Nigeria is the ethnic and religious affiliations of their proprietors, which determine the nature of their content. To work with Nigeria’s media, CLO adopted three strategies, namely, co-opting journalists; sponsoring their investigative reports that are considered worthy of the attention of the public; and engaging the media in its programmes.

In choosing the thrust of his inaugural lecture, Prof. Ibraheem asked himself, “What should the role of journalism and the media be in (the) society?” He then proceeded to critically evaluate how the media met, or unmet, society’s expectations.

His theory, which agrees with the question posed in the title of the inaugural lecture of his teacher, Prof Ralph Akinfeleye, “Is journalism the Fourth Estate of the Realm or the Fourth Estate of the Wreck?” is as follows: “Is there an intrinsic connection between society’s governance structure and journalism’s performance?”

He alerts his audience that Nigeria’s media is being assaulted by the rise of blogs and clickbait-driven content; the pervasive influence of foreign-owned media that is shaping the consciousness of Nigerians; increasing dependency on news sourced from social media; and sensational journalism.

He cautions, “Reducing the crisis in (Nigerian) journalism to ‘brown envelope’ (or accepting gratification)… alone, risks oversimplification and cosmetising what is, in truth, a systemic, structured, and existential problem within the industry.”

“Casino Journalism”, he explains, is a critique of the “randomness, sensationalism and profit-driven motive that sacrifices journalistic integrity and the public good… for short-term gain and sheer adventurous clicks.”.

He contends that those who practice journalism mostly online “do not stand by facts” and usually “retreat readily when confronted by facts.” He adds, “Casino Journalism describes a style of media reporting in which sensationalism, entertainment and speculation overshadow thorough investigation and factual accuracy.”

It derives its name from the notion that “journalism, instead of being in serious pursuit of truth, has become a game in which the media stakes its credibility for high ratings, clicks, advertising revenue and personal gains.”.

“The End of History,” a metaphor that he adopted from a Japanese-American writer and academic, Francis Fukuyama, “reflects the existential risk (that) these (base) practices (of the Nigerian media) pose to journalism’s role as a cornerstone of democracy.”

He then goes further with the argument, “When journalism loses its compass, we risk a society devoid of critical inquiry, accountability and truth—a society where history (or humanity?) ceases to evolve in its true sense.”

Prof. Ibraheem acknowledges that, from its inception in 1859, the Nigerian media has played positive roles in the history of Nigeria: Its defining roles included setting Nigeria’s political evolution,… the struggle for independence, the fight for the return of democratic governance during the years of military rule and the subsequent efforts to sustain democracy.”

Also, he contends, “At the core of adherence to professionalism is good journalism that can help to unearth the truth, presenting facts in a clear, accurate and unbiased manner. It provides the public with the information necessary to make informed personal, political and social decisions.” You could add that a media that fails in this assignment has completely lost its purpose.

Prof Ibraheem enumerates the five filters, compiled by American scholars Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky, that the media (including the Nigerian media) uses in choosing to publish stories that serve the interests of the privileged few while also compelling other citizens to align with the agenda of the elite.

The filters are: “Ownership and profit motive; advertising dependency; government influence; flak and anti-dissent mechanism; and ideological alignment.” To emphasise the extent to which the credibility of the Nigerian media has been compromised and undermined, Prof. Ibraheem assembles a list of breaking news that ebbed out after a Pacific tremor that quietened without notice.

This breaking news that ended up with a hugely underwhelming impact are: The failure of Nigeria National Petroleum Corporation (sic) to remit billions of dollars of petroleum revenue to the government’s exchequer; the unending recovery of Abacha loot; the arms purchase scandal; the nearly successful scam of the government by Process & Industrial Development and its Nigerian collaborators.

Others are the Halliburton scandal; the Ibrahim Magu scandal; the inconclusive probe into the Niger Delta Development Commission scandal; the National Assembly budget padding scandal; the Malabu Oil money laundering scandal; and the most recent Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs money transfer scandal.

In all these, the media was unable to provide accurate, investigative and contextualised reporting. Prof. Ibraheem’s refrain, “Game over. End of history. We move on,” after each revelation, is chilling and graphic evidence of the complicity of the Fourth Estate of the Realm with the political class and its failure to discharge its constitutional responsibility to the people of Nigeria.

Prof. Ibraheem concludes, “The convergence of Casino Journalism and End of History… has profound implications for how the public understands history and current events,” arguing that, whereas Casino Journalism “contributes to shallow understanding of history, by concentrating on sensational stories,… the “End of History” mindset… discourages critical reflection on the past and its lessons on the present.”

