Here is the main problem with Nigeria’s electricity sector: Nigeria is Africa’s most populous nation, but it has failed consistently to generate, transmit and distribute enough electricity to power its development process and accelerate economic growth. Between 1999 and 2007, President Olusegun Obasanjo focused on the reform of the electricity sector as one of the major priorities of his administration. Gas-powered plants were set up across the country under his watch, turbines and other equipment were imported. His government laid the foundation for reform in the power sector but could not complete the process, particularly the privatization of the power sector.  Obasanjo’s legacy includes the National Electric Power Policy (NEPP) of 2001, the National Electric Power Sector Reform Act of 2005 which established the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC), and the establishment of the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN), to replace the notorious National Electricity Power Authority (NEPA). The PHCN was later unbundled into 18 successor companies. By the time President Obasanjo left office in 2007, power generation in the country had increased from about 1, 200 MW in 1999 to 4, 000 MW in 2007. For a country of Nigeria’s size and population, this was not enough to transform the country.  Obasanjo was succeeded by President Yar’Adua.

In the course of his campaign for Presidential office, Alhaji Umaru Musa Yar’Adua stressed the importance of the electricity sector as an engine of growth. He promised to declare a national emergency in the sector. He eventually didn’t declare an emergency but shortly after assuming office in 2007, President Yar’Adua established a Presidential Committee for the accelerated expansion of Nigeria’s power infrastructure with a mandate to ensure the delivery of 6, 000 additional megawatts within 18 months and an extra 11, 000 MW by 2011. By the time President Yar’Adua gave this directive, Nigeria’s power generation capacity was down to 3,000 MW per day. South Africa with a much smaller population was at the time generating 36, 000 MW. Egypt with a population of 78 million also had a generating capacity of 36, 000 MW. The Yar’Adua Committee which was given 18 days to do its work, submitted its report one year later! 

The House of Representatives also conducted a probe of the electricity sector. The House Committee on Power led by Hon. Ndudi Elumelu accused the Obasanjo administration of having spent over $10 billion on the electricity sector without having much to show for it. The Committee disclosed that between 2000 and 2007, the Obasanjo administration spent over $10 billion on various projects in the power sector. The Elumelu Committee raised questions and demanded answers. The Presidential Committee meanwhile recommended that the country would still need about $85 billion to meet the target of 20, 000 MW generating capacity as recommended by the Vision 2020 Committee. President Yar’Adua in the course of it all, ordered a probe of the Nigeria Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC). The Chairman of the NERC and six commissioners of the agency were suspended from office and invited for questioning. 

President Yar’Adua’s government soon entered into discussions with General Electric (GE) and later signed a Memorandum of Understanding with the German Government on power development projects in Nigeria. Siemens was one of the six German companies included in that MOU. The Government also launched a Gas Master Plan to address the problem of gas supply to the Papalanto, Omotosho and Geregu power plants built by the Obasanjo government. Contracts worth over $660 million were awarded, but despite all its good intentions, the Yar’Adua government could not make much difference. Power supply remained epileptic in Nigeria. There are many who believe that the efforts of the Yar’Adua administration were abbreviated by a lack of urgency occasioned by the President’s health challenges and the obsession of that administration with the past administration’s expenditure in the power sector. It was so bad that power equipment worth $5 billion that had been imported in 2, 500 (or 800?) containers by the Obasanjo administration, which arrived three days after President Obasanjo left office were abandoned at the ports for three years. Taxpayers incurred a demurrage of N4 billion! 

President Yar’Adua was succeeded by Dr. Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. As former Chairman of the National Economic Council and former Chair of the National Council on Privatization, Jonathan was certainly privy to the Electricity Sector Road Map and the Power Sector Master Plan. He continued where his boss former boss stopped, but even more so, from where Obasanjo stopped, and by avoiding the ugly politics and blame game that had developed around the subject of electricity delivery in Nigeria, he was able to make significant process in the areas of accelerated reform, policy execution, provision of power sector infrastructure, public-private sector partnership and privatization. 

President Jonathan had threatened, right from his early days in power that he would privatize the PHCN, and reform the electricity sector. In due course, he launched a Power Sector Transformation Plan and gave full effect to the Nigeria Electricity Sector Regulatory Act of 2005. He commissioned and upgraded a number of power plans including the Azura-Edo power plant, the first fully privately owned Independent Power Plant in Nigeria. He re-organized the PHCN by selling off the Federal Government’s majority stakes in the 18 companies unbundled from PHCN in the shape of six Generation Companies (GENCOS), 11 Distribution Companies (DISCOs) and a Transmission Company owned fully by the Nigerian government. Private sector investors in the GENCOs and DISCOs paid as much as $3.3 billion for the acquired PHCN assets in what was considered an open and fair process even by international observers. Nigerian banks supported the process, investments were also attracted to the gas sector.  By 2013, the power sector had resurrected with installed generation capacity at about 12. 910 MW, but available capacity nevertheless remained at less than 7. 652 MW. Transmission capacity was 8, 1000 MW while a distribution peak of 5, 375 MW was recorded. Thus, the problem of low capacity utilization persisted. 

President Goodluck Jonathan handed over to President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015. Like other Presidents before him since 1999, President Buhari even as a candidate promised to transform Nigeria’s power sector.  In the run up to the 2015 elections, President Buhari in a document titled “Covenant with Nigerians” and also in the “APC Manifesto”, promised that “The APC government shall vigorously pursue the expansion of electricity generation and distribution of up to 40, 000 MW in 4 to 8 years.” The promised figure was twice the Vision 2020 Committee projection of 20, 000 MW by 2020. The reality is that the Buhari administration has not been able to deliver on that promise. In 2017, former Minister of Power, Housing and Works, Babatunde Fashola claimed that the government had achieved a record 5, 074 MW in actual power generation.  From 2015 to date, President Buhari has continued to give assurances that his administration will sort out the electricity sector crisis. 

The administration has reportedly spent more than N900 billion on the power sector as intervention fund. It has signed a six-year contract with Siemens of Germany for an upgrade and technical input across the value chain to generate up to 25, 000 MW in three phases. The Buhari administration accuses previous administrations – Obasanjo, Yar’Adua and Jonathan’s of wasting Nigerian resources on the power sector without results and the Jonathan administration of mismanaging the privatization process. It is alleged that over $6.8 trillion has been spent on Nigeria’s power sector since 1999. Meanwhile, the country remains literally in darkness. Many companies have had to relocate from Nigeria. Businesses, homes and families are compelled to provide their own electricity. The cost of diesel is high. Many lives have been lost to generator explosions. There are communities in Nigeria that have not seen electricity for seven years, simply because they are not connected to the national grid! The House of Representatives has asked President Buhari to declare a state of emergency in the electricity sector. The standard response has been to blame either the former ruling party, the PDP (1999- 2015) or the Jonathan privatization process or more specifically, the power distribution companies. In 2017, the Buhari government mooted the idea of probing the power sector from 1999- 2015. 

Needless politicking, sentiments and emotions have proven to be the bane of the electricity sector in Nigeria. Every Minister of Power since 1999 has always been ready with an excuse for inefficiency.  Babatunde Fashola, as Buhari’s Minister of Power, Works and Housing heaped the blame on the privatization process. Buhari’s NERC blames the DISCOs and even threatened to revoke their licences. This blame game continued last week with Fashola’s successor as Minister of Power, Engr. Saleh Mamman threatening that the DISCOs are the problem of the electricity value-chain and if they do not sit up, their licences will be revoked. He says he has even sent a memo to the Federal Executive Council to that effect. The FEC should ignore his memo. Mamman doesn’t sound like he knows what he is talking about. Ignorance is bad in itself, but the kind of tripodal ignorance that has been demonstrated by the current Minister of Power is curious! 

It seems to me that government needs to go beyond scapegoating, passing the buck, sentiments and politics, to address fundamental problems of the electricity sector, and cross-cutting issues in the entire value chain. There are consequential steps that should have been taken after the privatization exercise of 2013/2014 to deepen the transition process away from PHCN which the current administration has conveniently ignored. This is in part responsible for the distortions within the entire value chain. If the Minister of Power does not know what these are, he should consult the Bureau for Public Enterprises, the National Electricity Regulatory Commission and the Vice President’s Office which oversees the National Council on Privatization.  If he does not trust anyone in those departments, let him talk to Nasir el-Rufai, the Governor of Kaduna State who as Director General of BPE, at the time of the commencement of reforms in that sector can tell the story much better -  that is, if he doesn’t choose to play convenient politics. 

If el-Rufai plays politics with the matter, let him talk to Dr. Lanre Babalola and Bola Onagoruwa. For example, the Gas Production and supplies to the various Power Plants are still largely dependent on NGC/NNPC which are government-controlled and as usual cannot respond to the 24 hours need of the privatised power generating plants. Unfortunately, in the last 5 years, this critical component of the value chain of power generation has not been resolved by President Buhari’s Government. Gas Production and supplies is yet to be privatised and NNPC/FGN remain the major bureaucratic problem for the gas-based electricity generating investors. Even the gas price in USD has not been allowed to be translated into appropriate naira tariff for the entire value chain of electricity supplies.

Recently we read in the media, that the Federal Government has granted sovereign guarantee to NNPC to build gas pipeline from Ajaokuta to Kano (AKK) for $2.8 billion, with about two captive gas-powered generating plants along the gas pipeline. But any discerning observer of the industry will ask whether this AKK should be a priority now, when you can deploy the $2.8 billion to solve the immediate problems of the stranded 10 gas-powered generating plants in the hands of NIPP/Niger Delta Power Holding Company. It is certain that this $2.8 Billion project will not be completed in the next 3-4 years and may never get sufficient gas to reach Abuja or Kano, when even Kaduna refinery built since 1989 with Crude Pipeline from Escravos has never gotten enough to refine Nigeria’s export crude on a daily basis. These are the issues each of the Ministers has refused to look into, focussing instead on chasing the DISCOS as the weeping child.

Is Minister Mamman aware at all of the existence of 10 power plants that are being managed by the Niger Delta Power Holding Company (NDPHC), a limited liability company that is managed by public officers? The Minister of Power was quoted as saying Nigeria now has a generating capacity of 13, 000 MW in 2020. In 2013, Nigeria had a generating capacity of 12, 910 MW. What has been added since 2015? Even if 7000 MW is produced today, can TCN with its 330KVA/132KVA transmit that much to all the DISCOS? The answer is capital NO. The Minister pretends not to know that TCN is the weakest link between the GENCOs and DISCOs. The Minister should show us how much has gone into 330KVA/132KVA in the last 5 years across Nigeria. 

The Federal Government could have sold ten more power plants to increase capacity. It has not done so. Even then, the so-called claim of 13, 000 MW is at best academic and fictitious. Minister Mamman claims that the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) has a capacity to transmit 7, 000 MW but it actually transmits about 5, 000 MW out of which the DISCOs can only take about 3, 000MW. There is shortage of electricity in the country and so, high demand for limited supply has driven up prices and yet government is insisting on the withdrawal of subsidy and a hike in electricity tariffs by April 1. I don’t get it.  No wonder all the private sectors, industrial and commercial houses generate electricity at about 70-85 Naira per kilowatt hour for themselves, but this has disenabled them from competing with other manufacturers around the world. This is one of the major reasons that the private sector must be allowed to take over the entire value chain of the electricity industry. Since 2015 that Yola DISCO has been returned to the Federal Government, it will interest the general public to hear from the Minister, how much investment in 132KVA, 33KVA and 11KVA infrastructure has been provided in the entire North East that Yola DISCO covers.

The Buhari government simply needs to move beyond politics and sentiments. If President Buhari succeeds in solving the electricity supply conundrum in Nigeria, that alone will be enough legacy for his administration. He should listen only to those who know. Engr. Saleh Mamman has absolutely no clue. I hope the Minister knows he is a member of the National Council on Privatisation and therefore cannot take any policy decision without NCP approval first.   

 Oba Abdulrasheed Adewale Akanbi, Oluwo of Iwo

Over the weekend, the Yoruba community in the South Western part of Nigeria was treated to the shocking news of a fight that broke out between two traditional rulers at an arranged peace meeting in Osogbo, Osun State, with one traditional ruler punching another in the face and the neck, sending the beaten traditional ruler to the hospital. The appropriate title of the duel is: Oba Abdulrasheed Adewale Akanbi, Oluwo of Iwo vs. Oba Dhirulahi Akinropo, the Agbowu of Ogbagbaa. The winner was the Oluwo of Iwo – he gave the Agbowu a few blows to the face and the neck, and that one had to be taken to hospital, to be treated for the Technical Knock Out (TKO) that he got in the very first round of the fight. The only thing to note is that this was not a commercial boxing tournament, and so, everyone is surprised that traditional rulers would resort to fistfights at a meeting. 

The meeting in question was called by the Assistant Inspector General of Police in charge of Zone XI, Bashir Makama.  In attendance were monarchs from Iwo, Olaoluwa and Ayedare communities of Osun State to resolve a lingering dispute over the ownership and sale of communal land. The Oluwo of Iwo, the paramount ruler of the area had petitioned the Nigeria Police much earlier that other traditional rulers were encroaching on and selling land that belongs legitimately to his domain and he would not accept that. Leye Oyebade, Makama’s predecessor as AIG Zone XI had called meetings of the traditional rulers to resolve the matter, but he could not find a solution before he was posted out of the Zone. AIG Makama chose to continue where his predecessor stopped. The Police should be commended for their peace-making moves and for exploring the option of alternative dispute resolution in Osun State. Both Oyebade and Makama meant well. 

At the meeting called by AIG Makama however, the dialogue degenerated into chaos. The Oluwo of Iwo claims that the Agbowu of Ogbasgba in the course of the meeting called him “a mad man” and pointed his staff of office at him. He felt he needed to teach the colleague-Oba a lesson, so he landed some blows on him. He has not denied this, except to insist that he acted in self-defence and in recorded videos now being widely circulated, the Oluwo of Iwo has rained further abuse on the Agbowu, with a threat that he is not yet done with him. The Agbowu has not denied being beaten. He sustained injury - a cut to his neck -  and had to be taken to hospital for trauma treatment. Asked why he did not fight back and inflict his own injury, the Agbowu in an interview with The Punch newspaper claims that having been on the throne for 24 years and fully seized of the fact that being a traditional ruler requires a certain level of decorum, there was no way he could have responded in kind. This is a subtle reference to the fact that the Oluwo of Iwo is a relatively younger traditional ruler who has not spent as many seasons on the throne, but some other persons may well hold the view that the Agbowu’s response is cowardly. He got pummeled and he could not stand up for himself! He had to be rescued from “the Mike Tyson” fists of the Oluwo of Iwo by AIG Makama.

The only thing that the Agbowu of Ogbaagba has going for him however, is that whereas he may have been assaulted in the presence of the Nigeria Police, he is the winner of the duel with the Oluwo of Iwo in the court of public opinion. Many commentators are alarmed that a traditional ruler would descend to the level of a scuffle. In protest and to mock the Oluwo of Iwo, they have since re-named him the “Fesegbade of Iwo” (that is, he who grabs the throne with a fistfight), or “Alaluwo of Iwo” (that is, the killer-pugilist of Iwo). These are no compliments. The conclusion is that the Oluwo of Iwo is the aggressor in the matter even if he has tried to present it as a case of “two-fighting.” He claims the other Oba called him a “mad man” and pointed his staff of office in his direction. There were 28 other traditional rulers in attendance. The AIG Zone XI was there. The Commissioner for Chieftaincy and Local Government Affairs representing the state government was also there. Nobody has reported that the Agbowu of Ogbaagba assaulted the traditional ruler of Iwo. Every other commentator has condemned the “Mike Tyson” of Iwo. Mike Tyson is a licensed boxer. Professional boxers are not allowed to fight on the streets, outside the ring. Mike Tyson at the height of his career broke the rule more than twice, in 1988 against Mitch “Blood” Green, and in 2002, against Lennox Lewis, both in pre-match encounters. Still, Tyson was condemned for his wrong conduct. The Telu I (or Emir?) of Iwo, as the Oluwo of Iwo is otherwise known, is neither a professional boxer nor was he confronting another boxer, this matter before us is a case of a traditional ruler behaving very badly.  

The Oluwo committed multiple offences in the presence of constituted authority: the police and the state government as represented by the Local Government Chairman, the Commissioner for Local Government and Chieftaincy Affairs and other state officials.  AIG Makama should have ordered his arrest on the spot, for assault, disruption of public peace and for constituting himself into a public nuisance. The Osun State Government is yet to issue the Oluwo of Iwo a query. He should get a query forthwith from the same authorities that gave him his staff of office. The last time I checked, no traditional ruler in Nigeria is covered by the law on immunity in the Nigerian Constitution. Any traditional ruler that chooses to behave in an unruly or irresponsible, law-breaking manner has as much right as a common felon. I am surprised that the “Mike Tyson of Iwo” with his gross misconduct in the presence of so many witnesses, is still walking free. He should be writing statements at a police station! The Agbowu of Ogbaagba who is the aggrieved party in this matter should also stop being spineless. He should report the assault on his person at the police station! He got a cut on his neck. What if the Mike Tyson of Iwo had cracked his skull open? 

The people of Iwo have also been disturbingly silent. Is Iwo Olodo Oba, no longer the the land of valiant people? Traditional rulers in Africa derive their legitimacy from the people they represent. They sustain in modern times, traditional and primordial connections that define the people’s cultural authenticity. It is not for nothing that they are regarded as the spiritual and political heads of their communities, second only to the gods in the people’s cosmogonic thought-process. In some communities, traditional rulers are in fact regarded as the direct representatives of the gods, and hence, they are expected to be super-human, more discerning, wiser, and to act as the court of last resort for the community. There is, therefore, in other words, an unwritten code of conduct for traditional rulers especially in the South West of Nigeria. This code of conduct does not accommodate roguish behavior.  It frowns upon any kind of criminality on the stool and goes further to prescribe punishment for any traditional ruler who subverts the community’s interest. 

The checks and balances in the traditional kingship system were so strong at a time, any errant traditional ruler was required to commit suicide upon the say-so of the kingmakers, or abdicate the throne.  A rogue traditional ruler could in fact be banished from the community. The intrusion of colonial rule and its disruptive impact disoriented traditional systems, and in post-colonial Africa, the new colonialists have further abbreviated traditional authority. Nonetheless, traditional rulers as icons and symbols or relics, are still expected to conduct themselves like gods among men. When they err, they violate tradition and disgrace their people. The Mike Tyson of Iwo should be reminded that whereas he claims that he is protecting ancestral land, that does not give him the right to resort to self help and violence. One Yoruba king was once sentenced to death by hanging. In 2010, the then Deji of Akure was deposed for beating up his estranged wife. Oluwo should have a sense of history. His ancestors were dignified, sober and wise kings. He must not desecrate that throne!

Let this be said:  when this “Mike Tyson” ascended the throne of Iwo, there was a lot of excitement. The people of Iwo like many other communities in the South West have been appointing as traditional rulers, over the years, young, educated, men who can project the community and speak the language of a new world. Telu I ‘s predecessor was a teacher and an academic. He brought dignity to the throne. When Akanbi showed up as the choice of the kingmakers, the belief was that given his cosmopolitan outlook, he would bring a new sass to Iwo kingdom. He had lived abroad. He sounded modernist and progressive. He even ascended the throne with a foreign wife, who was an exemplification of the modern outlook. Other Yoruba people thought Iwo had stepped up. But it didn’t take long before the conflict between the modern and the traditional began to unfold. In this regard, the current Oluwo of Iwo is an archetype. In times past, traditional rulers were chosen through divination, and the people believed and accepted the pronouncement of the fathers of secrets. These days, the palm nuts of Orunmila have also modernized. The divining tray clearly knows the difference between the Naira and the Dollar or Euro. 

I may not be able to push this further, but I am concerned that there is now in the South West, an emergent generation of traditional rulers who are young and educated but who by their conduct seem totally unprepared for the assignment that they have taken up.  They are expected to be the people’s traditional fathers, but they behave publicly like children who still need to be guided. They violate traditional norms and values and seem to have absolutely no understanding of the dignity of the thrones that they occupy. An average king in Yorubaland was revered but how can anyone adore these new generation Obas who go to parties and clubs every week. They fight on the streets. They hustle with their own subjects over everything. We are in the age of “oshomo” kings (kings who go to parties and chase women openly). They dance and wine like plebeians. They shuttle from one hotel to the other and engage in “gbas gbos” conduct that is unbecoming of the exalted office that they occupy. 

There are important national and local issues that they can comment upon but they don’t: when they are not fighting on social media with an estranged wife like the Mike Tyson of Iwo, they are busy engaging in fistfights, again like the Oluwo of Iwo, who seems to have an anger management problem. Traditional rulers in the South West used to be among the most respected of their set in Nigeria. The late Ooni of Ife brought so much dignity to the throne, he built bridges across Nigeria. He and the late Emir of Kano were like Siamese twins. Ooni Okunade Sijuwade and Kano Emir, Ado Bayero were a stabilizing force in Nigeria. Ooni Sijuwade, Olubuse II similarly shared the same relationship and brotherhood with the Obi of Onitsha, the revered Obi Nnaemeka Achebe.  Across Nigeria, there are also other distinguished traditional rulers who act in line with the significance of their traditional mandate. The Alaafin of Oyo, Lamidi Adeyemi III, to cite a close example, was in fact an amateur, professional boxer. In more than 50 years on the throne, nobody has accused him of giving people cuts in their jaws and necks. He is a highly revered monarch, whose intellectual gifts and wisdom on the throne are exceptional. Young men can be admitted to the throne, these days, but perhaps the state governments that give them the staffs of office may need to organize training sessions for them, beyond the obviously compromised traditional induction in the aboriginal conclaves. 