This treatise serves as a wake-up call to media owners, editors and journalists to rethink the practice of their profession and the discharge of the grave responsibility assigned to them by Section 22 of Nigeria’s Constitution.

The Constitution provides, “The press, radio, television and other agencies of the media shall, at all times, be free to uphold the fundamental objectives contained in… (Chapter II of the Constitution) and uphold the responsibility and accountability of the government to the people.”

The revelation of the odoriferous underbelly of the journalism profession in Nigeria by Prof. Ibraheem should elicit positive changes and not the cynical attitude of those who may regard it as a putdown in the Kemi Badenochsque order of Nigeria bashing.

In April 2010, the Osun State Police Command arrested 6 young persons for armed robbery. 4 defendants namely Dare Sunday (15), Adedeji Samuel (15), Ojo Dare (16), Adeyemo Akeem (14) were released for undisclosed reasons. However, Segun Olowokere and Morakinyo Sunday were eventually arraigned in October 2012 on an 8-count charge of armed robbery. Upon arraignment of the duo, the police informed the trial court the the 4 defendants had jumped bail without any evidence that they were declared wanted!

In the course of the trial, the defence counsel contended that the 2nd defendant (Morakinyo Sunday) was non compos mentis. The trial judge dismissed the allegation of insanity of the second defendant and proceeded with the trial. However, in the judgment, it became clear that the trial judge was not sure that the second defendant was sane. Thus, in his judgment delivered on December 17, 2014, the trial judge held as follows:  

"1. In view of the age of the two convicts, it is hereby recommended to the Governor that it may please him, he should commute the death sentence and life imprisonment to (say) 10 years IHL.

2. The medical officer in charge of the prison where the second convict, Morakinyo Sunday is being kept is hereby ordered to investigate his level of insanity. If the convict shall be found to be insane and constitutes a danger to fellow inmates and prison officials, the 2nd convict shall be transferred and kept in an asylum where destitutes are being kept. He shall remain there at the pleasure of the Governor. I so order. "

Although, we are not sure whether the prison authorities investigated "the level of insanity" of the second defendant as ordered by the trial judge, the recommendation that the sentences of life imprisonment and death passed on the two convicts be commuted to 10 years jail was not brought to the attention of former Governors Rauf Aregbesola and Gboyega Oyetola by the Ministry of Justice and the prison authorities. 

If the sentences had been commuted to 10 years imprisonment, both convicts would have walked out of the Kirikiri Maximum Correctional Centre two and a half years ago. Unfortunately, the convicts and their parents did not know that the trial judge had recommended that the sentence of death penalty be commuted to 10 years imprisonment. 

However, it was reported last week that Governor Ademola Adeleke had pardoned Segun Olowokere. On account of the pardon, he has since been released from prison custody. While Segun Olowokere is currently breathing the air of freedom, his colleague, Morakinyo Sunday is still languishing in his condemned cell in the Kirikiri Maximum Correctional Centre. 

Since Segun Olowokere and Morakinyo Sunday were convicted for the same offence of armed robbery and sentenced to death, the law requires that they be treated equally as section 42 of the Nigerian Constitution has prohibited any form of discriminatory treatment of citizens. We are therefore compelled to urge Governor Adeleke to exercise his prerogative of mercy in favour of Morakinyo Sunday by granting him pardon, as soon as possible.

While US President-elect Donald Trump's administration will have far-reaching implications for America and many of its allies, Africans can expect a continuation of past trends. America has long neglected the continent, viewing it mainly through the lens of corporate interests, and that is unlikely to change.

PRETORIA – US President Joe Biden’s recent trip to Angola was only his second to Africa, following his appearance at the 2022 United Nations Climate Change Conference in Sharm El-Sheikh. Coming near the end of his presidency, the visit perfectly captured America’s disregard for the continent. To the United States, Africa is an inconvenient theatre of strategic rivalry, demanding attention only for its valuable minerals and raw materials.

Under Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama, the US established a military presence in more than a dozen African countries as part of a largely ineffectual counter-terrorist strategy against al-Qaeda and Islamic State affiliates. And during Donald Trump’s first presidency, the US paid hardly any attention to the continent.

Although Biden did host a US-Africa Leaders Summit in Washington in 2022, his administration did not bother to seek African input when shaping the event’s agenda or drafting a strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa. The latter focused largely on containing China’s presence on the continent, while paying lip service to Africa’s development and security needs. The US State Department’s Bureau of African Affairs has remained massively under-resourced.