I now return to the main issue that triggered the belligerence within the traditional community in Iwo, Osun State: land. The ownership, possession and alienation of land is a very sensitive and volatile matter in African communities. It formed the basis of the pre-colonial and post-colonial struggles in East and Central Africa from Kenya to Zimbabwe to Tanzania. Across Nigeria, control over land has also resulted in many conflicts and loss of lives and property as illustrated by the Tiv-Junkun riots, communal clashes between Ife and Modakeke, and between Umuleri and Uguleri, and the most recent violent confrontations between herders and farmers in the Middle Belt and the Southern parts of Nigeria. It is not a matter to be taken lightly. The Oluwo says other traditional rulers are selling land in his domain. Is he aware of the Land Use Act which vests land ownership in the trusteeship of the Governor? Is he also enlightened enough to know that any dispute over land is better resolved in the law courts, and not through self help or what is known among the Yoruba as “omo onile or ajagun gbale” pretensions? The people of Iwo expect him to be an enlightened king. Why does he serve them so badly? Trouble today, controversy tomorrow. And now he has added pugilism and street fight to his cocktail of incorrect conduct? He must be told that he endangers the same people he leads.  Nigeria cannot afford a rogue traditional, monarchical establishment with an unmerited sense of entitlement in all matters particular and general. 

In times past in Yorubaland, as recently as the 18^th and 19^th Century as Professor I. A. Akinjogbin tells us in his authoritative and unimpeachable research on the subject, Yoruba communities fought wars over every issue including the encroachment of farm lands, ego matters and sheer display of power and greed. In the century covered by Akinjogbin’s research, one traditional ruler inflicting injury on a rival traditional ruler could ignite sentiments that will catalyze a civil war. That other Yorubaland is not too far away. The king of Ogbagbaa in Osun State may not know how to pack a punch, but his people may not be as lenient. The Nigerian State at both Federal and state levels should therefore not treat the pugilism of the Oluwo of Iwo as one of those incidents. The relevant security agencies must dig deeper to forestall any kind of negative consequence.      

The biggest threat to our collective humanity today is not the suspected threat of a Third World War, but a corrosive, debilitating, murderous pathogen known as new Corona Virus. The fear of a World War III was fuelled by tensions and differences among key super powers dictating contemporary geo-politics notably: the US, China, Iran, Iraq, Israel, North Korea, South Korea and the entire Middle East. But while relationships with the world’s power axis will always have implications for global peace, security and stability, the biggest and the most urgent threat by far is the outbreak of a new strain of the Corona Virus, in Wuhan, China which has within a short space of one month shown the vulnerability of man, the conflict between man and biology, and the limitations of science in the face of an immediate, accidental, unforeseeable, pathogenic onslaught. 

The first case of Corona Virus was reported just before the Chinese Lunar New Year 2020 celebrations, and since then, the new virus has defied both man and science. On January 28, the highest number of reported cases was reported, but by Monday, February 10, that had jumped exponentially to 97 casualties per day and total cases in excess of 40, 000, with 908 persons reported dead. The statistics and the sero-prevalence rate seem unprecedented, far worse than the Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome of 2003 which claimed 774 lives. The World Health Organization has classified the new Corona Virus as a public health emergency of international concern, a delicate, diplomatic phrasing which barely stops short of declaring the nCoV-2019, as it is otherwise known, a global pandemic - considering the fact that mainland China, especially Wuhan, a city of 11 million people and the Hubei province in general, remain the epicenter – 99% of reported cases are in mainland China and out of the total number of deaths, only two have occurred outside China.

The Director General of the World Health Organization (WHO) has commended China for its efforts at prevention and containment, even if the Politburo, the highest political body in China has had to express regrets for “failing” the people. The truth is: China is overwhelmed. Businesses have been affected, the stock market is down, lives are threatened, over 40 million people are in quarantine. China is engaging the world as the epicenter of a crisis, the global economy is likely to be affected given China’s strategic importance, and yet nobody knows when the Corona virus will ease off, or when scientists will find a cure. It is not only China that is at risk, it is the entire world. Our civilization is under threat and of course, the tragedy is man-made.  These are the cold, uncomfortable facts as at the time of this writing. The Corona Virus has brought the entire world to the precipice of uncertainty and disaster.  It reminds us collectively of our mortality and the common humanity and vulnerability that we share. 

Globalization turned the world into a small village, technology erased distances, but in the face of a global scourge like new Corona Virus, the world has turned into a much smaller village. Most of the people and countries that are taking precautions against Corona Virus don’t even know where Wuhan is on the map.  Some people ate snake meat or is it Pangolin or bat meat in Wuhan and they got infected with a virus – animal to man transmission, which has now spread to over 27 countries and mutated as a deadly human-to-human communicable disease. China which is ordinarily regarded as a major superpower has suddenly become a pariah nation. Countries have issued travel alerts to their citizens: do not go to China, and those who are in China are being evacuated and whoever arrives from China is immediately quarantined for two weeks. 

This is the same China that only recently engaged the United States in a trade war. The same China is now the diseased nation that nobody wants to touch. Imports from China have been suspended. Trips to China have been put on hold. China’s tourism industry is bound to suffer. Who wants to go to a country where a virus is on rampage, and the air is polluted? It is not for nothing that the media in Europe has dubbed the Corona Virus, the China Virus – an average Chinese citizen would not like that - but the truth is that the new Corona Virus wears the toga of a nationality. Before it, there was the Swine flu (2009), Polio (2014), Zika (2016), Ebola (2014, 2019) but it is the new Corona Virus that has obtained a national passport and an identification tag of notorious universal recognition. This may have translated into racist conclusions about Chinese identity and cuisine. I have heard allegations that the Chinese eat anything and everything, including animals that are considered a taboo in many cultures – Bats? Cockroaches? Rats? Snakes? Millipedes and centipedes? Monkeys? Pangolin? E-eeish!  It is said that the Chinese have brought this latest biological dissonance upon humanity because of their unusual culinary taste. I know people who have simply opted to stay away from anything Chinese in the meantime, until there is some certainty about what exactly is going on.  I wanted to order food from a Chinese Restaurant the other day. I was quietly reminded of Corona Virus. I had no option but to restrain my palate. I wanted Chinese balm, a popular product in Nigeria, a few days later. I was also advised to be careful. I ignored that advice. The labelling of everything Chinese as an item crowned by a virus is exaggerated and overblown. But as Nigerians would say in pidgin English: who wan die?  

This is probably why every country and institution is taking precautions. The United Kingdom, Australia, South Korea, Singapore and New Zealand have had cause to evacuate their citizens from China. Airlines including FinnAir, American Airlines, United, Cathay Pacific, Air India, Ethiopian Airlines, British Airways, Air Asia, and Lufthansa have either stopped flights to China or reduced their Chinese operations by 90%.  The effect is that supply chains have been disrupted with consequences for trade performance. The global economy is bound to slow down in the long run if this situation persists. But what is perhaps more relevant to us should be this: How prepared is Africa and particularly Nigeria? I don’t think Africa is prepared at all, and we are likely to be worst hit should the virus make an effective landing in our continent. 

For now across Africa, we have only heard of suspected cases:  in Ghana where there were two suspected cases involving a Chinese and an Argentine who returned from China, but the result was negative in both cases. Suspected cases in Ethiopia, Ivory Coast, Kenya and Botswana have also proven negative. The only reported case of infection involving an African is that of a Cameroonian student living in Wuhan. Kenya has taken steps to evacuate its students in China. Mozambique has suspended its visa on arrival policy.  Africa and South America seem insulated from the scourge so far. But for how much longer? The Chinese Lunar New Year Holiday was extended, in the face of the outbreak of the virus, but that holiday ended yesterday, Monday, February 10. Using that as guide, if there was any Chinese living in Africa or doing business in Africa, he or she is likely to return to base after the holiday. In the last decade or more, Sino-African relationship has grown tremendously, China seeking to fill a vacuum inadvertently created by the EU and the United States, has increased its scope of influence in Africa through friendly loans, investments and cultural outreach. It is not an accident that African leaders at the just concluded 33^rd AU Heads of State Summit in Addis Ababa expressed solidarity with China! The Chinese presence in Africa is unmistakable and it is quite pronounced in a country like Nigeria where the Chinese are involved in significant sectors of the economy including oil and gas, telecommunications, manufacturing, infrastructure, SMEs and retail trade. This week, all the Chinese who went home on holiday will start returning one after the other. 

When the story of the Corona Virus broke, the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) was most unusually proactive, which I think is commendable. The Federal Ministry of Health quickly followed suit, to educate Nigerians about the threat of the Corona Virus. Preventive guidelines were announced, and a travel advisory was issued. This is indeed commendable, even if the efforts were not translated into local, indigenous languages, that is - the languages of the majority of Nigerians.  The campaign has thus far been so elitist and restricted. In due course, the Nigerian authorities further announced that the Federal Government had established eight isolation centres as follows:  in the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and seven states of the Federation - Lagos, Akwa Ibom, Rivers, Enugu, Delta, Cross River and Kano. The problem is that nobody knows exactly where these isolation centres are located. 

The relevant authorities tell us that in preparing for the Corona Virus which has not yet been reported in Nigeria, they are relying on the protocols and infrastructure already put in place in 2014 to combat the Ebola Virus. In 2014, Nigeria was confronted with the Ebola Virus crisis, introduced to the country by a traveler from Liberia who came to Nigeria to seek spiritual cure for Ebola. Knowledge and experience can definitely prove useful in everything including a biological and pharmaceutical crisis such as Corona Virus. But has Nigeria done enough or is Nigeria prepared? I don’t think so. There is definitely no evidence that we have enough medical counter-measures to protect the medical and public health personnel who are supposed to man our ports. A gentleman who just returned from Chicago reported on live television and I have no cause to doubt him, that the situation at the Murtala Muhammad International Airport in Lagos, to cite a specific example, is chaotic and below standard practice.  Government officials pretend to check for high temperature and other symptoms but they are not protected. Nigeria has not made any provision for medical counter measures. Nigeria is sending medical personnel and Ministry officials to the ports to put them at risk. Until we have another case of Stella Adadevoh, like Li Weliang, the Chinese whistleblower who paid the supreme price for Corona Virus, the Nigerian government is not likely to wake up. That is unacceptable. 

The Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and the Federal Ministry of Health and state governments have to do a lot more. I will comment on the latter.  As at this moment, only three states – Lagos, Ebonyi and Ogun out of the 36 states of the Federation would seem to have shown interest in the Corona Virus prevention campaign. We expect every state of the Federation, close as they are to the grassroots, to take up the campaign and inform the populace appropriately.  At the national level, the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and the Federal Ministry of Health will also need to address what has become around the subject of Corona Virus, an “infodemic crisis” – that is the crisis of conspiracy theories and misinformation and hazardous false information. Is the Corona Virus  a biological weapon?. Really? Is it a strategy by big pharmaceutical companies to enlarge market and increase profit? President Donald Trump and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation have also been linked to the conspiracy. Does that make sense? We have also been told that eating garlic or drinking a bleach concoction can help prevent a Corona Virus infection. Is that true? The Nigerian agencies are yet to respond to this. They should. They should take the additional step of addressing the spiritual question which determines everything in Nigeria from politics to business. Is Corona Virus a spiritual affliction or biology gone awry? If care is not taken, Nigerian shamanists, prophets, traditionalists and pastors will soon take advantage of the uncertainty to claim that they had predicted the occurrence of the virus and that, indeed they have the solution. Government should immediately arrest anyone who mouths such idiocy. Our only hope is that the Corona Virus will never make its way here, but as the Boys Scouts motto states, we should “Be Prepared”. The bad news is that there is no effective treatment for the virus. And a worse virus may soon show up, leaving humanity effectively at the mercy of disease and the environment. 

When Asisat Oshoala, the Super Falcons and Barcelona Ferminino striker was declared winner of the African Women’s Footballer of the Year, 2019, a few weeks ago, the big concern was that her own compatriots who sat on the Confederation of Africa Football judges panel refused to vote for her. Every single one of them voted for an outsider. They didn’t consider their own compatriot good enough. I have addressed this matter at length in a piece titled “The Betrayal of Asisat Oshoala,” (This Day, back page, January 14). 

At the time, Ms. Oshoala lost her cool momentarily and tried to engage her critics which was absolutely unnecessary. But the best response that she has offered, and the one that is relevant, is how, after returning to her club in Europe, she has been putting up such sterling performance that further confirms her status as a super star on the pitch. 

In January, she won the Africa Football Women’s Player of the year to equal the record of fellow Nigerian Perpetua Nkwocha. With her current performance, Oshoala does not want to just equal existing record, she wants to break the record in African Women’s Football.  After winning the CAF award in January she reportedly said: “…I want to create my own history and not just equal someone else’s record – I’m going to give my best to create mine.” She is doing just that right now. Five-time winner of the Women’s Africa Cup of Nations, best player at the 2014 FIFA U-20 Women’s World Cup, winner of the BBC Footballer of the Year, 2015, Chinese Women’s Super League Top Scorer, 2017, she scored a brace in Barcelona’s 10–1 trouncing and humiliation of Real Sociedad in the Spanish Women’s League Super Cup Final on February 9, 2020. Loaned to Barcelona from China in January 2019, and later offered a permanent transfer, Asisat Oshoala has been a formidable and result-oriented member of the Barca line up and one of its most valuable players.

On January 11, 2020, four days after the CAF awards, Oshoala scored four goals in a 6-0 win against CD Tacon. She has been consistent since then. Whoever has any doubt about her achievements and quality may end up voting for her someday soon. Congratulations Asisat. Keep shooting. Keep shining. 

ON January 24, at the Federal High Court in Ilorin sitting over the matter of Asa Investment vs. Attorney General of Kwara State, counsel representing the plaintiff, in this case the Olusola Saraki family, informed the court that both the family and the state government have agreed to “an amicable out-of-court settlement.”  At a previous sitting, the Court had advised that this option should be explored, in the interest of peace, so obviously both feuding parties heeded the advice of the Court. Counsel to the Saraki family confirmed in open court that the State Government had in fact written a letter to the Sarakis, and that a meeting had been scheduled for January 27. The presiding judge commended both parties and adjourned the case till March 2, 2020, for a report on the “amicable out-of-court settlement”. There is nothing wrong in the Court’s proposal, and it is most reasonable that the parties in the dispute have agreed to settle the matter of the “legality or illegality” of the possession/ownership of the stretch of land known as “Ile Arugbo” amicably. An amicable settlement simply means what it suggests: the resolution of a dispute or a disagreement before or after court action, in a friendly manner and in an atmosphere devoid of conflict or rancor. It is an alternative dispute resolution mechanism, involving mediation and conciliation. It saves time, and in a potentially volatile matter such as the conflict between the Olusola Saraki family and the Kwara State Government, heavy politicized as it is, the resort to amicable settlement should bring the matter to a happy ending for all concerned: a little face-saving here, doing the right thing there and locking out the mischief-makers who could exploit the matter to cause havoc and disrupt public peace- this should ensure that all ends well indeed. 

What are the facts of the case? On January 2, 2020, the Kwara State Government deployed a team of state officials at 4 am, to take possession of a plot of land known as Plots 1, 3, and 5 along Ilofa road, Ilorin, and displace whoever is occupying the said stretch of land. The occupant of the land is the Olusola Saraki family, which allegedly took possession of the land, under the name of Asa Investment, and subsequently put the land to use as a waiting shed for visitors and a holding place for political meetings. 

A shade or shelter on the land was reportedly demolished. The position of the state government was that the land, which adjoins the State Secretariat is meant for the building of a parking lot and a state civil service clinic and that it had been illegally acquired by the late Dr. Olusola Saraki when his son, Dr. Bukola Saraki was Governor of Kwara State in 2005. The State Government insisted that it has no record that the Sarakis ever paid for the land, or were issued a Certificate of Occupancy, or that any documentation was done on the land beyond a letter of application for right of occupancy which required the claimants to the land to pay a certain sum which was never paid. The State Government added that it was determined to take over the land, because it belongs to the people, and then put it to use in the public interest as originally intended. We were further informed that the state Government has the backing of a State House of Assembly Resolution and the relevant laws on Land Use.      

The Saraki family kicked. Dr. Bukola Saraki, eldest child of Dr. Olusola Saraki, Governor of Kwara State, 2003-2011, and Senate President, 2015-2019, protested that the demolition and revocation of access to the plots of land known as Ile Arugbo was an assault on his father’s legacy, an attempt at vengeance and a deliberate attempt to embarrass the Saraki family.  He pointed out that a bill had also been initiated by Governor Abdulrazaq to change the name of the state university which had been named after his father, Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki. He told Governor Abdulrazaq that he had “crossed the line” and that he must be “delusional” to think that his will be the last administration in Kwara State, or that his ‘act of vengeance” will stand. Senator Bukola Saraki was obviously angry.  He told the State Governor that he was also being victimized: “Perhaps I should let it be known that if Abdulrahman Abdulrazaq thinks he is taking all these actions to get at me, he is only deceiving himself. There is no basis for competition between us. Our paths cannot cross because the status that he is struggling to attain, Almighty Allah has given it to me many years before now. I became Governor 16 years before him and served out my constitutional limit of eight years.” Thus, everything went haywire in due course. 

When Senator Saraki referred to “all these actions”, he was also probably referring to the fact that the state government had also taken away from him an Alimi Chalet property in Ilorin GRA which was said to be a government property which he, Bukola Saraki, acquired illegally. And the fact that the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) investigating his tenure as Governor, with the alleged co-operation of the Kwara State Government, and the endorsement of the APC-run Federal Government had also attached his properties in Ilorin and Lagos.  But the biggest action was the displacement of the Saraki hold on Kwara State politics in the 2019 general elections. Bukola Saraki who had inherited his father’s political influence in Kwara State, failed to sustain it in 2019. His candidates were outsmarted, out-rigged and beaten in the 2019 general elections in the state. He himself was chased out of the town literally and symbolically as the people chanted “O too ge” – a Yoruba phrase that means “Enough is Enough”, in reality an APC-invented, propagandized assault on the Saraki legacy in Kwara state politics. For decades, Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki, a medical doctor turned politician and statesman held Kwara State politics in his grips. As Senate Majority Leader in the Second Republic, he was the ally of Northern Nigerian politicians, who helped to hold Kwara State and parts of the North Central against the overwhelming politics of the Awoists in the South West who saw the politics of Kwara state as an enactment of the Yoruba-Hausa Fulani rivalry of the 19^th century. 

Indeed, in the Second Republic, the Unity Party of Nigeria, Awolowo’s party, managed to assert itself through the impact and influence of JS Olawoyin in Kwara politics, but it wasn’t until 1983 that the Awoists had a foot in the door through Chief Cornelius Adebayo who was civilian Governor for a short period of three months (October – December, 2003). The most dominant force in Kwara politics was unarguably Senator Abubakar Olusola Saraki, who with the return to civilian rule in 1999 was more than amply rewarded for his alignment with the politics of the North. He became the Godfather of Kwara politics. He was a great tactician and strategist who pitched his tent with the people. He understood the dynamics of power and he used that to the fullest extent.  He had allies in every part of the country, in the media especially and among the grassroots who worshipped him literally. I mean, they adored him. He installed Mohammed Lawal as Governor in 1999. When Lawal tried to assert himself and disobey the now fully established Godfather, Saraki replaced him in 2003.  He installed his own son, Bukola Saraki as Governor in 2003. Saraki, the son, served for two terms, by which time he had become a political juggernaut in his own right. When he completed his second tenure in 2011, he had become strong enough to install his own protégé as Governor. He defied his father, and emerged as the new Godfather of Kwara politics.        

In 2014/2015, Dr. Bukola Saraki further helped to sabotage the Goodluck Jonathan government when he and others became the arrow-head of a new PDP, (n-PDP), as it was called, and helped to form what is today known as the All Progressives Congress (APC). He dumped the PDP and joined the APC. He was clearly an architect of the APC plot against the PDP in 2015, but he would soon have issues with the APC when he outsmarted the party leaders to grab the Senate Presidency through his own machinations. He practically ran an anti-APC Senate and before the 2019 general elections, he ended up in the same PDP that he left in 2014. He supported Alhaji Atiku Abubakar against President Muhammadu Buhari. Whatever is happening in Kwara State is therefore, not so much about the legacy of Dr. Abubakar Olusola Saraki, the father, but more about the politics of Dr. Bukola Saraki, the son. Saraki, the father would probably have played a different kind of politics. The son, in seeking to become the father, should be asked to study again “the wisdom of Silenus”: how does a son become the father?    