Although China is America’s third-largest trade partner and second-largest creditor, the US frequently warns Africans that it is a “malign” influence advancing “its own narrow commercial and geopolitical interests” on the continent. True, China sometimes pursues one-sided deals – as it did in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) – and it has a military base in Djibouti. But this hardly compares to America’s overwhelming military presence in the region. Moreover, America accounted for 16% of arms sales in Africa between 2019 and 2023, compared to China’s 13%.

China’s focus has been more on development, with its Belt and Road Initiative funding the construction of roads, bridges, and railways across Africa. And China remains Africa’s largest bilateral trade partner, with turnover reaching $282 billion in 2023, four times more than Africa-US trade. In addition to lending African governments $160 billion over the last two decades, Chinese-backed projects now account for 20% of Africa’s industrial output and nearly one-third of new infrastructure projects worth more than $50 million. The overwhelming majority of African debt is owed to Western creditors. Only seven of 22 debt-distressed African countries owe more than one-quarter of their public debt to China.

Unlike China, the US views Africa primarily through the lens of its multinational corporations. US funding mechanisms are maddeningly bureaucratic and slow compared to China’s flexible and fast approach. The US-led G7 Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment has produced mostly talk and little action.

Biden’s visit to Angola was supposed to showcase the Lobito Corridor, a project (backed by $803 million in US loans) to renovate the 1,700-kilometer (1,056-mile) railway linking Angola to land-locked cobalt and copper mines in the DRC and Zambia. But if the US was sincere about promoting Africa’s development, it would work with China, which is renovating the Tanzania-Zambia railway it built in 1975. Ironically, exporters of cobalt to China could end up benefiting the most from America’s Lobito Corridor project.

On the matter of global governance, the US has pushed for two African permanent seats on the UN Security Council; but these, notably, would not come with the veto power enjoyed by other permanent members (the US, China, Russia, France, and the United Kingdom). More positively, Sub-Saharan Africa was awarded a 25th seat on the International Monetary Fund’s Executive Board in July (though Mexico still received more in IMF loans last year than all 55 African countries combined). But US-dominated institutions like the World Bank and the World Trade Organization remain hostile to debt suspension and trade preferences that would benefit African countries.

Similarly, the Biden administration has contributed funding to peacekeeping efforts in Africa, and it backed a UN Security Council resolution last December to use funds from the UN’s regular budget to support African-led operations on “a case-by-case basis.” However, it has balked at using these funds for the African Union force in Somalia (now in its 17th year), and is instead pushing to fund a mission in Sudan – where there currently is no peace to keep or any realistic prospect of such a force being deployed. Worse, the US has turned a blind eye to reported arms sales to Sudan’s genocidal Rapid Support Forces by its ally, the United Arab Emirates.

During Trump’s first term, he famously referred to African countries as “shitholes” and never set foot on the continent or held a summit with African leaders. In contravention of a UN plan to organize a referendum on self-determination in Western Sahara, his administration recognized Morocco’s 1975 annexation of the phosphate-rich territory. Now, several of his advisers are reportedly keen on recognizing Somaliland (a self-governing part of conflict-wracked Somalia), which could further destabilize the Horn of Africa.

More positively, the first Trump administration sought to mediate a dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam. And Trump withdrew America’s 700 soldiers from Somalia on the eve of his departure, though the Biden administration reversed that decision.

But the writing is on the wall. Recognizing that the US Africa Command is not prepared to risk the lives of American soldiers in dangerous counterterrorism operations (it prefers to use African troops as cannon fodder), Niger’s military junta recently ordered the closure of America’s $100 million air and drone base. Likewise, France’s decade-long counterinsurgency force in the Sahel has collapsed. The US would be unwise to try to throw a lifeline to the French, lest it be tarred with the same neo-colonialist brush.

Perhaps the best that Africa can hope for from an isolationist Trump administration is a further withdrawal of US troops from Africa. Greater US cooperation with China would benefit everyone, but that seems unlikely.

Adekeye Adebajo, a professor and a senior research fellow at the University of Pretoria’s Centre for the Advancement of Scholarship in South Africa, served on UN missions in South Africa, Western Sahara, and Iraq. He is the author of Global Africa: Profiles in Courage, Creativity, and Cruelty (Routledge, 2024) and The Eagle and the Springbok: Essays on Nigeria and South Africa (Routledge, 2023).

Dear Fellow Nigerians,

On this joyous Christmas Day, I extend my heartfelt greetings to Christians across Nigeria and worldwide as we celebrate the birth of Jesus Christ, as narrated in the Holy Scriptures.

Christmas embodies the fulfilment of divine prophecy and symbolises the triumph of love, peace, and unity. It is a poignant reminder that light can emerge even in the darkest times, bringing solace and hope. This belief resonates with people of all faiths. Indeed, God is with us.

Recent tragic events in Ibadan, Okija, and Abuja deeply sadden us, and our thoughts are with those who continue to suffer from these heartbreaking incidents. We earnestly pray that such misfortunes do not revisit our families and communities and that the lives of innocents are never again cut short.

I offer my deepest sympathies to the families enduring pain and loss this year, whether from floods, fires, or accidents. May we all find comfort and solace in our faith, the support of loved ones, and the abiding presence of Jesus Christ. Our compassionate and merciful God stands with the weak, the brokenhearted, and the sick.

As we celebrate this blessed season, let us be mindful of those facing difficulties. They are not far from us—our neighbours, family members, and the people we encounter daily, whether in places of worship, markets, offices, or boardrooms.

Kindness transcends financial status. Those with modest means and those with abundance need a smile or a word of encouragement.

We must also honour our brave troops, who risk their lives to safeguard our nation. They deserve our prayers and steadfast support.

Let us extend similar support and prayers to our nation's leaders. With your backing, we can serve our country diligently and strive for prosperity.

Nigeria is on a promising path of restoration and progress, with every indication pointing toward a bright future. In the spirit of this season, let us renew our hope and belief in a prosperous Nigeria.

For those travelling during this festive period, I wish you safe journeys. Rest assured, the government is taking all necessary steps to ensure our transportation routes are secure and convenient. We also provide free train services and subsidized road transport costs on 144 routes nationwide to ease your travels.

Wishing you all a Merry Christmas and a joyous and prosperous New Year.

Bola Ahmed Tinubu

President, Federal Republic of Nigeria

President Tinubu’s engagement with the media Monday night was his first since his inauguration last year and it was quite telling in a few ways. For a man of his age, he showed a keen mental alertness that belies his obvious physical frailties. If the President did not have the benefit of advance questions, I give him kudos. He performed relatively better than what we saw during the campaigns. But this was not close to the PMQs (Prime Minister’s Questions) we see every Wednesday in the British parliament. That one is the most brutal two hours in the life of every British prime minister. Tony Blair describes it as dreadful in his memoire. The media chat was far less rigorous than what Presidents go through in the White House Briefing Room. There were seven journalists who asked 12 questions in the one-hour show last night. Reuben Abati, who introduced himself as the moderator, made introductory remarks on the recent mass deaths from stampedes for food, and asked the first question along that line. The president blamed the organizers of these events for the rowdiness and shoddy preparations and criticized Nigerians for not conducting themselves orderly when they see free food. Tinubu said that he had been sharing food at his Ikoyi home for years, but there has never been a stampede and wondered why there are no deaths or rush at food stamp centers in other countries. There were other questions on elimination of fuel subsidy; huge debt servicing ratio in the 2025 budget; insecurity; inflation; cost of living crisis; foreign direct investment; tax reforms; food security and the new livestock ministry; and corruption – all predictable areas. But there was not a single question on foreign affairs.

Under Tinubu as ECOWAS chairman, the regional bloc almost disintegrated with the exit of three countries (Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso) last year. Two weeks ago in Abuja, ECOWAS Heads of States finally and regrettably accepted their departure after discretely begging them for a year. No doubt, the leadership of ECOWAS clearly mismanaged the relationships with these countries in the wake of military coups that dismissed their democratically elected leaders. Next year marks the 50th anniversary of the founding of the West African organization. It was quite a miss that the Nigerian President was not taken to task by the assembled journalists on how he handled the crisis in ECOWAS. On the domestic front, I expected questions on the debilitating political crisis in Rivers State in which the FCT Minister is the main actor. How could the president be comfortable with what’s going on in Rivers? There were only three follow-up questions – one from Maupe Ogun-Yusuf of Channels and the two from Babajide Kolade-Otitoju of TVC, a network owned by the president. Ogun-Yusuf’s follow-up was on why subsidy was not removed in phases while Kolade-Otitoju pressed the president on his unwieldy cabinet size despite his rhetoric on cutting the cost of governance.