What has been played out in the politics of “Ile Arugbo” in Kwara State is very complex politics at various levels. One, the family level: this is being seen as an Abdulrazaq family vs. Saraki family affair. Perhaps. The Abdulrazaqs and the Sarakis have dominated Kwara politics and specifically Ilorin public space for decades. The current Governor’s father was active in the politics of the First Republic, but he was also highly regarded for another reason – for a professional reason. He is the first lawyer from the old Northern Nigeria. Alhaji Abdul Ganiyu Abdulrazaq emerged as Northern Nigeria’s first lawyer in 1957, and he happens to be Yoruba after Sapara Williams, the first Yoruba-Nigerian lawyer who was called to the Bar in 1879, and Louis Mbanefo, the first Ibo lawyer who became a lawyer in 1937. In the North Central, the Abdulrazaqs have maintained the path of educational achievement and distinction and have rarely politicized their identity. One of them, Khairat Abdulrazaq ended up as a Senator, even at a time the elderly Saraki held sway in Kwara politics. Her brother, Abdulrahman is now Governor. The emergence of an Abdulrazaq is seen as one rival family taking over from the other. This is not helped by the fact that there is serious politics within the Saraki family which dominated Ilorin and Kwara politics for decades and suppressed the likes of the Abdulrazaqs. Another Saraki, Gbemi Saraki, a member of the APC, a former Senator, who is now a Minister of State, also had to speak up to defend her father’s legacy.  But she sounded more like she was saying: “Brother Bukola, see what you have caused with your funny politics? I speak up because I don’t want you to destroy my father’s legacy.”  

Two, there is ego conflict involved: my-family-is-better-than-yours, my-children-are-better kind of primitive, African family politics. Three, there is also party politics in the matter. The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), the same party that Bukola Saraki abandoned and later went back to, wasted no time in attacking the APC government to say that Saraki is being persecuted because of the politics of 2019. The APC having engaged in an “O too ge” campaign seems determined to crush and rubbish the Saraki influence in Kwara state politics. Bad politics on all fronts. 

Still, the key issues are as follows: Was the Ile Arugbo land properly allocated and assigned?  Is there a document of title available which can establish ownership? Can anyone appropriate land, family or state-owned, without proper assignment and rights of alienation? Can the Governor of a State, by virtue of the Land Use Act, revoke right of occupancy, and re-assign land in overriding public interest? If the Sarakis have the title documents to the said land, is the onus on them or the state government to prove same? Can any citizen, no matter how highly placed, just take land as he or wishes, either for public or private interest without recourse to due process, as stated in extant law?  And can anyone, in good conscience, justify the problematic acquisition of public property under any  guise? And can the government retrieve such property? 

These are some of the issues to be determined by the courts were the case to proceed to full trial. But to take the legal option is to roil the waters of Kwara politics and encourage such politics of revenge that may survive generations. I commend the wisdom that has prevailed: from the courts to the feuding families to the state government and the community. Two days ago, Kwara APC Elders supported the peace and reconciliation moves initiated by the Court.  The Afonja Descendants Union of Ilorin also asked for peace. 

But whatever comes out of the January 27 meeting and any other mediation meeting and the eventual report to the Court on March 2, observers of this Kwara state elite-family-crisis can learn a few lessons from the narrative so far. One, government is very powerful. Whoever is in charge of government at any time can look at the books and use the rule book against anybody no matter how privileged or powerful. Governor Abdulrazaq has just shown the Sarakis how vulnerable they are individually and collectively, and in case they don’t agree, he just wants them to know that he is in charge. Point well made! Two, Nigerians take everything for granted. When they are in power, they do as they wish. In Kwara, we have just being told that due process is iportant. If you overlook due process, the day you are no longer powerful, you may be asked to give account and you could find yourself in very difficult circumstances. Who could ever have thought that a king would come to the throne in Kwara State who would disregard the Sarakis and call them to account? Third lesson: nothing lasts forever. You may be the king in the ring today and end up as the little end of the stick tomorrow. The laws of nature are ever so immutable.  

But there is one more lesson and that is for Governor Abdulrazaq of Kwara State: while it is not so difficult to figure out the party that may have eaten the humble pie in this case, he too should resist the temptation to “show” power. The Abdulrazaq government will not be judged on account of how it humiliated the Saraki family and turned “O too ge” into state policy. It will be judged on the basis of its actual performance. 

“You look so downcast. Everything okay? Cheer up, man. This one that you are looking as if a trailer just crushed your legs.”

“I won’t deceive you. I am not happy at all. I am sad. Heart-broken.”  

“What happened? You lost a contract, or someone swindled you? Whatever it is, just cheer up. When there is life, there is hope” 

“I just look around and I wonder why this world is the way it is.”

“Don’t’ sound like that. The world has always been the way it is, and it will always be as it is, life without end.” 

“So is that why bad things should always happen?”

“Good things happen too. Everyday. Life is a terrible mixture of good and bad. Be philosophical my brother. Without philosophy, we would all be sad and depressed and waiting to die.” 

“So is that why Kobe Bryant should die in a helicopter crash, along with his 13-year old daughter, and seven others?”

“Very sad. Tragic. In that helicopter crash, a dream died. The future was erased.”

“He was just 41. He had to die at a time he should be enjoying his retirement. He had great hopes that his daughter would step into his shoes and become a great basketball athlete, the same way he too took over from his Dad, who was a basketball player. And just like that, the helicopter burst into flames putting an end to it all.” 

“I am not a basket ball fan but from the little I have read in the news; he must have been one legend of a guy on the basketball court.”

“You don’t know Kobe Bryant? What are you? An alien?” 

“Football is my game. I am a football person.” 

“Kobe was one of the greatest human beings that ever played basket ball.  He spent 20 seasons with the LA Lakers and made history with his talent. He is in the class of Michael Jordan. Off the basketball court, he was a humanist. We have lost a gem and a hero. He was NBA champion for a record five times. Most Valuable Player. NBA scoring champion. Olympic Champion. O ye Hills of Calabasas! May whatever demons that live therein remain cursed.”

“From what I read, it looked like the crash was caused by weather problem. I understand the weather was so foggy even the police grounded all their helicopters.” 

“Kobe always shuttled around in his helicopter to avoid busy traffic. That was not the first time he would use his helicopter.” 

“Accidents happen.”

“I know. But this one should not have happened.”

“There were other people in the helicopter.”  

“I know. Their death is also tragic. John Altobelli, the coach of the Orange Coast College baseball team, his wife, Keri, their daughter Alyssa and Christina Mauser, a basketball coach at the Mamba Sports Academy.”

“Take heart. His legacy will no doubt endure. The way people have been reporting the incident, I am beginning to show interest in basketball. You are not alone. I have seen many Nigerians who have expressed so much sadness.”

“People are mourning all over the world, from the US to Italy to the Philippines.”

“I hope someday Nigeria will produce such a great athlete too, in any of the sports, who will capture the public imagination and evoke empathy in life and in death, not because of where he or she comes from, but on account of the quality of his or her contributions and achievement.” 

“Do we value anything here? In a country where people are beheaded or killed in cold blood, and there is just no outrage? Isaac Promise, who distinguished himself representing Nigeria in U-20, and U-23 football died the other day, nobody from the Nigeria Football Federation attended his funeral. A Christian leader in Adamawa was abducted by the Boko Haram. He was later beheaded. Did anybody consider that unusual? We don’t care enough. Human lives mean nothing in Nigeria not to talk of the lives of accomplished persons who inspire others to greatness” 

“By the way, I understand that one Prophet in Ghana has said that he can raise Kobe Bryant from the dead if 10% of his net worth is given to him.” 

“Please. I am not in the mood for that. Too many charlatans parading as prophets. I am talking about death, you are quoting an idiot.”

“Talking about human lives, I have just read the story of the conviction of that lady who killed her husband in Abuja, because the man was seeing another woman.”

“Maryam Sanda. That is another tragic story. I understand after the judge read out his ruling, and pronounced death by hanging, she ran out of the court.” 

“That was a tragic moment, with the judge reminding everyone in court that “Thou shall not kill.  Whoever kills in cold blood shall die in cold blood.”  

“You know these days when I attend a wedding, my prayer for the couple is that may they find everlasting love in each other’s company. Too many cases of domestic violence these days. Husbands killing their wives. Wives killing their husbands. Where then is love?” 

“You know as I was going through the Maryam Sanda story, I saw another story, about how a 19-year old housewife in Malumfashi in Katsina also killed her husband yesterday. And somewhere in Abia State, one Mr. Kalu also shot his wife citing infidelity. Angry youths in the community captured the man and killed him.”

“When we have this kind of incident, so much is affected. Families are thrown into grief. The children in the marriage become orphans. It is one tragedy after another. Take the case of one 29-year old lady in Umuahia. She caught her husband in bed with their housemaid. She was so enraged she poisoned herself and her two children.    

“What nonsense is that?”

“It is called the Medea Complex”

“Who is Medea?” 

“I don’t want to bore you with Greek mythology. But if you have the time, try and read the ancient Greek play, Medea by Euripides.” 

“Must you always quote a book? Look, I don’t have time for any ancient story. And I don’t need to read a book to know that there is depression in the land and that many couples are just tolerating each other. Why would a man shoot his wife? Why would a wife kill herself and her children because of a man? Because of infidelity? Well may be with the Maryam Sanda case, people will learn some lessons. You can’t just get angry and kill another person.”

“But do you think she stands any chance of winning at the Appeal Court? She has two children. Who will look after her children?”

“In this country, anything can happen. After that Supreme Court ruling on the Imo State Gubernatorial election, I concluded that anything can indeed happen in our courts. But talking seriously, a miracle may happen in the Maryam Sanda case. Afterall when one lady, Yewande, killed her husband in Ibadan in 2016, she was sentenced to only seven years imprisonment. She was later granted state pardon by the state government. Today, she is free. She will marry another man and move on.”

“The facts of the case may not be exactly the same. But murder is murder. Jealousy kills. Anger destroys. Hopefully, her lawyers will pursue the case all the way to the Supreme Court. Who knows?” 

“Supreme Court. That reminds me. Emeka Ihedioha who was removed as Governor of Imo State, is going back to the Supreme Court to ask for a review of that controversial judgement?”

“I am aware of that. It is like giving the Supreme Court a second chance to correct its own mistakes. I hope their Lordships will find the courage to do the right thing. And I hope no ambulance lawyer will come up with the inane argument that the referee’s decision is final. Even in football these days, there is something called VAR. The Supreme Court needs to take a second look at the Imo case.”

“Are you optimistic that the Supreme Court will reverse itself? I don’t see that happening. There must be an end to litigation.”

“Still, justice must be done. Justice, not law.”

“What if the Court insists that it has done justice?”

“And what if the Court reverses itself and returns Ihedioha as Governor?” 

 “So that people like you can abuse their Lordships”

“Nobody will abuse them. Just answer my question, what if…?”

“I don’t think we can comfortably comment on something that may or may not happen.”

“Let us just assume”

“I don’t know. I don’t know. But if that happens, I would like to see the reaction of all the members of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Imo state who immediately defected to the All Progressives Congress (APC), the moment Ihedioha was removed by court order and Senator Hope Uzodinma was installed as Governor.” 

“Those ones? They will simply abandon the APC and return to the PDP. They will do so with straight faces and justify their conduct.”    

“No ideology”

“There is nothing called ideology in Nigerian politics. There are only stomachs. And some stomachs are bigger than other stomachs.” 

“My belle oh.. my stomach oh.” 

“Even the people are interested in their own stomachs too. That is why they sell their votes to the highest bidder.”

“Our democracy is in trouble.”