The lack of follow-ups was obvious when Tinubu insisted that he does not regret doing away with fuel subsidy, despite the pains it brought, and went on to assert that the government ‘’has been meeting its obligations in the last three months without going to the NNPC ’’. What does this mean? Nobody asked. Essentially, the President meant that despite non receipt of oil revenues in the last three months, the government has been functioning – a tribute to the efficacy of the administration’s fiscal policies. But in real terms, the president was celebrating the inability of NNPC to fulfill its obligations. This was an opportunity for the journalists to ask questions on the oil industry; oil theft; the integrity and competence of the management of the state oil company. NNPC is supposed to receive and remit oil revenues to the consolidated fund as the Constitution stipulates, just as other incomes from VAT, company income tax, port charges and other taxes. These are then shared monthly to the federal government; the 36 states; FCT and the 774 LGAs. The inability of the NNPC to account for crude oil sales and remit to the federation account means that the country is depending on debts raised through expensive junk bonds in the European markets to meet its obligations. Another lose end of the night was the inability of the President to drill down on his controversial tax reform bills and explain them clearly to Nigerians. These proposals have generated quite a storm across a section of the country with many leading politicians expressing doubts about Tinubu’s true intents. I had expected the president to marshal out his argument on why he is introducing a new sharing formula for VAT, for example, and other innovations embedded in the bills. He glossed over the question as if the people complaining are insignificant lot.

I was glad that Ogun-Yusuf brought up the issue of corruption. For me, corruption, incompetence and decadence are the major afflictions of this country. The President said some of his policies like the students loan scheme are meant to discourage corruption since people steal in order to pay school fees and meet other personal demands. Not quite correct. Public officials who steal billions to build housing estates, shopping malls and luxury items are not motivated by the need to meet basic requirements. A former governor once boasted to me that he had already kept aside N1 billion to each of his four children and that they would never have access to the money until they reach adulthood. That’s one of the reasons they steal – to build cash empires sand portfolios of real estate for their children! Overall, it is commendable that Mr. Tinubu has finally decided to speak to Nigerians directly, instead of through long and disdainful press releases from his media team. I look forward to the day a Nigerian leader will walk stand before the State House press corps and take questions from the correspondents covering the Villa. The Media Chat arrangement is getting too vapid.

In light of the recent image challenge involving prominent figures like Femi Falana and Afe Babalola, and the subsequent insinuations directed at the Nigerian Judiciary and the legal profession in general, it is evident that managing one's reputation is more crucial than ever for lawyers. In today’s digital age, reputation is everything. Whether representing high-profile clients or handling sensitive cases, a lawyer’s reputation can make or break his or her career. Public relations (PR) firms specializing in managing legal professionals’ image play a crucial role in managing and enhancing a lawyer’s image, navigating complex media landscapes, and helping them stay connected with their clients and the public.

For lawyers, their reputation is one of their most valuable assets. The public perception of a lawyer or law firm can be the deciding factor for potential clients looking for representation. Clients seek not only legal expertise but also someone they can trust to handle their sensitive matters with discretion and professionalism. In a landscape where news travels fast, with attendant misinformation spreading like wildfire, maintaining a positive and trustworthy public image is essential.

In fact, a PR firm focused on legal services understands the intricacies of legal ethics, confidentiality, and the importance of maintaining a professional image. These firms work closely with lawyers to ensure their public persona aligns with their values, expertise, and ethical standards. By doing so, PR firms help lawyers create a positive and trustworthy image that can attract new clients and foster long-term relationships with existing ones.

Without a doubt, PR firms develop strategies that highlight a lawyer’s successes, areas of expertise, and unique qualifications. For instance, if a lawyer has won a significant case or received an award, a PR firm will ensure that these achievements are communicated effectively to the public. Whether through press releases, social media, or interviews, PR professionals help lawyers showcase their accomplishments while maintaining professionalism. This not only enhances the lawyer's reputation but also positions them as leaders and experts in their field.

Against the foregoing backdrop, it is expedient to opine that law firms and legal service providers exist in a complex industry that is often difficult for marketing or PR firms to navigate. This is why, until very recently, legal PR has been overlooked by law firms.

With the number of law tech startups and scale-ups growing at an exponential rate, law firms are struggling to stand out. As such, the need for legal PR and marketing is indispensable. 

Without a doubt, one of the key roles of a PR firm is to craft a compelling narrative that resonates with the public. This involves understanding the lawyer’s career journey, values, and vision, and then communicating these elements in a way that builds a strong, relatable brand. By telling the lawyer's story in an engaging and authentic manner, PR firms can humanize the lawyer, making them more approachable and trustworthy in the eyes of potential clients.

In the legal profession, crisis situations can arise unexpectedly as Nigerians recently witnessed in the scandals that involve two prominent legal practitioners in the country. These scandals show that lawyers may find themselves involved in high-profile cases that attract media attention, sometimes for reasons outside their control. When such situations occur, a lawyer having a PR firm on his or her side is critical. A skilled PR team can help manage any potential damage to a lawyer’s reputation by providing clear communication, crafting thoughtful responses, and controlling the narrative.