“You can say that again.” 

“Hen hen. How far with this their Operation Amotekun thing in the South West, now that the Federal Government says the security network as proposed is no longer illegal? Have you seen any of the Amotekun officials on the streets of the South West?” 

“I have seen pictures of Amotekun vehicles on social media. I have seen pictures of hunters wearing charms and amulets. I have also seen pictures of some pretty ladies wearing Amotekun fabric, each one of them with “come and do” eyes. I tell you, if those are the kind of ladies that will be recruited into the Amotekun squad, I may consider a change of vocation and join the Amotekun”  

“Very good. I will be the first to let your wife know your plans. Whatever happens to you, you are on your own. Of all the things that have been said and written about Amotekun, the only thing that you are excited about is the images of women, who have nothing to do with the security outfit by the way, but who are just part of the dark humour that the Amotekun has generated on social media.”

“We joke too much in this country. That is part of our problem. But did you see the T-shirts that some people have made with Amotekun labels, and which they are now selling online?”

“That’s called enterprise. I have no problem with that. It is certainly better than what one Pastor is trying to do in Abuja.”

“Which Pastor is that?”

“I don’t know his name. I only know that he is now selling what he calls “miracle pants and bras” specially designed for single ladies who are looking for husbands. It is said that the miracle pants and bras will attract men. And you know some desperate girls will actually patronize the Pastor.” 

“These Pastors! Where in the Bible do you have miracle pants and bras? He is actually promoting promiscuity and pre-marital sex. Too many people hiding under religion to mislead people in this country.”

“It is terrible. It is just like one Muslim group which has been quoted as saying Muslims in the South West should reject theAmotekun because it has Biblical origin.” 

“How? Amotekun is just a Yorba word for the Leopard.  Amotekun also has symbolic meanings in Yoruba cosmogony as a totem.”

“The Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) is complaining that there is a reference to the leopard in the Bible. Specifically,  Jeremiah 5: 6 which says “A leopard shall guard over their city.” The group claims that Amotekun is meant to be a Christian outfit, that will parade pastors, bishops and archbishops alone”.

“What is wrong with some people, though? Why do we have so many idle people in this country?”  

“It beats me.” 

 “Please let me come and start going. I’ll need to take an Okada back to the office. I didn’t come with my car. I don’t like driving up and down during office hours. I left my car in the office.” 

“Okada? Have you not heard that the Lagos State Government has banned motorcycles and tricycles on the streets of Lagos?”

“That wont be until February 1. And in any case, it is not an outright ban, it is more like a restriction of movement. The state government merely wants to enforce an existing law. I only hope they will insist on certain regulations such as the use of helmets and ankle guards particularly by the motorcyclists and their passengers, and penalties for overloading.”

“They should ban all motorcycles and tricycles. They are a nuisance. I detest them.”

“And what jobs will you create to absorb the motorcyclists and tri-cyclists? You want to create an army of armed robbers and petty thieves? The poor should also be allowed to live. We only need to enforce the laws to save them from themselves.”

“E-eee-hei-shun!!!”

“What’s that? Did you just sneeze?”

“What does it look like to you?”

“Please come and be going before you come and give someone Corona Virus. Ha. Ha. Have you not been reading the public health advisory issued by the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control and the Federal Ministry of Health?”

“There is no Corona Virus in Nigeria”

“Who says? For your information, it is already in Ivory Coast. It is on its way. Please, I beg, don’t sneeze again anyhow. And don’t make the mistake of shaking my hand… Bye!.” 

Virtually everything in Nigeria no matter how well-meaning ends up getting ethnicized, or politicized, or religionized.  So it is with Operation Amotekun: the Western Nigeria Security Network whose recent launch by the Governors of the South West, on January 9, has thrown up key questions at the heart of the Nigerian dilemma as well as the fault lines of the Nigerian state. 

Today, in all the six states of the South West, there is a planned Amotekun Solidarity Walk to be led by state co-ordinators who are members of a group called Yoruba World Congress – an umbrella group for all Yoruba socio-cultural and self-determination groups. A statement issued by the Congress says: “All Yoruba people are urged to come out in their millions anywhere they are in Oduduwa land on Tuesday to show to the world that Amotekun  has come to stay.” Yorubas in Kwara State have been asked to join the protest. Non-Yoruba residents in the South West have also been told that Amotekun is for the protection of everyone in the South West, not only Yorubas. The planned rally may strengthen the position of those who argue that Amotekun  is an attempt by the South West to assert itself within the Nigerian Federation, and a hidden plan to introduce state police or regional police through the back door or perhaps an initial move towards the South West’s demand for restructuring. Nonetheless, the suspicion that this is an anti-Federal Government initiative or a form of political rebellion cannot stand: 5 out of the 6 Governors spear-heading Operation Amotekun are members of the ruling All Progressives Congress. Only Governor Seyi Makinde of Oyo State belongs to the opposition Peoples Democratic Party. 

Whatever shape the Amotekun  Solidarity Walk assumes in terms of attendance, the organisers have a duty to ensure that it is peaceful and it is well-organized. They have the right to express an opinion on an issue of public interest. They are also entitled to a legitimate right to protest. The police and other security agencies must see the need to facilitate the expression of those rights. The Inspector General of Police and his men must tread with caution and be completely professional. We do not expect to read reports of either accidental discharge or abuse of fire-power/ tear gas tomorrow morning. Without knowing it, the Federal Government by declaring Operation Amotekun “illegal” has simply further divided the country along geographical lines: North vs. South; and provided fuel for the politics of solidarity in the South and the Middle Belt and the oxygenation of identity politics in the South West. 

This is the import of the questions that have been raised about the Federal Government’s objection to Operation Amotekun. The Attorney General of the Federation quoting Article 45 of the Second Schedule of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) which gives the Federal Government exclusive powers over the police, insisted in a statement that the Western Nigeria Security Network is unlawful. Malami is a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). He is also Chief Law Officer of the Federation and Legal Adviser to the Federal Government. The Amotekun  Solidarity Walk is meant to remind him that he is not in a position to give orders to the six states in the Western part of Nigeria. It is an open, people-driven rejection of his interpretation of the law. Other Silks like him (Femi Falana, Olisa Agbakoba and Chief Afe Babalola) and a senior legal scholar, Professor Itse Sagay who is pro-Buhari, pro-APC, and pro-establishment has also had cause to give the Attorney General a brief lesson in elementary law. The Attorney General owes the public another statement in response to the counter views that have now been expressed quoting the same 1999 Constitution. 

Do the people of Nigeria, whatever may be their ethnicity, have a duty to make useful contribution to the well-being of their communities as stated in Section 24 of the Constitution?  Is the Attorney General of the Federation also aware that President Muhammad Buhari reaffirms the value of this section of the Constitution each time he proclaims that national security requires the contribution of every Nigerian and every community? Chief Afe Babalola has also drawn the attention of the AGF to Sections 40 and 45 of the Nigerian Constitution. In rejecting the position of the Office of the Attorney General of the Federation, various stakeholders are convinced that he was merely expressing a personal opinion and that he has no powers to enforce his own declaration. They want him to go to court if he so wishes, and thus allow the courts to offer an interpretation and pronounce accordingly. 

Operation Amotekun is a product of the politics of protection and the failure of the same Nigeria Police that the AGF Malami seeks to protect. It has been said that Amotekun  is an attempt to create state police or regional police. If so, what is even wrong with that? We need to be reminded that state police or regional police is not such an abstraction as many make it out to be. The police in Nigeria has colonial origins. Between 1861 and 1930, Nigeria had a totally decentralized police system: every part of the country: the Lagos Colony, the Niger Coast, the Northern and Southern Protectorates, Native Authorities and Local Governments had their own police forces.  Under the indirect rule system, local police forces were under the control of traditional rulers, especially in Western and Northern Nigeria. The Native Authority Ordinance (No 4 of 1916) and later, the Protectorate Laws (Enforcement) Ordinance (No 15 of 1924) empowered traditional rulers to prevent crime and arrest offenders in their jurisdiction and employ persons for police work. 

In the West, the kings had “akodas and olopas”; in the North, there was the dogarai or yan dan doka. There were also Constabularies. In 1930, the colonial authorities merged the Northern and Southern Nigeria Police Forces. It was the first time a national police force would be established, but even then, that national body co-existed with local police forces in Western and Northern Nigeria. While the people accepted the latter, they distrusted the national police which was largely regarded as a cruel instrument of oppression and intimidation used by the colonial authorities to suppress the people. The people were largely afraid of the colonial police. In 1966, the Aguiyi-Ironsi regime set up the Gobir panel to re-examine the idea of having two police forces –local and national. The report was eventually submitted to the Yakubu Gowon regime and in line with the recommendations of the Gobir panel, the local police forces were disbanded on the grounds that they were corrupt and open to abuse by politicians.  

The national police, the Nigeria Police Force was retained, even if nothing was done to transform it in terms of essence, character and culture. The Nigeria Police after independence retained its character as a tool of oppression and intimidation, feared rather than respected by the people. It has since then remained a tool in the hands of the powerful. Between 1966 and 1979, the police hierarchy featured now and then in the governance process, but in due course, military rulers of Nigeria crippled the police, by starving the institution of funding, equipment and personnel. The military didn’t want a rival security agency. Since the return to democracy in 1999, the fortunes of the Nigeria Police have not changed. The two former military leaders who became President during the period have paid more attention to the armed forces. They can claim that they have had to deal with the emergent crisis of insurgency in the South-South and the North East and an asymmetrical war of terrorism but the truth is that the Nigeria Police is handicapped. It remains linked to its colonial character as a tool in the hands of powerful forces to be used to oppress and suppress the people. There is no guarantee that any former soldier in office as a civilian President of Nigeria would ever reverse the fortunes of the Nigeria Police or accept the idea of a state police. 

The inefficiency of the Nigeria Police and its slavish character have made matters worse. Complaints about police brutality indicate the scope of the alienation between the people and the institution but it is the gross inefficiency that has been reported that is the main problem. Since 1999, there has been a strong agitation for the creation of state police, especially in the Southern part of Nigeria. The people want to control their own security. Section 214 (1) of the 1999 Constitution recognizes only a national police force viz: “There shall be a Police Force for Nigeria, which shall be known as the Nigeria Police Force, and subject to the provisions of this section, no other police force shall be established for the Federation or nay part thereof.”  Section 215 establishes the office of the Inspector-General of Police and State Commissioners of Police and defines the source of authority, being the President or whoever he authorizes in Section 215(3). Still, the truth is that the Nigeria Police as it is, suffers a crisis of legitimacy and confidence.       