Without any iota of exaggeration, PR firms for lawyers are experts in crisis management. They are trained to handle media inquiries, mitigate negative press, and develop strategies to recover from a PR setback. They work behind the scenes to ensure that a lawyer’s reputation is protected, and the public’s perception remains positive, even when challenges arise. This includes managing public statements, coordinating with media outlets, and ensuring that the lawyer's side of the story is presented accurately and fairly.

In fact, effective crisis management involves proactive communication. PR firms help lawyers prepare for potential crises by developing communication plans and training them on how to respond to various scenarios. This preparation ensures that when a crisis does occur, the lawyer is ready to address the situation calmly and professionally, reducing the risk of reputation damage.

In today’s digital world, a strong online presence is essential for success in the legal profession. Clients often turn to search engines and social media platforms to find lawyers and assess their credibility. A PR firm specializing in legal services can help lawyers build and maintain a digital presence that reflects their expertise and professionalism.

PR firms assist with content creation for websites, blogs, and social media accounts, ensuring that lawyers are actively engaged with their audience. By managing social media profiles, writing thought leadership articles, and positioning lawyers as experts in their respective fields, PR firms help create a digital footprint that fosters credibility and trust. This digital engagement not only attracts new clients but also reinforces the lawyer's reputation among peers and existing clients.

A strong digital presence also involves optimizing online visibility. PR firms work on search engine optimization (SEO) to ensure that a lawyer's website and online content rank highly in search results. This makes it easier for potential clients to find the lawyer and learn about their services. By maintaining an active and optimized online presence, PR firms help lawyers stay relevant and competitive in an increasingly digital world.

The legal profession is highly competitive, and public perception plays a significant role in a lawyer’s ability to attract clients and maintain a successful career. Working with a PR firm can help lawyers enhance their reputation, manage crises, and build a digital presence that attracts new clients. By collaborating with experienced PR professionals, lawyers can ensure their reputation remains strong and their services in high demand.

PR firms also help lawyers build and maintain professional relationships within the legal community. By organizing events, facilitating networking opportunities, and promoting the lawyer's involvement in professional organizations, PR firms can enhance the lawyer's visibility and credibility among peers. This not only helps in gaining referrals but also positions the lawyer as an active and respected member of the legal community.

Finally, PR firms help lawyers develop long-term strategies for growth and success. This involves continuous reputation management, ongoing content creation, and regular assessment of the lawyer's public image. By maintaining a proactive approach to public relations, lawyers can adapt to changing trends, address new challenges, and consistently present themselves as trusted and reputable professionals.

In conclusion, the role of PR firms in enhancing the reputation and building trust for lawyers cannot be overstated. From managing public perception and highlighting achievements to crisis management and building a strong digital presence, PR firms provide

The popular saying, “The morning foretells the evening,” seems to defy logic in Nigeria’s case. The economy, which turned frosty after President Bola Tinubu introduced radical reforms 18 months ago, now appears to be thawing rather than worsening, contrary to the predictions of critics.

Rather than witnessing a continued decline in living standards, as many feared, Nigeria seems to be gradually recovering from decades of stagnation. The current glimmers of hope—despite the widespread discontent initially caused by Tinubu’s reforms, such as the removal of petrol subsidies and the unification of multiple foreign exchange rates, which led to a sharp naira devaluation—suggest that the hardships Nigerians endured may finally be easing.

The steady improvement in the economy, driven by the president’s Renewed Hope agenda, appears to validate the Machiavellian notion that “the end justifies the means.” That is because the once-frozen economy, disrupted by these difficult but necessary reforms, is now showing signs of recovery.

This progress may also reflect Nigerians’ gradual acceptance of the transition from a subsidy-dependent consumption economy to a production-based one. The assertion above is validated by the fact that by plugging longstanding financial leakages and laying the foundation for harnessing untapped economic potential, the administration is driving a paradigm shift that promises to benefit Nigeria in the long term.

What the above scenario indicates is that, the Renewed Hope agenda, though painful in the short term, seems to be yielding lasting benefits as Nigerians adjust to the adage “no pain, no gain,” and the criticisms that resulted in branding Tinubu as “T-Pain” early in his administration are waning. In fact, increasingly, people are beginning to appreciate the broader vision behind President Tinubu’s policies and their potential to serve the majority’s interests over time.

This shift in public perception is evident in the stabilizing sociopolitical and economic landscape. For instance, the naira-to-dollar exchange rate, which had reached a staggering ₦1,750/$1, has improved to roughly ₦1,600–₦1,650/$1. This movement is closing in on the ₦1,500/$1 target set by Tinubu in the 2025 appropriation bill presented to the National Assembly on December 15.