The response to this has been the emergence of all kinds of security outfits across the country since 1999 to take care of community interests. Vigilantism in most parts of Nigeria in the form of neighbourhood guards, alternative, private sector security guards, estate protection units, and vigilance groups set up by state governments (more than 23) and the erosion of confidence in the national police illustrate the extent of this situation. In parts of the North, there is the Hisbah police, which enforces Sharia rules. In the North East, the Borno state government set up the Civilian Joint Task Force to assist the military and other security agencies to fight the Boko Haram, and ISWAP. The bravery and contributions of the Civilian Joint Task Force have been praised by both local and international analysts. In South West Nigeria, there was the Oodua Peoples Congress, in the East, the Bakassi Boys, in the South South, the Egbesu Boys. Every other community has tried to make an effort to defend and protect itself. In fact, some of the states in the South West at some point set up Security Trust Funds to provide support for the under-funded, formal, extant security agencies and vigilante groups.  

And now, the Attorney General of the Federation complains about Operation Amotekun. Was he just being politically correct to align with the misguided views of some Northern youths and elders? We should be surprised that he has not declared as unlawful, the employment of security guards by virtually every home, every neighbourhood and every community in Nigeria. When you attend any of the parties held every weekend in Lagos, you are most likely to find private guards providing security. Nobody calls the police. They are afraid that the police will collect bribe and allow all sorts into the hall, in addition to the fear of accidental discharge.  

Operation Amotekun is a community response to the challenge of insecurity in Nigeria. President Muhammadu Buhari says ensuring security of lives and properties is an important part of his three-dimension pact with the Nigerian people but Nigerians still feel very insecure. His harshest critics compare the present situation in the country to the season of anomie that was the civil war of 1967 – 1970. Hence, Amotekun, given the spike in banditry, pastoralist vs. farmers conflicts, kidnapping, insurgency, armed robbery and terrorism. What the Governors of the South West have demonstrated is that they have a “Responsibility to Protect” their people.  Their recognition of that responsibility can only be meaningful in terms of intervention. Hence, Operation Amotekun . They deserve to be commended and not harassed by an over-bearing Federal Government interpreting the law rather selectively. Good enough, the Attorney General of the Federation has been reminded that there is more than one rule of interpretation in law. 

The conversation is however altogether useful. Operation Amotekun has generated fundamental questions around the 1999 Constitution and the police as an institution. Shouldn’t someone in the National Assembly propose a Bill for a reconsideration of Sections 214 and 215 of the 1999 Constitution, to move Nigeria away from the threshold of imperial policing to people-focused, community-based policing? The colonial forces constantly re-organized police forces in Nigeria between 1861 and 1930. Why is the Nigerian State in a season of innovation and creativity in the world, so trapped in the past, unable to provide security for the people? This is the main question. .  

Hon. Emeka Ihedioha, former Deputy Speaker of the House of Representatives (2011 -2015), and Governor of Imo State (May 29, 1999 – January 14, 2020) was removed from office by a seven-man panel of Supreme Court Justices in what would be remembered for a long time as one of the most earth-shaking moments in the history of the Supreme Court of Nigeria. By failing to make its ruling available promptly, and the reasons for its decision to award victory to Senator Hope Uzodinma who came fourth in the March 9, 2019 Gubernatorial election in Imo State, the Supreme Court of Nigeria has created room for speculations and for imaginations to run riot. 

The Ihedioha case is test case for the maxim that “justice must not only be done; it must be seen to have been done.” No matter what their Lordships say, now or later, the dominant public opinion is that justice has not been done. Wittingly or unwittingly, the Supreme Court has turned every observer into a mathematician. How on earth, the people ask, did the Supreme Court arrive at a final tally of votes that exceed the number of registered and accredited voters? The protests in Imo state on Sunday and similar protests across the country, even in non-PDP states, is an indication that it is our fragile democratic process that is threatened. Hope Uzodinma loses in winning. Ihedioha is the real winner. His loss has transported him to a higher place of reckoning. He is the Prince of the People’s Hearts, beyond legal technicalities.

The Confederation of African Football (CAF) Awards 2020 has come and gone – the event was held in Hurghada, Egypt on January 7, but the dust is yet to settle on what is now known as “the betrayal” of Asisat Oshoala. Asisat Oshoala, 25, is the winner of the CAF Africa Women Footballer of the Year, 2019. She is Nigerian and one of our country’s greatest ambassadors in women football. Her latest award is the fourth time she would be declared Africa’s Best Female Footballer, making her equal the record of her compatriot, Perpetua Nkwocha with whom she now shares that distinction. CAF winners are chosen by members of the Technical and Development committee, journalists, football legends, coaches, and representatives and captains of national teams of Football Federations. Nigerians have always been strong members of CAF in both professional and administrative capacities. This year, five Nigerians were part of the final decision process in the women’s category. Ahmed Yusuf (aka Fresh), Osasu Obayiuwana, Chisom Mbonu, Tunde Adelakun, and Perpetua Nkwocha. 

What shocked most Nigerians and what has now been termed “an act of betrayal” was the realization that none of these five Nigerians considered Asisat Oshoala good enough as the Best Female Footballer in Africa in 2019.  Oshoala was voted for and rated the best by outsiders and international football Federations. Ahmed Fresh did not vote at all; he alleges that he did not receive the voting papers from CAF. Osasu Obayiuwana rated Oshoala 3^rd, Chisom Mbonu thinks she is second best, Tunde Adelakun voted her 2^nd best, while Perpetua Nkwocha rated her 5^th in Africa, even when the judges were to choose from a final shortlist of three. No one would have known the pattern of the vote, were it not for CAF’s transparency. CAF’s openness is commendable. 

But was Oshoala betrayed? Osasu Obayiuwana who has had to defend himself vigorously on twitter insists that he wasn’t on the panel of judges as a Nigerian to defend Nigeria’s interest but as an expert who is expected to be professional and fair-minded. In his own opinion, Oshoala was not the best female player in Africa in 2019. He and Mbonu insist that Tabitha Chawinga of Malawi is more deserving of the recognition. Tabitha Chawinga plays as a forward for Jiangsu in China. She won the best goal scorer award in the Chinese Women’s Super League, 2019. She is without doubt one of Africa’s great exports. She is a younger version of Nkwocha, Mercy Akide, Cynthia Uwak, and Asisat Oshoala, and an immensely gifted player in her own right. She has been shortlisted twice for the African Female Footballer of the Year, and now thrice. She is 23, with big potentials. I understand where Osasu Obayiuwana and Mbonu are coming from. 

When Nigerians accuse them of “betrayal”; it would seem as if those critics are recommending favouritism or partiality or cronyism in a process that should reflect fairness, merit and choice. The only problem is that with all five denying Oshoala of Nigerian votes, it really looks as if there was a Nigerian gang-up against a lady who is probably currently at the peak of her game. Nkwocha whose record (2004, 2005, 2010, 2011) she has now equalled even rated her 5^th out of a shortlist of 3. Is that a subtle way of suggesting that she did not deserve a place in the final shortlist in the first place? Is this a case of sibling rivalry? Is Nkwocha uncomfortable with her own record being broken by a compatriot? It is in the light of these questions that Nkwocha’s warm congratulatory message to Oshoala, after winning in spite of her 5^th-grade rating, has been dismissed as sheer hypocrisy. 

Osasu Obayiuwana and Mbonu have defended the choice that they made. But they really do not owe anyone any explanation. CAF is satisfied with the process and I guess their participation. The fans across Africa are pleased with the outcome. A judge is committed only to the rules of engagement and the criteria governing his or her assignment. He or she should not be bound by either umbilical or nepotistic attachments. I consider absolutely unnecessary therefore, the attempt by both judges to explain themselves to Oshoala’s supporters. Nigerians should get used to the right of persons to make their own choice, as long as there is no supportable evidence of ill-will, mischief or malice. The truth is that the Nigerian team’s seemingly unanimous rejection of Asisat Oshoala even makes her victory more convincing and credible. She didn’t win because the Nigerian team supported her. She emerged as Best Female Footballer on the basis of her impressive performance and her high estimation in the eyes of others. 

While the controversy over her being betrayed or not may have further projected her, her response to the Nigerian judges is pointless. She has exchanged a couple of messages on twitter with Osasu Obayiuwana. She has also reportedly blocked him on Twitter.  Asisat Oshoala must realize that the distinction that she has enjoyed and the accolades she has received both come with responsibilities: the biggest responsibility is for her to conduct herself in a disciplined, humble and mature manner.  She does not need to create unnecessary enemies for herself. Osasu Obayiuwana has been in this game long before she kicked her first ball.  She should UNBLOCK him. He is not on the CAF Technical Committee as her publicist. He is there to serve Africa and he or any other person can discharge that responsibility only to the extent of their own understanding. Didn’t Nigerian representatives vote for Ms. Oshoala during the three previous occasions when she emerged as African Female Footballer of the Year?  Those who have their palm kernels cracked for them by benevolent gods must learn to cultivate a sense of proportion. So, Asisat Oshoala, no more twitter tantrums. It is bad PR for you. It is better to stick to your initial response which is: “For me, I don’t think that anyone should be obligated to vote for anyone… The only thing in my head right now is how to help my team to win a lot of laurels as much as we can this year…I also have the African Women’s Cup of Nations…” Stick to these lines and shun needless drama. 

But why are other Nigerians accusing the five Nigerian judges of “betrayal”? This is for a couple of reasons. One, many Nigerians believe and considerably correctly so, that our country is governed by a “Pull Him or Her Down (Ph.D) Syndrome”: the more successful you are, the more you are the target of envy, intrigue and mischief in Nigeria. People think your success is a reflection of their own failure and so they opt for a “crab mentality.” They will do whatever it takes to drag you down, if only to show that you are not as special as you imagine. Human beings generally have dark sides whoever they may be, but pulling the other person down or working hard to sabotage the other person is a very dark side of the Nigerian character. Envy is not always the cause; it could be differences in ethnicity or religion or some totally irrational primordial sentiment. In sports, there are hundreds of tales about lack of support for those who excel, and even those who fall sick, or who become destitute for one reason or the other, and those who die after years of service. The House of Sports in Nigeria is a House of Horror.

Rashidi Yekini, the first Nigerian footballer to score a goal for Nigeria at the World Cup (1994) ended up as an invalid and died unsung. The legendary Chairman Chukwu of Enugu Rangers and former Captain of the Super Eagles took ill. It had to take the intervention of billionaire philanthropist, Femi Otedola, before those who should have helped suddenly realized he still existed. Isaac Promise, Nigeria’s representative at the U-17, U-20 and U-23 levels, and captain at every turn, including captain of an AFCON gold-winning team in 2005 and an Olympics silver winning team at Beijing 2008, died in October in the United States. His family duly informed the Nigeria Football Federation. Even with that three-months’ notice, no NFF official showed up at his funeral. The NFF has offered an unconvincing explanation. The NFF should shut up. Bash Ali, the Nigerian who made history in 1985 as the first WBF African cruiserweight boxing champion wants to be the oldest man (at 63) to seek a world title. Nigeria is not supporting him. Grace Aluko, former Rivers Angels and U-20 goalkeeper needed help. She didn’t get it. In 2016, some Nigerian athletes who were to represent Nigeria at the Olympics had to resort to the internet Go-Fund-Me platform to plead for financial support when they couldn’t get help from the Nigerian Government. Many of our athletes, male and female, have had to acquire other nationalities because Nigeria does not care enough. Asisat Oshoala and many others in other sports owe their achievement not to any support – financial or emotional -  from Nigeria but to the benevolence of outsiders and foreign institutions.  

And now, two, you have Asisat Oshoala, standing out at CAF Awards 2020, only to hear that not even one Nigerian gave her the vote. Two out of the five Nigerians that rejected her are women! Nigeria as a country, didn’t even show up well at this year’s CAF awards. No Nigerian male footballer could make the list of best XI in Africa. How are the mighty fallen? Nigerians ended up celebrating Sadio Mane, of Liverpool and Senegal, as Best Male Footballer in Africa. We spent time talking about Mohammed Saleh of Egypt and Liverpool, and Riyadh Mahrez of Man City and Algeria. The Women’s National Team of Cameroon took the trophy making the Super Falcons team of Nigeria, easily the most accomplished female team in the continent, staring at empty hands. The argument that the Francophone bloc has hijacked CAF and that the awards are political is unacceptable to me. 

The truth is this:  In four years, Nigeria has not won any major male football tournament or championship. We have a national coach, Gernot Rohr, who stays in Europe, and makes his contribution by remote control. He collects Nigerian salary but he doesn’t think Nigeria is good enough for him. Someone should remind Rohr that one foreign coach like him once came to work here for the Eagles, and he ended up marrying a Nigerian lady from Akwa Ibom. Long after the man’s contract ended, I understand he is still in Nigeria enjoying great hospitality. Rohr must be ready to do the job if his contract is renewed. Absent minded stakeholders in the sports arena create problems, they don’t solve them. However, what I am trying to say is that the biggest news in Nigerian football, male or female, in 2019, is Asisat Oshoala’s victory in female football at the CAF Awards in Egypt. Forget about the choice made by the five Nigerians, Oshoala got 351 votes, 30 more than Cameroon’s Ajara Nchout and 103 votes more than Thembi Kgatlana of South Africa and Beijing BG Phoenix F. C. Five Nigerian votes would not have made any difference! In Nigerian-speak, the stone that was rejected at home is the pillar that holds the building. Oshoala was our only claim to glory at the CAF awards.  

She is certainly most deserving of the award and it is not true that she did not distinguish herself in the year 2019. 

Asisat Oshoala’s career has been driven in more than one decade by sheer talent, passion and extra-ordinariness on the field of play and single-minded consistency. She is a multiple winner of Golden Ball, Golden Boot, and Youth Player of the Year awards.  In 2014, she won FIFA’s U-20 Women’s World Cup Golden Boot, FIFA’s Women Golden Ball and the African Women’s Football Golden Ball.  In 2015, she was BBC Women’s Footballer of the Year. In 2017, she was Top Scorer in the Chinese Women’s Super League. This was when she played for Dalian Quanjian F. C.  Oshoala is African Women’s Footballer of the Year – 2014, 2016, 2017 and 2019. She has played for Liverpool, Arsenal Ladies and currently she is with the Spanish Club, FC Barcelona Femeni, to which she was loaned in 2019, and where she distinguished herself most impressively, resulting in the announcement of her full transfer to the club until 2022.  She was a key player at France 2019 and a nominee for the goal of the tournament award. She also helped Barcelona to a runner-up position in the Primera division. In 2019, she was Africa’s highest female goal scorer. Before and since she won the 2019 African Women’s Footballer of the Year award, Oshoala, on her return to FC Barcelona has performed feats that have shown her mastery and dominance. To borrow a typical Nigerian cliché, “she has been on song and on fire!”.  Two days before the award ceremony in Egypt she scored two goals, a brace, and her 10^th goal for Barca in 13 games this season. Barca won 3-0 against Athletic Club.  On January 11, 2020, four days after she won the award as best female footballer, she scored four goals in a Barcelona Femeni 6-0 win against CD Tacon. Oshoala is a true Queen of the pitch. She stands ready and certain to beat her own record. 

Three lessons from all of this: (i) don’t ever rely on the support of kinsmen but don’t betray yourself either, (ii) work on your talent, it is the only asset that won’t fail you; … “always remember that this world is so hard and so stony…” (iii) and also remember that we live in a mysterious world where we are all pawns in the hands of the Master Builder… Here, then, is to your good health in a song!... Congratulations, Asi-STAR!, winner of “the three jewels” and one more. Keep shooting… 

The Buhari administration has given Nigerians a most unusual and disturbing New Year Gift, in the form of a proposed increase in electricity tariffs, enforceable from April by the Electricity Distribution Companies (Discos) and to be completed by the end of 2021, with the full backing of the regulator, the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission (NERC). What happened? I am in a state of shock. What we knew, what we saw, before now, indeed what we were told, was that the electricity distribution companies were the weakest links in the electricity supply chain. They were accused of different infractions by the Ministry of Power, the Nigeria Bulk Electricity Trader (NBET) and the NERC which included, failure to abide by the provisions of the National Electricity Power Sector Reform Act (EPSRA), violation in particular of Section 74 thereof; failure to make due remittances to the Bulk Trader resulting in huge debts that had become a problem for the sector, and failure to comply with the metering system. 

By October 2019, the NERC had served notice that it was prepared to revoke the licenses of the 11 Discos, should they fail within a 60-day deadline, to give reasons to the contrary in defence of their continued presence in the electricity market. The standard official line was that the Discos were incompetent and ineffective, making the value chain difficult for both the Transmission Company of Nigeria (TCN) and the Generating Companies (GENCOs). The DISCOS insisted that they had done nothing wrong. They complained about (i) the huge cost of doing business in the sector; (ii), the failure of government to enforce cost reflective tariffs in line with the Multi Year Tariff Order (MYTO); (iii) electricity theft, (iv) the non-availability of gas due to vandalism, (v) government’s refusal to engage with stakeholders in the sector and (vi) they alleged that government is the biggest debtor in the market due to the refusal of government departments and agencies to pay electricity bills.

The big take-away for me was the persistent threat by the Federal Government of Nigeria that the DISCOs will be scrapped, or that their licenses will be revoked and re-assigned. It was said quite loudly that the current owners of the licenses got involved in the electricity sector not because they have the technical know-how or the financial muscle, but simply because they were close to the Jonathan administration, which accelerated the power sector reform process. Cast in that shape, the electricity sector became part of the unending navel-gazing, Jonathan-caused-it card that has been consistently played by the Buhari administration.  

What is shocking however is that the decision to increase electricity tariffs raises more questions than answers. On the surface of it, the Federal Government and its agents have capitulated to the DISCOs. How and why? At what point did the Federal Government buy into the argument of the DISCOs that the most important challenge in the electricity sector is the payment of cost-reflective tariffs? And how was the 77% increase arrived at, with consumers in the South East having to pay more than the rest of the country? Is this a case of ethnic discrimination? Do consumers under Enugu Disco use more electricity? What formula determined the new proposed rates? Well, they tell us it is all based on “changes in macroeconomic variables and available generation capacity”. Please, what does that mean in common man’s language? We have also been told that the proposed tariff hike is a retrospective adjustment to make up for revenue shortfall for the DISCOs from 2016 -2018. So, should the consumer be punished for the regulator’s failure to respect its own enabling Act?  And by the way, in the last four years, electricity tariffs have increased by about 300%. 

What we see is an excessive emphasis on revenue and profit by those in charge of the service delivery sectors of the Nigerian economy in general.  Nobody cares about the consumer. On all fronts, the Nigerian consumer is left unprotected. He or she is perpetually served the short end of the stick, and violated without consultation or respect for his or her right to be heard. The electricity sector is one of the most inefficient sectors in Nigeria. The national grid collapsed more than 10 times in the year 2019. Every month, we were told that gas pipelines had been vandalized. The DISCOs complained endlessly that they were having problems, but they were merely giving excuses. The regulator towards the end of the year introduced a compulsory metering policy and urged consumers to get properly metered to avoid the menace of estimated billing and the grand corruption that comes with it The DISCOs resisted the metering policy and virtually either refused to support it or adopted measures to frustrate it. They circumvented the terms of the policy. Today, most consumers of electricity remain unmetered. They do not enjoy efficient service. They are billed on the basis of some nebulous categorization called “status.” What “status”? The owners of  Yola DISCO pleaded force majeure and threw in the towel, but other DISCOs continue to operate without offering the people premium service. This has angered customers across the country. In Benin, the people once carried placards against the electricity distribution company, the BEDC. In other parts of the country, DISCO officials have been beaten up and given a bloody eye. 

On top of it all, the proposed increase in electricity tariffs is insensitive to the feelings of electricity consumers. Many Nigerians insist that they are willing to pay for electricity if they get it on a regular basis – for now, we are a nation in darkness. The people want transparency – the pervasive estimated billing system does not promote that, the DISCOs simply charge as they wish on the basis of nebulous factors. The people want meters, but nobody is taking that seriously. The timing and announcement of the proposed increase are also unfair. It is an unkind New Year Gift to a people confronted with a year of more taxes, with Value Added Tax jumping from 5% in 2019, to 7.5% in 2020 along with other taxes under the Finance Act of 2019. Nigerian workers expect that the increase in the new national minimum wage will be fully implemented in the year 2020, but it is obvious as we enter the new year, that the new minimum wage has already been wiped out by increased inflation and taxation. It is ever so convenient for government to punish the common man. In other countries, governance is aligned to the people’s interests and welfare. In Nigeria, our governors seek to inflict pain and punish the people. 

The opaqueness in the electricity sector is another problem. It promises to be worse than what we have seen so far in the oil and gas sector and the inefficiency of the oil corporation, NNPC. We are told on one hand that electricity tariffs will go up in April, while at the same time, the regulator announces that the Federal Government will underwrite N544.8 billion Electricity Tariffs Shortfall in 2020. How? Is that a subsidy? And if so, is there a provision for it in the 2020 Budget? N544.8 billion? How was that figure arrived at? 

The Federal Government says the intended increase in electricity tariffs is meant to get the sector back on track. Taxing the poor and the impoverished is not the best way to get anything back on track. The electricity sector is in urgent need of a general review and reform, and there are many issues to be addressed. Cost reflective tariffs under the MYTO regime may make the investors happy, but making consumers happier and protecting their interests should be the priority of government. Will increase in tariffs translate into efficiency? I doubt. Efficient service delivery is important. Will government agencies, the biggest debtors in the electricity sector now pay their debts? We don’t know. Or has there been a quid pro quo at the people’s expense? Is government planning to write off the debts of the DISCOs, and forgive their sins? What has happened to the plan to revoke operational licenses in the sector? Too many questions. But that is Nigeria for you. Nothing is ever straight-forward.