What makes these positive developments even more noteworthy is that they are happening less than 18 months into Tinubu’s presidency. While many anti-Tinubu politicians and citizens clamored for immediate results from his reforms barely a year into office, advocacy from some of us and the voices of the likes of Nobel Laureate Prof. Wole Soyinka, who called for patience and endured criticism as government sympathizers, have been vindicated.

Clearly, the early signs of recovery are evidence of the principle that reform outcomes require time to reach fruition. Hence in less than two years—often considered a reasonable benchmark for policy impact—Nigeria’s economic indicators are shifting. Like traffic lights, these signals are moving from red to amber, with the potential to turn green as Tinubu approaches his second year in office in May 2025.  

Positive Socioeconomic Developments Indicate Progress Despite Initial Hardship

Recent socioeconomic improvements in Nigeria highlight the impact of a series of bold policy actions that hold significant potential to alleviate the hardships many Nigerians have endured due to reform-induced challenges. These developments, signaling economic recovery, include:

✓ Reduction in pump prices for petrol and diesel.

✓ Strengthening of the naira against foreign currencies.

✓ Decline in religious insurgency and banditry.

✓ Decrease in herder-farmer clashes and overall insecurity.

✓ Significant reduction in crude oil theft, coupled with increased oil production and exports, boosting foreign exchange reserves.

✓ A rise in foreign direct investment, exemplified by Shell’s commitment to invest $5 billion in the Bonga deep-sea oil asset.

✓ Introduction of a ₦70,000 minimum wage for federal civil servants.

✓ Adoption of compressed natural gas (CNG) as a less expensive alternative to petrol and diesel for mass transportation.

✓ Establishment of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) to enable indigent Nigerians to pursue higher education by covering tuition fees and living expenses, thereby democratizing access to education.

These positive indicators reflect President Tinubu’s commitment to managing Nigeria’s complex economy, which often defies conventional economic principles. However, it is important to acknowledge the significant sacrifices Nigerians have endured since the administration began implementing its reform agenda on May 29, 2023.

One of the most recent developments that offers hope is the announcement on December 18, 2024, of a ₦200 reduction in the price of diesel by Dangote Refinery, lowering the cost from ₦1,200 to ₦1,000 per liter. Similarly, last month, the refinery reduced the price of petrol (PMS) by ₦20 per liter.

Given the critical role of petrol and diesel in facilitating transportation, powering factories, and supplying electricity to homes and businesses, these price reductions are expected to positively impact the economy. While the immediate effects of these reductions are not yet apparent—evidenced by the latest Nigerian Bureau of Statistics (NBS) report showing inflation rising from 33.88% to 34.60%—their long-term benefits are anticipated to ease the economic burden on Nigerians.

In essence, while the price reductions in these essential commodities (PMS and AGO) are yet to fully translate into tangible benefits, they are expected to lower transportation costs and provide relief to Nigerians struggling under severe economic hardship. However, these benefits may take time to materialize, as some fuel stations have yet to adjust their prices to reflect the reductions announced by Dangote Refinery.

Once the price adjustments are fully implemented, subsequent NBS reports may capture a downward trend in inflation rates. For now, food inflation remains high, driven by rising prices of staples such as onions, tomatoes, and peppers. These increases can be attributed to seasonal demand during the festive season, high transportation costs due to fuel price hikes, and other supply chain disruptions.

While these developments indicate progress, more time is needed for the full benefits of Tinubu’s reforms to materialize. Nevertheless, they offer hope for greater economic stability and relief for Nigerians in the near future.

Tinubu’s Economic and Sociopolitical Strategies Show Promise Amid Challenges

Key drivers of Nigeria’s current high food inflation include rising transportation costs, seasonal demand, and supply chain disruptions, which have made basic cooking ingredients unaffordable for many vulnerable Nigerians. However, as the reduced costs of petrol and diesel take effect, and with the festive season coming to an end, coupled with continued security improvements, inflation may see a significant drop by the first quarter of 2025. While it may not reach the 15% target set by the Director of Budget in the Presidency, my good friend Dr. Tanimu Yakubu, the concerted efforts of various government departments—from the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) to the Ministry of Finance—make it unlikely to remain at its current elevated levels.

Notably, Nigeria’s debt service ratio has dropped to 65%, down from 97% when President Tinubu assumed office 18 months ago, just as the globetroting allegations against President has been vitiated by the fact that lndian Prime minister Naranda Modi and German president Frank-Walter Steinmeier have reciprocated Tinubu’s visits.

These are heads of strategic countries that are major trading and technology partners and they were in Nigeria to discuss partnerships that would benefit our nation tremendously.

That said, some analysts have suggested wrongly or rightly that Dangote Refinery’s recent price cuts for petroleum products may be part of a competitive strategy against importers. Nonetheless, businesses with significant investments—such as Dangote, which staked $20 billion in a state-of-the-art refinery—often start by charging high prices to recoup their investments. Similar trends were observed in Nigeria’s telecommunications sector, where companies spent heavily on cutting-edge technology and spectrum licenses, making SIM cards initially expensive before prices dropped significantly. With additional refineries, such as the NNPC facilities in Port Harcourt, Warri, and Kaduna, gradually resuming operations, fuel prices are expected to decline further, aligning with earlier assurances that l gave to the public that although in Nigeria we believe what goes up hardly comes down, petroleum prices will surely come down from their current high.

As we all can attest , efforts to stabilize the naira against foreign currencies have also gained traction. A bill to prohibit the use of foreign currencies for local transactions, such as school fees and rent, has advanced significantly in the National Assembly. Combined with increased local refining capacity of petroleum products, this measure is expected to reduce domestic demand for foreign exchange which hitherto channeled into fuel imports.

Notably, the CBN reported an increase in foreign reserves from $38.3 billion in September to $40.08 billion by November 7, 2024. This boost, the highest in two years, provides sufficient coverage for nine months of imports and supports further currency stabilization.

Overall, President Tinubu’s bold economic policies, such as subsidy removal and currency devaluation, have spurred these positive changes. Despite the immediate hardships, these reforms are beginning to yield results, with further momentum anticipated from recently proposed tax reform bills currently under review in the National Assembly. These initiatives suggest a comprehensive approach to economic reform, unlike past efforts, such as the introduction of Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) in mid 1980s under Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, which adopted a piecemeal approach.

If the current reforms are managed effectively, these policies that l had coined “Tinubunomics” but did not go down well Aso Rock Villa, could provide long-term relief for Nigerians. The concept of “Tinubunomics” was a focus when Tinubu’s economic policies were reviewed on 8th May during the launch of my book, Leading From the Streets: Media Interventions by a Public Intellectual, 1999–2019. At the event, the theme “Tinubunomics: What’s Working, What’s Not, and Why” was explored and it generated a heated panel discussion. One panelist vexatiously claimed the economy was in “the red,” and the statement went viral. Today, it is unlikely that the same claim would be made, as the unfolding effects of the reform measures indicate long-term potential for recovery and relief. 

On the sociocultural front, Tinubu has taken steps to address allegations of marginalization and promote inclusivity. For instance, renaming the National Arts Theatre after Professor Wole Soyinka which drew critism with those against it alledging nepotism and the naming of University of Abuja after General Yakubu Gowon, an Angas man from north central Nigeria zone underscores a commitment to equity and merit. Similarly, the appointment of Sylvester Nwakuche, an Igbo man, as Acting Controller General of Immigration highlights Tinubu’s efforts to correct perceived ethnic imbalances in federal appointments.

In addition to that, the recent release of some Igbo youths detained for IPOB-related offenses signals a thawing relationship between the federal government and Biafran agitators.

To further cement national unity, Tinubu could consider releasing IPOB leader Nnamdi Kanu as a gesture of goodwill during the yuletide season. Such a move could resonate with the Igbo community, much like Muhammadu Buhari’s posthumous honor for MKO Abiola in 2018 by changing democracy day from 29 May to 12 June the day the presidential election was presumably won by MKO Abiola but was annuled by the military, won acclaim from the Yoruba people.

Looking ahead, 2025 holds promise for economic recovery and sociopolitical stability, provided Tinubu remains committed to his reform agenda and he woos and receives more support from a broader spectrum of Nigerians. Frankly, as the nation navigates these challenging times, there is hope that brighter days lie ahead.

On that note of optimism, I wish Nigerians and readers worldwide a Merry Christmas and a prosperous New Year.

Magnus Onyibe is an entrepreneur, public policy analyst, author, democracy advocate, development strategist, alumnus of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, Massachusetts, USA, and a former commissioner in the Delta State government (2003–2007).

For further discussions, please visit www.magnum.ng.

The first Presidential Media Chat with President Bola Ahmed Tinubu will be broadcast at 9 p.m. on Monday, December 23, on the Nigerian Television Authority and Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria.

All television and radio stations are requested to hook up to the broadcast.

Bayo Onanuga

Special Adviser to the President

(Information & Strategy)